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TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT

OF THE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TO THE

SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION

1905-1906

WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1911

LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
BuREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D. C., August 10, 1907.

Sir: I have the honor to submit herewith the Twenty-
seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of American Eth-
nology.

The preliminary portion comprises an account of the
operations of the Bureau during the fiscal year ending
June 30, 1906, and this is followed by a monograph on “The
Omaha tribe,” by Alice C. Fletcher and Francis La Flesche

(a member of the Omaha tribe).
_ Permit me to express my appreciation of your aid in the
work under my charge.
Very respectfully, yours,
W. H. Hoimes, Chief.
Mr. RicHarp RaTHBUN,
Acting Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.

CONTENTS

REPORT OF THE CHIEF

(eeReaire Heth OR kee eet rae ee = eee te rk Soe seein see Sines aioe
Permits granted for explorations on public lands. ....-..---.--.------------
(CHM RHGINEK caaselnd keg hate Sat OR BEL haais Henan = See aes ta Bnei n eer

Study of Indian delegations.........-----------------------++2++2++eeere>
TD hiatal std hae ein Ok ee Se eRe ne Ce anne ee ee eee
lUbinsimanoasige “Sas deca o 4 dco cop aeemeesee asad Ped aS 5 SOME ES Cea oe
(Pi lcaniniies see eee ee 2 ace iatnn S Dala- seaieeitesseseins

[ENGST GE Sac od goa peeae ARE oo ina © = oe Dee ae oS een oeeae ara escie iei
AG@ommpanyioe Paper 2.22 sees e222 = ee = alae 2 He i a =n
ACCOMPANYING PAPER

The Omaha Tribe, by Alice ©. Fletcher and Francis La Flesche (a mem-
ber of the Omaha tribe); plates 1-65, figures 1-132.......-.-.-.---------

TOES Soc ae, 4 ei Gece co ere oe Ee ee Ce era

DI
o

655

2T OF THE CHIEF —

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT

OF THE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

W. H. Houmes, CHiEer

RESEARCH WORK

Researches among the Indian tribes were conducted in
accordance with the plan of operations approved by the
Secretary June 5, 1905; these include investigations among
the aborigines of Oregon, Colorado, New Mexico, Indian Ter-
ritory, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, and Florida, and, more
especially, researches in the office of the Bureau and in
various museums and libraries throughout the country. The
scientific staff of the Bureau remains the same as during the
previous year with the single exception that Mr. F. W.
Hodge was transferred from the Secretary’s office of the
Smithsonian Institution to the Bureau, with the title of
Ethnologist—a step which permits him to devote his entire
time to the completion of the Handbook of the Indians.

Aside from his administrative duties, the chief was occu-
pied with the completion and revision of papers for the
Handbook of the Indians and in the preparation of a mono-
eraphic work on the technology and art of the tribes. He
also continued his duties as Honorary Curator of the Divi-
sion of Prehistoric Archeology in the National Museum.

Mrs. M. C. Stevenson remained in the office during the
early months of the year, reading the final proofs of her
monograph on the Zuni Indians, which issued from the
press in December. In January she again entered the field,
having selected the pueblo of Taos, New Mexico, as a suit-
able place for the continuation of her researches. In initi-
ating her work in this pueblo Mrs. Stevenson encountered

8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

many difficulties, and her progress at first was slow; but
later, owing largely to the very courteous cooperation of the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, her study of the history,
language, and customs of the tribe was facilitated, and was
progressing favorably at the close of the year.

During the early part of the year Mr. James Mooney was
chiefly occupied, in collaboration with other members of
the Bureau, with the Handbook of the Indians, which work
was continued at intervals after he took the field. On
September 19, 1905, he left Washington for western Okla-
homa to continue researches among the Kiowa, Southern
Cheyenne, and allied tribes, partly in fulfillment of the joint
arrangement between the Bureau and the Field Museum of
Natural History. His stay while with the Kiowa was chiefly
at the agency at Anadarko, Oklahoma. Among the Chey-
enne he made headquarters at Cantonment, Oklahoma, the
central settlement of the most conservative element of the
tribe. Mr. Mooney returned to Washington about the end
of April, and resumed work on his report, giving much
attention also to the Handbook of the Indians.

Dr. J. Walter Fewkes completed during the year his report
on the aborigines of Porto Rico and neighboring islands. He
prepared also an account of his field work in eastern Mexico,
conducted under the joint auspices of the Smithsonian Insti-
tution and this Bureau during the winter of 1905-6. These
papers were assigned to the Twenty-fifth Annual Report and
were in type at the close of the year. Doctor Fewkes also
made considerable progress in the preparation of a bulletin
on the antiquities of the Little Colorado valley, Arizona.

During the year Dr. John R. Swanton completed and pre-
pared for the press all of the Tlingit material, ethnological
and mythological, collected by him during previous years;
all of the ethnological and a portion of the mythological ma-
terial has been accepted for introduction into the Twenty-
sixth Annual Report. Doctor Swanton interested himself
particularly also in the study of the linguistic stocks of Louisi-
ana and southern Texas, many of which are either on the
verge of extinction or are already extinct; and a grammar

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 9

and dictionary of the Tunica language is well advanced, while
a dictionary of the Natchez is in course of preparation.

Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt was engaged almost entirely in investi-
gating and reporting on etymologies of terms and names and
in elaborating and preparing important articles for the Hand-
book of the Indians, and also in reading proof of that impor-
tant work conjointly with the other collaborators of the
Office.

During the year Dr. Cyrus Thomas was engaged almost
continuously on the Handbook of the Indians, assisting in
final revision of the manuscript and in reading proof. Dur-
ing the first two or three months he assisted also in reading
and correcting proofs of Bulletin 28, which treats of Mexican
antiquities—a work for which his extensive researches regard-
ing the glyphic writing of middle America especially fitted
him.

The manuscript of the body of the Handbook of the In-
dians was transmitted to the Public Printer early in July.
In view of the fact that numerous tribal and general articles
were prepared by specialists not connected directly with the
Bureau, it was deemed advisable to submit complete galley
proofs of the Handbook to each as received. While this in-
volved considerable delay in the proof reading, the correc-
tions and suggestions received showed the wisdom of the plan.
By the close of the year all the material was in type through
the letter “N,’’ and of this, 544 pages, to the article “ Her-
aldry,” have been finally printed. ,

The work on the Handbook of Languages, in charge of Dr.
Franz Boas, honorary philologist of the Bureau, was contin-
ued during the year. The several sketches of American lan-
euages—sixteen in number—which are to form the body of
this work are now practically complete, with the exception of
those on the Eskimo and the Iroquois. Field work was con-
ducted during the year by Edward Sapir among the Yakima
of Oregon and by Frank J. Speck among the Yuchi in Indian
Territory.

Mr. Stewart Culin, curator of ethnology in the Brooklyn
Institute of Arts and Sciences, whose monograph on Indian
Games forms the bulk of the Twenty-fourth Annual Report,

10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

was engaged during the year in reading the proofs of that
work; but owing to his absence in the field for a protracted
period the work was not completed at the close of the year.

The movement for the enactment by Congress of a law
for the preservation of American antiquities, which was inaug-
urated during previous years, was continued by various
individuals and institutions during the last year, and the
perfected measure became a law in June. With the view of
assisting the departments of the Government having charge
of the public domain in the initiation of practical measures
for the preservation of the antiquities of the Southwest, the
Bureau has actively continued the compilation of a card
catalogue of the archeological sites, especially the ruined
pueblos and cliff-dwellings, and during the year has made
much progress in the preparation of a series of bulletins to
be devoted to the fuller presentation of all that is known
regarding these antiquities. In promoting this work Mr.
E. L. Hewett was commissioned to proceed to New Mexico
for the purpose of making a survey of the ancient remains
of the Jemez Plateau region, a large part of which is now in-
cluded in the Jemez Forest Reserve. A preliminary report
on this work was submitted immediately on Mr. Hewett’s
return to Washington, and later a paper was prepared in the
form of an illustrated descriptive catalogue of the antiqui-
ties, to be published as Bulletin 32 of the Bureau series. In
March Mr. Hewett was called on to represent the Bureau as
a member of the Interior Department Survey of certain
boundary lines in southern Colorado, the principal object
being to determine the relation of the more important ruins
of the Mesa Verde region to the boundaries of the proposed
Mesa Verde park, a measure for the establishment of which:
was pending in Congress. Shortly after the receipt of Mr.
Hewett’s report this measure became a law. A leading
object kept in view by Mr. Hewett on this expedition was
the collection of data for the compilation of a bulletin on
the antiquities of the Mesa Verde region, for the Bureau’s
bulletin series.

In February Dr. Ales Hrdlitka, of the National Museum,
was commissioned to proceed to Osprey, on Sarasota bay,

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT Wait

Florida, for the purpose of examining several localities where
fossil human bones, apparently indicating great age, have
been discovered. The evidence obtained is adverse to the
theory of the great antiquity of the remains, but the
observations made by Doctor Hrdli¢ka and Dr. T. Wayland
Vaughan, who accompanied him as a representative of the
Geological Survey, on the unusual activity of fossilizing
agencies in the locality, are of extreme interest.

Dr. Walter Hough, of the National Museum, who has taken
a prominent part in the investigation of the antiquities of
the Southwest, has in preparation for the Bureau series a
bulletin on the antiquities of the Upper Gila valley.

PERMITS GRANTED FOR EXPLORATIONS ON
PUBLIC LANDS

During the year applications for permits to conduct explo-
rations on the public lands and reservations of the South-
west were acted on as follows:

(1) In September, 1905, the Southwest Society of the
Archeological Institute of America applied for permission to
conduct archeological explorations on Indian reservations
and forest reserves in the Southwest, the work to begin in the
spring of 1906. Later, permission to make a preliminary
reconnaissance during the latter part of 1905 was asked.
Recommended by the Bureau; granted by the Office of
Indian Affairs and the Forest Service.

(2) In January, 1906, the request of the Bureau of Ameri-
ean Ethnology for authority to prosecute ethnological
researches in New Mexico, particularly at Taos, was favor-
ably acted on by the Office of Indian Affairs.

(3) In April, 1906, the American Museum of Natural
History, through Dr. Clark Wissler, Curator of Anthropology
in that institution, requested permission to conduct explora-
tions on Indian reservations in southern California. Recom-
mended by the Bureau; granted by the Indian Office.

One application for a permit was denied, one was with-
drawn, and one was pending at the close of the year.

12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
COLLECTIONS

The collections of archeological and ethnological specimens
made during the year are more limited than heretofore,
owing to the reduced amount of field work undertaken. The
most important accession is the product of Mr. E. L. Hewett’s
explorations among the ancient ruins of the Jemez plateau.
Other collections worthy of note are those made by Mr.
Mooney in Oklahoma and by Doctor Hrdlitka in Florida.
All collections were transferred to the National Museum in
accordance with established custom.

STUDY OF INDIAN DELEGATIONS

The study of the Indian delegations visiting Washington
during the year was continued, as heretofore. One hundred
and forty-two portrait negatives were made and measure-
ments and casts were obtained in a number of cases.

EDITORIAL WORK

Mr. John P. Sanborn, jr., who was probationally appointed
on April 6, 1905, Editor and Compiler, was permanently
appointed October 6; but on October 19 he was, at his
own request, indefinitely furloughed. On February 16, 1906,
Mr. Joseph G. Gurley was probationally appointed Editor
through certification by the Civil Service Commission. The
Twenty-fifth and Twenty-sixth Annual Reports and Bulletins
31 and 32 were read and prepared for the press, and proof
reading of the Twenty-third and Twenty-fourth Reports and
of Bulletins 30, 31, and 32 further occupied the attention of
the Editor, although Mr. Hodge and the various collabora-
tors on Bulletin 30 (the Handbook of the Indians) assumed
the main burden of the reading of that work.

ILLUSTRATIONS

The illustration work, including photography, continued in
charge of Mr. De Lancey Gill, who was assisted, as heretofore,
by Mr. Henry Walther. The number of illustrations prepared
for the reports was 852 and the whole number transmitted
to the printer was 1,023.

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 13}

PUBLICATIONS

During the year the Twenty-fifth and Twenty-sixth Annual
Reports were submitted to the Secretary and the Twenty-
fifth was transmitted to the Public Printer, the Twenty-sixth
being retained in the Bureau pending the completion of the
two next preceding volumes. Bulletin 30 (part 1), submitted
at the close of the preceding year, is in press, Bulletin 32 is
in the bindery, and Bulletin 31 was transmitted to the printer
toward the close of the year. The distribution of publica-
tions was continued as in former years. Bulletin 28 was
published in October and Bulletin 29 and the Twenty-third
Annual Report followed in December.

LIBRARY

The library remained in charge of Miss Ella Leary, who
completed the work of accessioning and cataloguing the
books, pamphlets, and periodicals up to date. Owing to the
crowded condition of the library, about 600 publications,
chiefly periodicals, received by gift or through exchange, but
not pertaining to the work of the Bureau, were transferred to
the library of the National Museum. During the year there
were received and recorded 306 volumes, 900 pamphlets, and
the current issues of upward of 500 periodicals. One hun-
dred and fifty volumes were bound at the Government Print-
ing Office. The library now contains 12,858 bound volumes,
9,000 pamphlets, and a large number of periodicals which
relate to anthropology and kindred topics.

CLERICAL WORK

The clerical force of the Bureau consists of five regular em-
ployees: Mr. J. B. Clayton, head clerk; Miss Emilie R. Smedes
and Miss May 8. Clark, stenographers; Miss Ella Leary, clerk
and acting librarian; and Mrs. Frances 8. Nichols, typewriter.
During the year Mr. William P. Bartel, messenger, was pro-
moted to a clerkship and subsequently transferred to the
Interstate Commerce Commission.

14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

PROPERTY

The property of the Bureau is comprised in seven classes:
Office furniture and appliances; field outfits; linguistic and
ethnological manuscripts, and other documents; photo-
graphs, drawings, paintings, and engravings; a working
library; collections held temporarily by collaborators for
use in research; and the undistributed residue of the editions
of Bureau publications.

The additions to the property of the Bureau for the year
include a typewriter and a few necessary articles of furniture.

ACCOMPANYING PAPER

With this report appears a comprehensive monograph
on the Omaha tribe, which, it is believed, constitutes an
important contribution to North American ethnology,
especially to our knowledge of the great Siouan group.
This monograph is peculiarly fortunate in its authorship.
For thirty years Miss Fletcher has been a close student of
the Omaha, enjoying a measure of their friendship and
confidence rarely accorded one of alien race, while Mr.
La Flesche, a member of the tribe and the son of a former
principal chief, has brought to the work a thorough grasp
of the subject combined with an earnest desire to aid in
the preservation and diffusion of information relating to
his people.

The purpose and plan of the authors are thus succinctly
stated :

This joint work embodies the results of unusual opportunities to get
close to the thoughts that underlie the ceremonies and customs of the
Omaha tribe, and to give a fairly truthful picture of the people as
they were during the early part of the last century, when most of the
men on whose information this work is based were active participants
in the life here described. In the account here offered nothing has
been borrowed from other observers; only original material gathered
directly from the native people has been used.

The paper is rounded out by the inclusion of a final
section dealing with the relations between the Omaha
and the whites, in which are traced in outline from the
beginning the ever-increasing encroachments of civiliza-
tion and thé gradual but iene molding of the weaker
race to conform to the conditions imposed by the new
order of things.

‘
7

'
jo

ANYING PAPER

Dee OMAR A: TRIBE

BY
ALICE C. FLETCHER
Houper or THE THAW FELLOwsniIP, PEAnopy Museum, Harvarp UNIVERSITY

AND

FRANCIS LA FLESCHE

. A MEMBER OF THE OMAHA TRIBE

83993°—27 Era—11——2 17

CONTENTS

EG aren OO Clee tee tea ae ee Rae ep cfs ear mio hic iee nee ome oes

Mocationyalinomistic relAtOnShs)=a)-rtslo= seein cl ~< o-gcsio cco swe nescence ces
Mriballicanceptsthemame Omaha) -- =~. 222.52. 20225 -se cee eee ee sense
The five cognate tribes—eyidence of former unity.........-..----------

Meu oncaptrlpeemaen (ess scence cee sac e oon cel ee wee ew ecees
IRited ANG: GUStOMs On ThE eeNteS=- =. ee 2-5 oe cose ce ace coc cee
Wependany, ACCOUMSs ~-— 2 oe = 2 sas onic cece eee eacsaeetee
Recentanistorys: personal namesiz<: - 22 s2ce 2 ssl 5 se el eee seine

Mrei@sdoevon Weagharzhes tbe 6. ci. sco s= ono neice = el ininieis =
ReECceniehistorye (OLCANIZAMONE = =.= seston oe see cise
IMGinShinvewoupsae cee secession ce see anos cece eee eee eee
PAG DINO MUCENCIMOUY os seem seinen oe ean aie = mie miele elm
Thames iy Ree OAH) Eee pee bn acces eg Son re noe ner Soee SEE SCOoe
Ieers@raeill MINAES..0 4x ane GeeecSp sc cua saws Sosa eC OoEA Oar eps ae

Mreuansai tim Peeves. <--==2s<25= 22222 esse e rem - sane ane ene
URIS! oo SE Ae G25 Sa Se EEO GUC EO Bee ses SCLC Re ene ReneS eIIe

SIVREES ROG) U1 cr Va Wiad ee a es Seals pa faybe ams) Aa wo mnr~ oem
(GEG Ak Saad Son SeposssSoonsos cba onaOpaesaae PRedns nese ae

PviroenmMenb est hantinWwuenGese-..-e.- -se5-- oes oe foe ceecemccce css
(Oty yalamn Stacs qari bystereraral Ses ea ee ee ea See eee ere
Manly abbitatamts COnduONS. === a= - = eseae sale a ee
WISIN TOK Cl MISE ook So Gee Zea Sc Seb eee pale S eae Sa aes

(hates Chere cen Coat 5 Ss 2 Sere eee ace SS Olas BeOS ee eee
Willaresranithesviscounl .--- 9s. eeseese see saa see SAS saek sana sem
Streams known to the Omaha....-....--..--.--- eee LA nn
iibhreveyil ere A eee ae eran closer ene a= ee ee esis Sites = Se

SION at Ga uae a PERE dooce Soc bee na: Se a ee re
JO TANT ce pare ore Bo soc ees 8 SE ee ee Reese se Ee ieee
Einstome; viulaceseamoupl Acedia = eee ee eee ols = wine

Tires NO MnO! Ce) ON ah tem tee oe eerie ae e as cee ea na nomi

Rana andeloraknovwmiomne Omalitee..---2--22sco5 cc -ss---5----6--
INIT 302 Se mane See Pee ae Jon d0o > cea ea See aes DEE See EE ae ae
BitdSe eae cee eee. haces cive ceeieincectwsese ane Reem ad as nctcee
INTERES koe SBS SS Be Sec ep DEI CS Ge SSNS Sa

CONTENTS

Environment; resultant influences—Continued

The human body as known to the Omaha.._--.-.--...-...-.-.----.----
Miscellaneous terms used by the Omaha = 222). a eee eerie eee
Natural objects'and phenomena. --- 2-225. 0- eee en ee eee
Paste © oo sneis dace so oes te oe neloe | oe = Me ee Sere eee ee
Golors - 2-353. 2s-S0 act es ee eee ee ee ee eee ee ee eee ee
Points; of the Compass'- <2. 25.5 cn cece ne doe See oe eee eee
Divisions Gf times! 2o-< 220.2 2-eon sete ee eee See eer
Weather signs ........:.- aah onjeltndpm ates See Se RO ee ee
SOMMAaR = soos soso ale eee ee see en se eR te aa ee
Ill

Rites pertaining to ithe individual=----2 <= 52.) cee ns255- ea en ee es
Introduction of the Omaha child to the Cosmos ..-...--..---------.----
Introduction:of the:child/into the tribe o>. een. tee ree eee eee eee
Ceremony of turning: the child 32-22-22 ee sco Scee See
Consecration of theiboy woul hunders- 45 4-25 4a see eee

Ceremonial introduction to individual life and to the supernatural_. -

IV
Tribal oreanization: <2 222 secec = comes Sone ee ce Nae a ee ee rere ree
iBasic prince sples. 2-52. sme aa Rod ose eee een eee ee See
The hu/thuga—the Omaha tribal form...-........--.----.--------------
Gentes‘of the’Omaha tribe: s-2 2-46.24 Sas sates ne siete eae ae sees
How eashenu divisione. -< 2-1 226-2 cece = sa Soest bee ona eas
We/zhitshte gens: 222522. s2-se ect ~sep em ane aes eae te ae eae
eke cabe-Sens = 22¢\e-c. pee tha eo oe as eee eee es ee
HOM pa Mens Ss scccccoc ese se Sarees ent ees ee eee eee
Thattada cens 2.4 cso: hae e ot Se ho oie See
Kot ce: cel svi. sect aot Sse ee eee ote esi n Sawa ene aeeee
mghta‘enedadivishon)-e-2 2. <= - 5 -ce occas nate sae See See ee eee
MoV thitkacax6 Pers. = 25. 3eeosecs cone soeece maces cee eae
Teeivde gens 222525555522 eess lee ses e eee ee ee ae eae
PAN al Pf CNS Se ere cee = So cic ee in oe ee ee a eRe
othe *znide-gens) 29625 sce ae ce a eee Ce aera ee
nn tak eur Br OMS 2s Ae tee teat Salta ene eee
The Omaha gens not a political organization.....-.....----.------------
Interrelation of the two grand divisions. ...........----------------

y
*Prifisl POVvErNMEeMt Asoo << leoe Soak ts a een eee a asio Se a One eee
Development of political unity: 2. 225-3 2easee] ooecac ance ee see ase
Chiefiainship’ 3. 228 2222004. seks doe eeeseeen ee - ose eas seme eee
Orders’ of chiefs... 2.52522 see Soe = oes eee ae
The: CouncilohSeyen Chiefs: 22-03 27-053 -eee nese eee eee
Emoluments of chiefs and keepers. ........--.-----------------
Offenses ‘and punishments... 222) see. ea see ee eee eee

VI
The Sacred Pole sss 3-2 os ateie + {ARCS Ree ee Sree eee
Ora fak eee arn) Soe Se Se en en CSP RE i cma Ue ere adesce teint Sees
Mark ofthqnor =2: 2522 isas< scat ciate reat
The Sacred ents 24-22 ose sao = See ee ee
Legend and description of the Sacred Pole .......-....-..----.---------

Sacred Packs ‘and: contents... 2.02 52. 6 6 le aocicee ie eee eae ae eee

CONTENTS

The Sacred Pole—Continued
ANOMUNSHNe PAaCledLOll's =i. cine ees soca ee > Pa ee te ae eeee
Tern LS 0) 2) ee a a a
DETEMOMesT OMe SACleds hOlG = aeeeoe ae etek ee he oe ste Pantone as
mneeLiewdewachiet hice sa. ee ee etter onan ot AN et, See a ee

Fei sua gee Simon Royotd See ee See ee a & Ao ae a ee a a
ANY E TALRTEMY Cove Mave igh ca NAS es oP SS I a a
Gnliivation OL MNUAG eae ere sees eee ee tices esas aie wintn sven ease aien cre
Names of parts and of preparations of maize.......-.-...--------.------
ISIN 5 sagen sdan0 so ad an Sad SOU sees oe Se ae B Se Rae See ee eee

Rules Observed mn bUChenNl. . -sec\-2-ces secs acon sence seca aes

The White ISGhley ERE 2 ts oe ae ee 3) eee
The ritual of the White Buffalo Hide .....--....-..-.---.-.----
MherPoncawiesst OL, GuessQllekN: oa oo cs5 2ece sac occe se aeacis ee ee ok nc
Rica epee eee em See Pt tae ee sae oS Ses

PDN ee eto Sead Gok ee ROSE Ee 6o ORES BESS E EDP Bee aaa eee

MOCin Wite see eee ota a ee RR ein Sec onecemiadecelecee
ISTE oh) HEIRS oes COR AS SOF EES OCSEO RO OnO SoS SEE aS DET A She Eas smperree
(CootishtpranduaMiarniao Oe = eases sees AW ata iia oS Imapwnin niacin ee
Garetanditralnin rom CHllaneutes= 2 eens e ese e caidas elasie nine ois was
Je (FSD oocen el ee coeon | Sabres DEE pe bores Open ASE SBS a oe eee ao a aSnoee
ACY CCH OLIN LIN Ole Sette eee nar eee cae ee Pee ciao Aim a a wisn fanmre elute! als
ASVOCALIONSOL WOMEN Me: sea sea e == = Seana si See ie cece ee seen
@ookune and toodse se 2 asset ease o 25 Stacie se osie- ame st se eS Sa
(DRsssvereeer ato A hoverbeyet VStar eer
COMMUN OR ce reas = Serene ste ae Se oe = eet ee eisai epee
WEBI S no moe natn SSO DES a cH Ua GgOn GED AS Hc BORER e aoe eae eeaoe
Persona pad GMONen teem eae ae oe eee ae a tieciga as fein Sue weet oe ace eS
(Sheath es se Som neacone hie Seas» AS eC OAn SS AOS Sone Seas
PD enw CuaGYarO De sae eee nk Ciao ate een) ceil sini se 52
Personal pipnineances == a em oqse <6 aaa lop eaaae cee eens ences
POCORN CANCE e sae nioele aca nee eee bees See ake oe oleae
GATT CRON tae WO NGr ne 422 cha ee ee Cee eee eer wie 2
[ERO yp SA eee ocemites ooo BEER OOH Bo Sse D => Joes oSe CoS ECE SeeS Se aan sesee
PMI UNGINETI IN Ree ees = ncn ce 25 <n eee peleec pee aoe a=e-255--2--5

NUE. 44545 s5dS2 c06 densest 2ocnbe SSeS e05 ne Sa ea eee eG
pat WO ONS fake nissan mpemtese nc = = ee eae eee se aaa ee ce oe eos
SSUES SIP UN Oa ec MN NN ere ec eee ele miners petal aie conn wilco '= m2 5
AUS award CEL CINON rts sat he aera eine tele Sasi enol iim = nin's w'nce

he ceremony. amonoithe PonGlae 2-2 ss see ence eee cece nce nan

\ WEE ip oe i OR Gn Sor Stee SEC QORDES SB ACS 6c CSeC GeO Snes Sp aoe ee ae ieee
Influence on tribal dey oases See ae aac ree ales cw ane e =
NEE ES AU OTe aS ro Oe ee ee URS oe See ee eae ee eee

ARO ZauOM Ou aA es PHEDY «mp emie ees Sine ao oes on -n Ginnie a= owas

( Oyen VAT Aye Way MEN key 0 TY ae ae
IMRETECOLE gteiieraitol ys = BO ee ke Se

22, CONTENTS

Warlare—Continued

Influence on tribal development—Continued
sacred) 'WarPack.and contents. - --- seecas = see cee nee ne wee
Departure ceremonies of an aggressive war party......-..-.-----.---
The we/to® waa®_....... mis Se See ele Sis ne tome coe ae eee ieee
Sending outscouts ss. das-<sec oso deck e+ eee eee eee
Departure of a defensive war party..-....--..----2+---.-----------
Retuml ofa war party.c2- ce 22-62 45e5 capes ae Hees eee eee ee

The WatetPigtulys x. jel a ase se Se Se ys heeled cane eee = eee
Gradediwawhonors asus a. Saco a. keene sec ee ae ee
War honor decorations#4.-- oe ancsen anes sees fo ae ee
The Ponca ceremony of conferring war honors.--.-.-...-----.-------
"DO CROW 2 nance teens case ce Okc cee fetes oe ale cee nae oe eee

Weapons 5. 32c cee easete boc tee ee Acree ace me on Sas hee oe eee
Gontentsior thet Lent,.of Wiarton oe oo ee se 2 ee ees
MhesSacreadt: Sells # iss Sos ee ae ere ee eee ee Oa ee ee
The 'CedaraPoles 22 ascicon ce Soe ei ee eee Sn eee
XI

SOcietieSts 2 Fs hee en aie So a ee ae ee ot See
SOcisisoclehiess=.. = =e eo erate nae See ee ee ee a
The "Hethash ka. 22 kee se eae sence ee se eee eee eee
The Mule hots sae See eyemeiece oe cad cote Se oe ee
The Kidkunether.s 23. s2526 secs ba tele Se ces eee eee on ee
The") et eax. 3 wg sopra eases ce ceise acer (wet ao oe OngE eee ee eee
The Motwatdathit and the Noka/lOiscss-22. 22... 22 ee eee
Secret) hociehiess o 4. 22 SA ce ew en BURR Se ie eck eee tote ere eee

Thelone hundred) wathimethe.2s— = 52-2 sea ee oe. cee ace eee

The \WasthaCwar(Heastof the Oountys- 2c <2. ease eee comes <

The Feast ofthe) Eom hewachicse se ee soe tee eta
The -tattooiiey £2. 23-2 Massa essa ae esew sae Sacee e ees
The Washistka athine (Shell societies ee ses. eee tee
Origin 2235.2 2st west n= Anse aee tote a ces one ee ee
Organization ....----- ted Snap OE ine ee Pe oes Sie aig oa
Reg olanimm eetin geo a)- a eee eee eect ne eter
Ceremonies on the death of a member..-.....------------.----

Ritual for sweat lodge, No. 1. --2..--..------- age Seems eee
Ritualifor'syveat lodge; No.2. =2 2s cape moeaeee eee eee
Ritualtorsweat lodre;|Nois: 325s. see a= see ae eee eee eeee

Disease and ts. tirestmient 42-3222 22 oes See Bones eee eee
Some ‘curative plants... 2 s2222,-65s-s=s0ceeee- eae] =e a eeeee eee ee

SOME
Death and burial customs... . aie se hadae soweie eioSe an coca en ae oe eras

CONTENTS ae

X1V
Page
Rye lip 0) UNG CUM CS eters tle eine tee eho ence Sia ite oe enone See 595
Iie yeas Sea ee ie eben oe se =! ae Aan SOaSS Renee Aces SE aaa eeaea ne 595
WARNS) SSE E pee eS Re 50 SS ne Sa cm Oe oe ee ea 596
Wiel s<cte ) ee Se Se SER See eee ee eee 597
Interrelation oLmenand|animalsessos.4--- 222. san - seo s- = sb ece es =e 599
Meneration fOr theeAMCleNta = estes sence sea coer ea ste eain nates soko 601
IPOaitOmiOUChieisa- a. .a2 sa) -eeeesiens =e ae san alo tee elele icles p)-\aiiate ainine 601
HOWE oe a aoe Gee ano cel 5285 so Ses yea one a eae 602
WGTall hie oe Sam. sae ese 5 ES -eSeE a Cage Bes op ee ae eased i eee 602
\NUGhahishye ts wotol; (CULMS fo mene eae aS ape aa ater eee oe a 602
iepreasytloye /eqolofohitieniisr eel (leratshile Ge Soa oe es So One oe cere eee 603
MenmEnombac take anancCOnQuen.- 2 -se\- ose eee ess oe jee sane oem 604
ET OMOES ee tase oie oe eine a eine see ne ee alaim.oaiarala alco nS 604

xV
TABBY Rte Se oo ed abe SEEPS Se een aa SBC ee er a ane ees eens pice 605

XVI
MOnelUM Ouse es sate ee eee an Sano e oe eae ne See eaet eae a winaiats 608
ApprnpIx: Recent history of the Omaha tribe...... -.--.------------------ 611
Contact withitherw bite maces. --- 2 cs55- 26 4 soci os ee ees 2 oe soe eee 611
Emin ial ie = sp ees Ben as ode ee Sh een ogee sees ae Oo aaa en seones 612
Introduction of metal implements'2-.------ 2-2-2. ------- 3-2-2 613
Decline of old avocations and the effect on the people. ----.--------- 614
Changes in ornaments and decoration.-.....---.----.--------------- 615
Hr OO IGMOULOMGLOUDE se temas asset eee ese ex ee cea emia ite 616
Intiroduchlonioniounse 22a t2-tla~ = pa a a sen a ae = == 617
Introduction of money; pelt values. ----.-------------.--==----.--<- 617
iriirod iemoOnl OMMLOKICHNIS Ss sen eesti eee eo ee eine ee 618
Dronkennessiand ute punishment .255 225 55--2o. 2 2-Se- ct ~~ e- 618
Government controlio’ tradersin= .9-2---2se 2-2 = s=2 eeee © See 619
Introduction of new foods, games, and diseases. -.---.--.---.----------- 620
Imiron uchlousOinewawOrOS= <= =e o5- son 28 oe tes a er ne sees 620
Treahies with tae Wied States: eo. Lee 2 oe Sa rie ae seede arow- 622
MORENO MRIESONATICS ame ae Ao see ert a some tek oe os)siaoeoter asta -bewats 625
AMAA Shen, et BE a ee et ae an See Se Se ee aa 627
NE WATCSChUAnON An OG) HOORCY = ae eae ee ween Ses shA alee wee tres oe 629
ANTONIA ROY te eee See ae ee ee eee ene Smee 630
pressure oltraders OM tribal aliairs..\.5° ses a22 aoe s cep eee wee eae 630
Josephelarmlenche wens sass c 56s b Waa een sss e cee see eb rateeia- se ans 631
‘The village of the ‘make-believe’ white men’’........-....------ 633
Bammer OU Re IRER GO AMON te = eines eee inten Cara 634
PtermMInaiOonvon noe MMe. oon sone ess sce ete a wae tein sto 634
BetabplisnmentoL-othe Council? 2305. eer ens o-oo e = sae ee eee n ann 635
TtheveyTetotaael ities Seale 5 A oe Lea Se Adee Se ane See rset 635
Appeal COM Ian Galen td saa sy a. eke a ee aia ee ae a eee 636
Present condition --.-. Et ok Oe Ee et Ne clea a ee pt eee ais Sica 641

Original owners of allotments on Omaha reservation_-_-_..-.--.---------- 643

PLATE

32.

ILLUSTRATIONS

Page

Francis Lawtleschets.-=°*..- 2.52225 {See eee eee eee 30
Standing Buffalo... 2.2 sjoc 52 ase eens sense de ae eee eee 49
Wihite, Bagle(xtitha‘e¢ka))o 2. 202-5050 - seen = sees he eee ee eee 49
Wieledcanl eo tat cass ohsGs sesy wens sock et eee eee ee 50
Standinpl Bears. cscs: += oc soe c cee eae eee eee 51
Smoke-maker(Shu/depaxe)i 22. = ee seeaaees eee eee eee eee 52
Gahifge. a2 8s Seeks 2 wae ccc bo ow ae ne oe ene eee 52
Black®Crows (Kaxe‘cabe) ios. -8aesoe cence oe cee eae eee 54
Big (Goose: tosses aes eee cose nseieeoose sec sees ee eens see eee 55
Biiifalo thi peace te cls Sena eee eee ee ee eR ee eneee By)
Bip Snake ee Wy eect eee ee emt eee ae tee ene See ‘so ee eee 56
Osaperchiel oss -sascc sinav Soe ch eee cares ees oe ae eee ae 57
Osage Chieh 5 seta faa. the soeee os aa ee ee are eee eee 57
Weashi™hai(Osage) 2 — 2: 2re- reels ceceeter ese one ecee -eeeeee 58
BlacksDog'and! other Osage chicis== ss se.ce se sa eee eee eee 62
Kansa ‘ehiels 22k. iis cl ooo e ecco Selec ns See ee eee ree eae 66
Pipisde tas Ses552 80. 3225) hehe eee ee eee eee 71
Barkihouses:.: 4255922 22.22 Seas cece aoe oes See eee eee 74
Hantilods6.22: skeet sont. VS tee eee aoe eee ee ee 75
Blackbirdthillls Webraskag. werent: ese one ee eee oes Bis: Se 83
Country known to the Omaha (map)_.--...-..-...-.--.:------- 88
Earth lodge—framework and structure _......--.--------------- 97
Partiov Omaha village (about 860) 22. s2- ee aneeeeee ee eee 99
Nupa chit se See Shere sac ase eee tee cere 2 SRE ee eee ee ae 145
Teghiis/thabis the asteratone ere meee oe a eee ee 147
Ma/ethitosi® andiprand child). eepee cee cee see eee eee eee 153
Sacred Tent of the White Buffalo Hide-.-...........--------.2-- 155
EhuApe thas sti 5 Sates st Geet see sees oes soe ee eet 163
Wa/‘thishnadel(Wiajespa)) 22-22 eee. -ee ae Pe x A Ree cart hat 168
Mutxanoizhit rcp cts o's Sa lacie eae Aen Saletan ores Set 170
GahrzhiPva (bitte Chief) 2eeee sence meena Hee ESE sone 170
ShoMeecka (White sElorge) 225 seas sno oe eee a eee 173
To” wo"gaxezhi"ga (Little Village Maker) _-..-.....-..--------.-- 173
Wahothitge: (22.022. 45. hss se eereeeeeeec se cates hee 176
Whom geno'zhi® 22 322 23 6 eee eae ner en nae ee eee 184
Anvold. Omaha chiets 22 s=2 65 eee ees ee eee eee 204
Gthedo”“no*zhi (Standing Hawk) and wife-..--......---------- 204
~alattooed Osage 2.2. soc sso sie Seem ace nee eee ee ee eee ere 219
Mheisacred Polet.c: =st8 226. Aah See ee er ee eee eee eee 224
Mahibaz ni. 2.2 232255. e cc eeee eee ee ee eee eee 280
IATTOW ,TOlease® 2.2 SoS - ca Sed oie Me eee Em eee eee 282
The White Buttalo Hide-- /.2:.252cs.-p-cee sees eee sees sees 284
Anvelderly beaiuss... 2.52 -5iacen sesso ee ee eee 325
Rederahi-andwite: = 4... Soden ero ee ae eee eee eee 337
Domestiessceners 2% 2o....2 522 oe ee SE eters teeta 340
Costume and adornment of woman .....-.--..--.--------------- 347

PLATE 46.
47.
48.

FIGURE

ILLUSTRATIONS

Cosiumeandradormmentiolmanecs.-- 2 sse-scessecee ce seen eas
ipeadenecklaces sac: mae} Se Fame ese ecca san te Ss aaeiae es
Crupper for horse used’ by woman.....--.-------.--.-----------
Costumeand adormmentiofiman. - 2 1-522 - oso oon ee
Costume and adornment of man.-..--...--...--------------------
Moccasins worn by men and women...-....-------.------------
Mievangusce ot thermo ve seen meee ence ian nse as ae ieeles ne
Mhevanonareominem0 bese see ee anaes ee a an eens la ai =
Wolfskin war robe worn by Zhitga’gahige ........-.-.---.------
WarehonomderoraiOns eer sane srs -ee sce ence co sate a= vic
IBoricane i eine e eet emee seme setae cise sm se lsicinisiae cic Siainne ee
IRONGanChiGtee seen = een seeeya a2 secant ces aoe senoeecaecse ces aes
(Nhe macrcans nelle. ets fate a ce cree aga ae ge imiceine sacs
“The Hour children:?” Shellisociety =<... --. -<-- <- 255 - aoe sna e ni
Memibersiot the ohellisociety=.--22-2+-s---+s-=--2-e-- omens ae
Memibersiof the Shell'society—-2 <--=-5-----=-s+--2-s22-2------=-
Membersiohthe phellisoctetys 222 oo. 2- 2 cae o-oo on nn a om
Memibersiontne ShellUsOCletVs saa= = aoe aoe ecient icine
Memibersiorithe snelll’society. ©¢ 22-2. sces scene cs cco ese s= eo
Title map, Omaha reservation, Thurston county, Nebraska-..----

fsletoal J oYoyenr (oy 10 SUL 0} he eye eae sea eee see noo sasouassessroe
Wig cram Otome Nicci Wee ele ee eee eee ao leer
CotrowhairmWacadoe SEDs UE ONCH tomer asset alto ematta/ace =
Coot hairrsRhixida sens: (Ponca) 2e-s- sce =e ee = ae se eainioe = a
Cut of hair, Ni’kapashna gens (Ponca). -.--.-------.------------
Ont otha sPocas hoes! (POnCa) 2a aet ss clls ai’) is[= = /=)e= ==
@utiothsinWasha-be gens (Ponca) 252 -----~---s----=-e--=---
Cutiof hair, Wazha‘zhe gens (Ponca) 25-22-22... 2-5-2 -----
Diagram of Osage hu/thuga—usual order ....-------------------
Diagram of Osage hu/thuga—hunting order...-.. ---------------
Diagram of Osage hu/thuga—sacred order. ---.--.---------------
Wane aC bleheas ses one. a2 sek ees vee oe Bem SCR outers aese
OURO Wiis seed aee nen Ss eaSS as 46 nos os CopsUScUerDA pShoSeaae
(ARE Ny h OMECI Roeser se acsocgebs baie sosnbeeone bac SECS es aSnas
Bird lea eo ee ee ancoos dee See oe adobe e Ee eee EE SE on aesere
DE Ree eee ee eer le Soe oa ea re steam a eae eases =
(CoMmmonnOnmnOncac ieee setae esas tea eee aae ieee ae aee
Moran Hontenelles se sacra ee ernie tape = = ieee a ai eine ato =
Hamillysoroup sss. = oon seea= beeehopasccaustbee’ epoce Haeeaone
Diagram of Omaha hu/thuga (tribal circle) ......----.----------
Wand used in ceremony when first thunder was heard in the

JOM nae Se Shan cee om spanogons Jobe se Se a See OO RR gSee
Mo” hi*thixge, last keeper of the Tent of War, and his daughter. -
(Olen opelorcnbe Mes obbolslohva eel e Sosa e oe oe aes aereeo Seon seee sees
Cutot hain Nimiabato™ suUbpeMns= see ee seen pena o eee
ChithoipharnyHoelcenkeeeseseseereeer eee nee ea area sae =
Dagbamotphiteess eee esse eects scott ee = se eness ancans

CnionmbairyhloMrnleensese. eee en eee emai ee = at
IMotrecwa theless see emma ans nae aaeecin cen inline =e see
Cuotsnaine Wsiea be SU DP eMsa see ee ease eee a ae ae = oe
Cut of hair, Wazhi’ga itazhi subgens.....-.---..---.----------
Cutonr ham Wea pulbpensie. -see == aes eee ee ae oroe ae
Cut of hair, Te’pa itazhi subgens-_.-.......----.---------------

26 ILLUSTRATIONS

Page
Ricure 34... 'Chatcathitge 222 52822 oes arts peer ae eee ee 167
oo: (Gut of arr WiKko! Ge pense eee eee a ee er 169
36. Cut.of ham MoMthitkicaxe pends: oa ee eee eee 172
of. sCubohihair 7) eciMdetcensass4-- 2 ee eee eee eet eee 175
38:5) Cut of hair Wlapas eens: 22 -aisseuses eee eee 178
oon Ortdexomsxos (Mik Git ha) ee eee ene ee ee 180
40: Hethifkuwitxe: (sonof ShoMserahe) -. = 2592-225. a eee 182
4). Cutothamrspthewhide\ renga. 22s. a. eeees eee eee 184
42) Cntiot hair, 1shta/Gutds fens. 2-5. -4-o-ees ee e 188
AS Ten KORN al tas SS oc re sie ence eae ce aaa sae Eire Sen eee 189
ay Wanomkuge,. 2.5 -teucc cust teas tou oust ee eee eee 192
a5! = Diseram\on ball Pamens a. eet ae nee ees aoe eee ee ee 197
46. Kaxe’no"ba, who frequently served as a ‘‘ soldier”? ...-....----- 210
47, Rattlesnake iheads;and fanps) = 2225s soo ese Ses = ao eee 214
48. Tattooed design, ‘‘mark of honor”’ (Osage).......--.---------- 220
49°" Josephslia"Hlesche@: = o.5- 2 se facce eels Seales ease Cee soe ee 222
BOSS Motch otbel((Shi(denaGl) papas ese eee aes 22%
51. <A section of the Sacred Pole showing incrustation from ancient
SNOUILIN GR, Hoe eee ee a eee eee ere eee 225
peo Pack belonping: to Sacredbole sees sec es see eee eee ee 226
do. | Papelbelongine to Sacred Poles esse. eee eee oe ee eee 227
of: Pipe-cleanér:.... 22.02 3.265ses 2 seek eee a= Soper eee 227
Do: ODiviningiarrowstse: tec 00. che ceesee eee eee eee eee 228
56. Brush used’in painting Sacred Pole_. 22 -4---- ---2-o-<n 2c 2-2 eee 228
bf: | Ancient’ CedariP ble aS. 5050 age ease sae ee Ree ee 229
58. Communal ceremonial structure (native drawing) ----..-------- 232
D9) MUNI Etih eS Meee ete Se ro eee rotten ead cee ns 284
60. “Wisko™ mosthiws sss os ae) oe ots oe ee ee eke a ee oe 250
61, SWalko™4morthis house: m.< s-see esac. Scicr eee -eia aeceeee beers 250
62," sHefdewachi pole\(native drawing) =. 3-22 =a ae ee oes eee 254
635 Chaintine ont warmonsecGes een. ee ae aie aes ae ee 256
64: Pipe belonging to White Buffalo Hide ....--:-.-.---------=--5- 285
653 “Playing on the tutes. 8. ae ooo tees ss oct ese eee eee 318
68. Omaha motherand! child 22... <n -es aco oe eo eee eee 328
Gr Sitting posture tolswomen 2 i= ee 22 oan se See ae eee eee 330
68 Bowl madetrom waloute bun se eee ee eee ee 339
692 Burden) strap! . 2542.0 2) Soe ee le see ne See ae eos bee ee 340
705 -liplements joridressine sking!<— sees team ememe = ae a ees 343
Wl. Scraping askin a2 ol sacs eee et emet Aeeisi.o ene aaa eens 344
W2:, Wairbrushes' 2 -jsc 2c.3 2 o-cisse ait en oan ea ne See ee prwtteese 348
785) \Coshimesion younmimen:-<. = aac secs tenes a= ee ae 349
(45, Mantsineckiace'. 2... 242... = sho veer eee ee eee 390
“ds -Man’siparters! 2225.2 svi nas Soe eae eemar-ceeeae ae anes 351
(6: Mounted) warriors... . 223. 22. ae a-ak Eee eee eee eee 352
ite baIntin ha tenn COMGN = <2 2-2 eseemeeeeee Se ee ee re nee 393
Gs) Bani brushes. 6). S22 3525 a Se See ee SS a eee ee 353
79: ‘Oxnamentation’ of chiefs’ lexeines=- = 25.2 =. -=e ee eee 354
SORy Shiniice so tessa Se he eee eee es 3
Si) Woman sicostumes 25; 2-5-5. tesa ane ee eee eee or
go; hanruage of the robe—Anger-- 2 = 2a = 3 = aon 2 ee eee ee 361
83: “Group.ot Omaha boys).5-)-25 22 assess tae eee ee ee 369
84. Implements used in game of pa/¢inzhahe.......-----.----------- 367

85. Flute ‘or flageoletoay..5- ssc dnote ne ees ne eee snaee eee nee ae 372

Ficure

86.
87.
88.
89.
90.
91.
92.
93.
94.
95.
96.
97.
98.
99.
100.
101.
102.
103.
104.

105.

106.
107.
108.

109.

110.
111.

102.

113.
114.
116.
116.
ialys
118.
119.
120.
12.

122

=o.

124,

125.
126.
127.
128.
129.
130.

131.
132.

ILLUSTRATIONS

Deer-hoof rattle (native drawing) .--..-.- DN ea de ase ae ee eee
Objects used in Wa/wa" ceremony..--.-----------------------
Pipe bearers and pipes in Wa’wa" ceremony .----------------
Ta WHE 4eD To ENN Mes aoe AOS ae ce oe Po noe eee Sa Sa Se ene enine ee
Sacred mVWarmeacka (tO CMe) ete smite teeta laa ante emer ae
Sacred War Pack (opened to show contents) .-.---------------
Mlaeitound im Sacreda War back seo pce ae a lea
Objectsimomi Sacred WarlPacke cee -- eens seen ee =
Swallowtail kite from Sacred War Pack_....-.----------------
Wolf skin and other objects from Sacred War Pack......--.---
Eagle feather in bone socket, from Sacred War Pack... --------
Pipeswiromi sacred a \Wariback.— oe etn eee a ae
Wear tallwiead ress se sae sae eee se eon ee ese a=
Wariclub (native drawin®) see] anes = 22 oe =a
(ANG: 6 SS Seas cee se OPE OnE Sete She HR ee Somer aE aeneee
Ween NA SS eee Coee Meee fe boceoce seeooas see ceseecs
Teor juanbapes OKO S CWS Se 0 Sopp eeor aes sede oe se ase
Bag opened to show Sacred Shell...--.-.----.-.--------------
Sacredisbellmandicontentte===ss epee =m a eee = aan atele mea
Tattooed design—‘‘mark of honor’’.....--.------------------
Design tattooed on hand of Ponca girl (native drawing). - ------
Mythic animal in legend of Shell society (native drawing) --.--
Diagram illustrating meeting of Shell society .....--.----------
Moccasin design belonging to ‘‘eldest son’s”’ regalia, Shell society

(Grrevbityse flare yy Wer) eta te a ae ete ei
Otter-skin bag, Shell society ---.--....-----.------.=.--------
Diagram showing positions of officers and of ceremonial articles

AtIMechine Obs Mell ROCle hye as seee ae ee see arc
Diagram showing arrangement and four ceremonial movements

of officers at meeting of Shell society..-...--..--------------
Pack belonging to a lodge of the Shell society -....------------
Wevgetetin jotta bol qo relie (its JUNG) Seo 5 ooo pe see eae ee
Tee weNel shal joprele (Gate IMIG) Ao Soa ooe ads be Sees ae eoreoeeoeS
IB pfeMatopmobitat jon (inet: WIE) oe 525 seer Sener er ebe ap esos aseer
Objectsnoumel imag (ios UG) Se ecm ae ee ere are
[Hares voppioyel min joptelc< (Gita NIG) ees ceo ee cece she senecas
(Qloyerasvohectcove leretast (ites), Wks} VAN) 356536. oe ce on ososey ae seo noe
is}sreagoyeboval veer jenelic (fe TUG) Ae ee ce ae 2 oe see ee eeenar ase
(Bacio damm aacks (fie, W5)) ieee ee ae ae ee eee eta
Tobacco bag and figure found in pack (fig. 113) --...----------
Diagram illustrating arrangement of Shell society at secret meet-

ing for punishment of an offender .....-.--..---------------
Diagram illustrating final ceremony of secret meeting of Shell

ROO qace eae Solbasceoess coe eoce cEsbesE d= aber iota
Wietkaitdeziiit ey eye ee 2 eee eres - ve eaere ae ile 2
Graded school at Walthill, Nebraska......---.----------------
The old ‘‘Mission,’’ now fallen to decay......--.--.-----------
‘An Omaha girl, a °* Mission” scholar:--------------.----.-----
Wee: Oars CNG ieee ee pecinaneeobs cee pC soo SeEonuEDewaaser
A modern Indian home, not far from the site of the old

ONTOS) Seen sce Coe a6 SSE Deo Se = See oe Bee ara ace
An Omaha farmers OMe sss esas ase == se eae wo ee mae
A well-to-do Omaha farmer and his family --------------------

PHONETIC GUIDE

All vowels have the continental values.

Superior 7 (") gives a nasal modification to the vowel immediately
preceding.

x represents the rough sound of h in the German hoch.

th has the sound of th in the.

¢ has the sound of th in thin.

Every syllable ends in a vowel or in nasal n (").

FOREWORD

The following account of the Omaha tribe embodies the results
of personal studies made while living among the people and revised
from information gained through more or less constant intercourse
throughout the last twenty-nine years. Durmg this period the
writer has received help and encouragement from the judicious criti-
cisms of Prof. Frederic Ward Putnam, head of the Department of
Anthropology of Harvard University, and the completion of the task
undertaken has been made possible by means of the Thaw Fellow-
ship. Objects once held in reverence by the Omaha tribe have been
secured and deposited in the Peabody Museum for safe-keeping.
Professor Putnam, curator of that institution, has permitted the free
use of the Omaha material collected under its auspices and preserved
there, for reproduction in the present volume.

At the time the writer went to live among the Omaha, to study
their life and thought, the tribe had recently been forced to abandon
hunting, owing to the sudden extinction of the buffalo herds. The
old life, however, was almost as of yesterday, and remained a com-
mon memory among all the men and women. Many of the ancient
customs were practised and much of the aboriginal life still lingered.

Contact with the white race was increasing daily and beginning to
press on the people. The environment was changing rapidly, and the
changes brought confusion of mind to the old people as well as to
many in mature life. The beliefs of the fathers no longer applied to
the conditions which confronted the people. All that they formerly
had relied on as stable had been swept away. The buffalo, which they
had been taught was given them as an inexhaustible food supply,
had been destroyed by agencies new and strange. Even the wild
grasses that had covered the prairies were changmg. By the force
of a power he could not understand, the Omaha found himself re-
stricted in all his native pursuits. Great unrest and anxiety had
come to the people through the Government’s dealings with their
kindred, the Ponea tribe, and fear haunted every Omaha fireside lest
they, too, be driven from their homes and the graves of their fathers.
The future was a dread to old and young. How pitiful was the
trouble of mind everywhere manifest in the tribe can hardly be pic-
tured, nor can the relief that came to the people when, in 1882,
their lands were assured to them by act of Congress.

30 FOREWORD

The story of their relations with the Government, of contact with
the white race, of the overthrow of their ancient institutions, and of
the final securing of their homes in individual holdings on their tribal
lands, is briefly told in an appendix to this volume. To-day, towns
with electric lights dot the prairies where the writer used to camp
amid a sea of waving grass and flowers. Railroads cross and recross
the gullied paths left by the departed game, and the plow has oblit-
erated the broad westward trail along the ridge over which the tribe
moved when starting out on the annual buffalo hunt. The past is
overlaid by a thriving present. The old Omaha men and women
sleep peacefully on the hills while their grandchildren farm beside
their white neighbors, send their children to school, speak English,
and keep bank accounts. ; :

When these studies were begun nothing had been published on the
Omaha tribe except short accounts by passing travelers or the com-
ments of government officials. None of these writers had sought to
penetrate below the external aspects of Indian life in search of the
ideals or beliefs which animated the acts of the natives. In the
account here offered nothing has been borrowed from other observers;
only original material gathered directly from the native people has
been used, and the writer has striven to make so far as possible the
Omaha his own interpreter.

The following presentation of the customs, ceremonies, and beliefs
of the Omaha is a joint work. For more than twenty-five years the
writer has had as collaborator Mr. Francis La Flesche (pl. 1), the son
of Joseph La Flesche, former principal chief of the tribe. In his boy-
hood Mr. La Flesche enjoyed the opportunity of witnessing some of
the ceremonies herein described. Later these were explained to him
by his father and by the old men who were the keepers of these ancient
rites and rituals. Possessed of a good memory and having had
awakened in his mind the desire to preserve in written form the his-
tory of his people as it was known to them, their music, the poetry of
their rituals, and the meaning of their social and religious ceremonies,
Mr. La Flesche early in his career determined to perfect himself in
English and to gather the rapidly vanishing lore of the tribe, in
order to carry out his cherished purpose.

This joint work embodies the results of unusual opportunities to get
close to the thoughts that underlie the ceremonies and customs of the
Omaha tribe, and to give a fairly truthful picture of the people as they
were during the early part of the last century, when most of the men
on whose information this work is based were active participants in
the life here described—a life that has passed away, as have those
who shared in it and made its history possible.

Mr. Edwin 8. Tracy has given valuable assistance in transcribing
some of the songs, particularly those of the Shell society. Several of

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 1

FRANCIS LA FLESCHE

FOREWORD 31

the songs presented were transcribed and arranged for translation on
the piano by the late Prof. John Comfort Fillmore, who for several
years had carefully studied the music of the Omaha.

To enumerate all the Omaha men and women who have contributed
of their knowledge and memory toward the making of this volume
would be to catalogue the best part of the tribe. Unfortunately, but
very few are now living to see the outcome of the assistance they ren-
dered during the gathering of the material herein preserved for their
descendants. pA Cue,

THE OMAHA TRIBE

By Avice C. Fiercuer and Francis La FLEscHE

I
LOCATION; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS

The people of the Omaha tribe live in the State of Nebraska, in
Burt, Cuming, and Thurston counties, about 80 miles north of the
city which bears their name.

The Omaha tribe has never been at war with the United States and
is the only tribe now living in the State of Nebraska that was there
when the white settlers entered ihe country.

iu 1.02 Congress passed an act under which every Omaha man,
woman, and child received a certain number of acres of the land
which the tribe selected as their reservation in 1854, when they ceded
to the United States their extensive hunting grounds. The Omaha
are dependent for their livelihood on their own exertions as farmers,
mechanics, merchants, etc.; by the act of 1882, they were placed under
the laws, civil and criminal, of the State of Nebraska. Their ancient
tribal organization has ceased to exist, owing to changed environ-
ment, the extinction of the buffalo, and the immediate presence of the
white man’s civilization. Nothing remains intact of the ancient cus-
toms except the practice of exogamy between the kinship groups
and the people still give their children names that belong to the
gentes into which the children are born. A few of the societies exist
but their influence is on the wane, although they are enjoyed because
of their social character and the pleasure derived from their songs
and dramatic dances, which revive the memory of the days when the
Omaha were a distinct and independent people.

In June, 1884, the Omaha tribe numbered 1,179. In that month
the allotment of lands to members of the tribe was completed. The
people were divided as follows:

Males. Females.
INGITINR S32" 8 AOA ee ea ele Oe See ne dS eee tere re Scere) 338
Wmd eral Shveardscea.- secen-sscesaeeree Sem ance 209 277
Motalass een coceaine oats saree aaa eee Ser 564 615

Excess of females over males, ‘51. Of these, 33 were adults and 18
were minors.

Number of families, 246.

Families having no children, 41.
83993°—27 erH—l1 3 33

34 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eru. ANN. 27

Owing to the unwillingness of the people to speak of the dead, it
was impracticable to attempt to get the exact number of children
that had been born.

The following summary shows the proportion of the sexes at differ-
ent stages of life:

Males Females.
Under siyeards ss. 2058p nee See fae ees ee eee eee 87 82
Between sand (7 years concn -q-mass2-e0 oso ose ae oe 69 82
Betweenl/iand! icyears sot sae hoe ean ace e sees 103 113
Between 7 and! 40: years: - 55-25-22. 52- 55022 e seen ee 192 232
Between’ 40 and boiyears. -2 2520-220 -e eres Seek oe eae 72 55
Owweridovyears: 2 458 Sie le a eS bd ce Ss eeo seater 41 51

The marked disproportion between the sexes of ages between 17
and 40 years may be due to the fact that during this stage of life all
the men were exposed to the hazards of hunting and of war. As
these avocations of the men did not cease until 1876, eight years before
this census was taken, the influence of these duties on the length of
life of the men is probably shown in the above table.

For many centuries before they became known to the white race
through early travelers, traders, and colonists, the aboriginal peoples
of North America north of Mexico had been passing and repassing one
another from east to west or west to east, and from north to south or
from south to north.? Many traces of these ancient movements had
been overlaid by movements the outcome of which is shown by the
map, and it is the task of the archeologist to disclose them and read
their history. That the system of inland waterways and the exten-
sive coast lines on two oceans have favored the spread of the culture
of one region to another seems not improbable, viewed in the light of
recent researches, while the accumulating evidence showing attrition
between the various stocks indicated on the map in time will permit
of generalizations touching the cultural development of the native
peoples of this continent.

The Omaha tribe belongs to the Siouan linguistic stock. The map
referred to represents the majority of this stock as having already
moved westward beyond the Mississippi while some branches had
advanced nearly to the eastern foothills of the Rocky mountains and
north to the fifty-third parallel. There were also a few outlying Siouan
communities—those who may have lagged behind—for example, the
eroup dwelling on the eastern slope of the Appalachian mountains
and spreading down toward the coastal plains of the Atlantic, and a
group on the northern coast of the Gulf of Mexico that seem to have
been cut off from that portion of their kindred who had pressed to the
southwest. The story told bythe map both explains and is explained

a Consult the Map of the Linguistic Families of American Indians north of Mexico (in the Seventh An-
nual Report and ia Bulletin 80, part 1, of the Bureau of American Ethnology), which shows approxi-
mately the territories occupied by tha several linguistic stocks when they became known to the whites.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHD] LOCATION; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 35

by the traditions of many of the tribes belonging to this linguistic
stock. All of these traditions speak of a movement from the east to
the west, covering a long period of time. The primordial habitat of
this stock lies hidden in the mystery that still enshrouds the beginnings
of the ancient American race; it seems to have been situated, how-
ever, among the Appalachian mountains, and all their legends indi-
cate that the people had knowledge of a large body of water in the
vicinity of their early home. This water may have been the Atlantic
ocean, for, as shown on the map, remnants of Siouan tribes survived
near the mountains in the regions of Virginia, North Carolina, and
South Carolina until after the coming of the white race.

In the extended westward migration of the Siouan stock groups
seem to have broken off, some earlier than others, and to have made
their way into localities where certain habits incident to their environ-
ment appear to have become fixed on them, and contact with other
stocks during the migration to have influenced their culture. A
group which kept together until within the last few hundred years
seems to have been composed of the five closely cognate tribes now
known as the Omaha, Ponca, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw. Their
languages as yet have hardly differentiated into distinct dialects.
There are other groups of the Siouan stock which, from the evidence
of their language, were probably similarly associated tribes. Some
of these groups seem to have developed individual peculiarities of
language which prevented them from coalescing with their kindred
when in the course of wanderings they met. An instance in point is
the meeting and journeying together of the Iowa and the Omaha
without establishing tribal union. Although they belonged to the
same linguistic stock, the lowa tongue was practically unintelligible
to the Omaha. The final parting of these tribes took place within
the last two centuries.

The five cognate tribes, of which the Omaha is one, bear a strong
resemblance to one another, not only in language but in tribal
organization and religious rites. This account of the Omaha tribe
with incorporated notes taken among their close cognates is pre-
sented in order to facilitate a comparative study not only of these
tribes but of others of the Siouan stock, in the hope of thereby
helping to solve some of the problems presented by this extensive
linguistic group.

TrrpaL CoNcEerT; THE NAME OMAHA

Uk'te, the word for tribe, has a double import: As a verb, it means
“to fight ;”” as a noun, it signifies ‘tribe.’ It seems probable that
the noun has been derived from the verb; at least it throws light
on the Omaha concept of what was an essential to the formation of
a tribe. The verbal form signifies “to fight’? against external foes,

36 THE OMAHA TRIBE [erH. ANN. 27

to take part in conflicts in which honor and fame can be won.
Those who thus fought had to stand as one body against their assail-
ants. The term uki’te is never applied to quarrels among members
of the tribe in which fists and missiles are used; the words niu”,
nage’, ki’na are used to designate such contentions, from which the
winner receives no renown. Uki’te alone in the Omaha tongue means
“to fight’? as men against men. The warriors of a tribe were the
only bulwark against outside attacks; they had to be ever ready
“to fight” (wki’te), to defend with their lives and safeguard by their
valor those dependent on them. The word whi’te, as “tribe,” explains
the common obligation felt by the Omaha to defend, as a unit, the
community, the tribe.

The descriptive name Omaha (wmo™ho®, ‘‘against the current”’
or ‘“‘upstream’’) had been fixed on the people prior to 1541. In
that year De Soto’s party met the Quapaw tribe; quapaw, or
uga’xpa, means ‘‘with the current’ or ‘‘downstream,” and is the
complement of wmo”ho", or Omaha. Both names are said by the
tribes to refer to their parting company, the one going up and the
other going down the river.

There are two versions of how this parting, came about. One
account says that—

The people were moving down the Uha‘’i_ ke river. When they came to a wide
river they made skin boats (see fig. 1) in which to cross the river. As they were cross-
ing, astormcameup. The Omaha and Iowa got safely across, but the Quapaw drifted
down the stream and were neyer seen again until within the last century. When the
Iowa made their landing they camped in a sandy place. The strong wind blew
the sand over the people and gave them a grayish appearance. From this circum-
stance they called themselves Pa’rude, ‘‘gray head,’’ and the Omaha have known
them by that name ever since. The Iowa accompanied the Omaha up the Mis-
sissippi to a stream spoken of as “ Raccoon river’’—probably the Des Moines, and
the people followed this river to its headwaters, which brought them into the region
of the Pipestone quarry.

The other version of the parting between the Omaha and the
Quapaw is that—

When the wide river was reached the people made a rope of grape vines. They
fastened one end on the eastern bank and the other end was taken by strong swim-
mers and carried across the river and fastened to the western bank. The people
crossed the river by clinging to the grapevine. When about half their number were
across, including the Iowa and Omaha, the rope broke, leaving the rest of the people
behind. Those who were left were the Quapaw. This crossing was made on a foggy
morning, and those left behind, believing that their companions who had crossed
had followed the river downward on the western side, themselves turned down-
stream on the eastern side, and so the two groups lost sight of each other.

If an Omaha were accosted by a stranger and asked to what tribe
he belonged, or were the same question to be asked him in the dark,
when recognition was impossible, he would reply, Umo™ho” bthi” ha,
“Taman Omaha.” Should he be asked ‘‘ Who are you?” he would say:

aUha’i ke, “the river down which they came;’’ the name is still applied by the Omaha to the Ohio

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 37

“T am [giving his name] the son or the nephew of So-and-so,”’ men-
tioning the name.

If a group of Omaha should be asked to what tribe they belonged,
they would reply, ‘‘We are Omaha.” If they were asked, ‘‘Who
are you?” the one making answer would say, ‘‘I am the son or
nephew of So-and-so, and these are the sons of So-and-so.”’

If young men were playing a game in which there were two parties
or sides, as in ball, and one of the players should be asked, ‘‘To which
side do you belong?” he would say, The’giha bthi” ha, “I belong to this

Fic. 1. Skin boat or “ bull-boat.”’

side or party.” The’giha means “‘on this side,’ and the word can

be used only as a designation of a side or party in a game. It has
no tribal significance whatever, nor has it ever been used to indicate
the Omaha people or their place of abode.

THe Five Cognate Trises—EvipENCE oF FormMEeR Uniry

Traditions common to the Omaha, Ponca, Osage, Kansa, and
Quapaw tribes state that they were once one people. Their lan-
guage bears witness to the truth of this tradition and the similarity

388 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

of their tribal organization offers equally strong testimony. It would
seem that the parent organization had so impressed itself upon the
mode of life and thought of the people that when groups branched
off and organized themselves as distinct tribes they preserved the
familiar characteristic features; for all of these cognate tribes
have certain features in common. All are divided into kinship
groups which practise exogamy and trace descent through the father
only. Each group or gens has its own name and a set of personal
names, one of which is bestowed on each child born within the gens.
These personal names refer either to the symbol which belongs to
and marks the kinship group or to the rites allied to the symbol,
which were the especial charge of the gens.

According to traditions preserved among the Omaha, Ponca,
Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw tribes, their severance from the parent
organization of which they once formed a part, as well as their
later partings from one another, did not occur through any concerted
action; they were the result of accident, as in the case already cited
of the Omaha and the Quapaw, or of strifes fomented by ambitious
chiefs, or of circumstances incident to following the game. A tradi-
tion of the Wazha’zhe or Osage tells that they broke away from the
Ponca because of a quarrel over game. The Wazha’zhe gens
of the Ponca have a like story, which says ‘“‘The parting was due
to a quarrel about game. Those who left us became lost but we
hear of them now as a large tribe bearing our name, Wazha/zhe.”’

Tradition indicates also that when, for some reason or other, a
group broke off, not all of the members belonged to one gens but
to several gentes of the parent organization, and when this group
organized as a distinct tribe, those of gentile kindred retained their
identity in name and the practice of a common rite, and formed
a gens in the new tribe. These traditions are corroborated by con-
ditions which obtain in all of these cognate tribes.

For instance, among the Omaha, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw a
turtle group is found as a subgens in each tribe, and im each instance
its members are the keepers of the turtle rites of the tribe.

Again, among the Omaha, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw the Kansa,
or Wind people, form a gens in each tribe, and in each of the tribes
are the keepers of rites pertaining to the wind.

Among the Omaha, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw tribes there is in
each a gens similar to the Mo’thitkagaxe (“earth makers’’).

A Nu’xe, or Ice gens, is found in the Ponea tribe, and the name
is borne also by a subgens in each the Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw
tribes.

There is a tradition that the Ponca were once a gens in the Omaha
tribe and broke away in a body, and that when they became a tribe

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 39

the subdivisions of the Ponca gens became the gentes of the Ponca
tribe. This may possibly be true. It would seem, however, that
in earlier days some, at least, of the Ponca had accompanied the
Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw groups when they separated from the
parent organization, and when these groups became distinct tribes
the Ponca kindred appear to have combined to form a Ponca gens,
for we find a gens of that name in each of the cognate tribes just
mentioned.

Another class of evidence which has relation to the former union of
these tribes is found in personal names, some of which refer to cere-
monies no longer observed in the tribe in which the names exist but
still practised in some of the cognate tribes—a fact which indicates
apparently that the rite was once known and observed by the tribe
in which the personal name is now found. For instance, in the
Washe’to® subgens of the I*shta’cu"da gens of the Omaha tribe is
the name Ushu’demo"thi”, meaning ‘‘he who walks in the mist’’ or
“in the dust raised by the wind.’’ This name has no significance
taken merely as an Omaha name, but its meaning becomes apparent
when we turn to the cognate Osage. In that tribe there is a gens
called Mo*so’tsemo"i®, meaning ‘‘they who walk concealed by the
mist or dust.’”’ The word refers to a rite in the keeping of this gens,
a rite that pertained towar. When a war party was about to make
an attack or was forced to retreat, it was the office of this gens to
perform the rite, which had the effect of causing a mist to rise or a
strong wind to blow up a cloud of dust in which the warriors could
walk concealed from their enemies. Again, the Omaha personal
name Uzu'gaxe, meaning “to clear the pathway,” finds its explana-
tion in the office of the Osage gens of the same name, whose duty it
was to find a way across or around any natural obstacle that lay
in the path of a war party, as a safe place to ford a dangerous river
or a pathway over or around a cliff.

Instances similar to those cited above could be multiplied, all
going to show that rites and customs lost in one tribe have frequently
been preserved in another of these cognates. It is probable that
were all the rites and customs of these tribes brought together and a
comparative study made of them, much of the ancestral organiza-
tion from which these cognates took their rise might be discovered
and light thrown on the question, Why certain forms, religious and
secular, were lost and others retained and developed; also, as to
which of these were original with the people, which were adopted,
and of the latter from what culture they were taken.

In all the traditions that touch on the common source from which
these cognates have come no reference to the name of the parent
or common organization is to be found. Ponca, Kansa, Wazha’zhe

40 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

(Osage) are old terms the meanings of which are lost; these occur
as names of gentes in the cognate tribes, and three of the five cog-
nates bear them as tribal names. It is to be noted that the descrip-
tive nar es Omaha and Quapaw do not appear in any of these
tribes as terms denoting kinship groups. Among the names used
to denominate kinship groups we find one occurring frequently and
always used to designate a group that holds important offices in
the tribe. The same term also appears in the designation of tribal
divisions which are more comprehensive than the gens. This name is
Ho" ga, meaning ‘‘leader.”’ Inthe Kansa tribe there are gentes called
the Great Hoga, the Small Ho”ga, and the Separate Hoga. In
the Quapaw are two gentes having this name, the Great and the Small
Hoga. In the Omaha the term is applied to one of the two grand
divisions of the tribe, the Ho® gashenu, Hoga people, and one of the
gentes in this division bears the name Ho™ga. In the Osage, one of
the five divisions of the tribe is called Hoga. Within this division
there is also a Ho™ga gens. Another of the divisions of the Osage is
called Ho?’ga utanatsi, Separate Hoga. The following Osage tra-
dition tells who the Ho” ga utanatsi were and how they came to be a
part of the Osage organization:

The Osage in their wanderings on the hunt came across a tribe whose language was
the same as their own. This strange people called themselves Hoga. The Osage
made peace with them and invited them to join and become a part of the Osage tribe.

The Hoga tribe consented, and it is their descendants who are known to-day as the
Hoga utanatsi.

The term Ho™ga utanatsi may be roughly translated as “ the
Separate Ho” ga,” but the words utana tsi imply something more than
merely “‘separate;’’ they explain why this group had to be so desig-
nated. Thestrange Hoga whom the Osage met and invited to become
a part of their tribe would not give up their own name Ho?’ga, and as
the Osage were themselves called Ho" ga people, explanatory words
had to be added to the name Ho" ga in order to identify and at the
same time to distinguish the newcomers from the rest of the tribe.
These explanatory words were utana tsi, by itself (“separate”). Hence
the group in the Osage tribe called Hoga utanatsi.

The name of the Ho™ga utanatsi gens of the Kansa tribe has the
same meaning, and indicates that the Kansa people, as did the Osage,
claimed Ho™ga as their common name.

There is a tradition preserved among the Ponca that in the past
they and the other cognate tribes knew the Omaha by the name
Ho”ga. An incident is related that explains the meaning of a name
given to a small stream in northern Nebraska, Ho’ ga she’no"watha-
i ke (or Ho" gawa’xthi 1 ke), ‘where the Ho" ga were slaughtered.”
On this creek a battle is said to have taken place in which the Omaha

FLETCHER-LA rLuscHE] LOCATION; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 41

met with a disastrous defeat from an unknown enemy, which deci-
mated the tribe. The tradition concerning the name of this stream
is known to both Omaha and Ponca, and in both tribes the tradition
is that the name Hoga, as here used, referred to the Omaha. The
Omaha name for the month of January was Ho” ga umu’bthi, mean-
ing ‘‘the drifting of the snow into the lodges of the Ho”ga,” that is,
of the tribe.

From these traditions and the use of the term Hoga as applied
to divisions and gentes in the Omaha, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw
tribes, together with the fact that these tribes either claimed for them-
selves this name or were known to one another by it, it seems not
improbable that Ho™ga may have been the name by which the
people called themselves when they were living together as one com-
munity or tribe. The general meaning of Hoga (‘‘leader’’) is not
unlike that belonging to names by which other Indian tribes designate
themselves, 1. e., ‘‘the men,”’ ‘the people,” ete. The term Ho?’ga is
sometimes combined with another word to form the title of an officer,
as Nudo® Hoga, “war leader” or ‘‘captain.”’

The following data concerning the gentes, personal names, and other
features of the Omaha cognate tribes are taken from original notes
made by the writers.

THE PONCA TRIBE?

Poca is an old word, the meaning of which is lost. It occurs as
the name of a gens or subdivision of a gens in the Osage, Kansa, and
Quapaw tribes, but not in the Omaha, a fact which may have sig-
nificance because of the tradition that the Ponca constituted a gens
of the Omaha before the separation of the tribes. As the Omaha
retained at the parting possession of the sacred tribal objects, their
rituals and ceremonies, the Ponca were everward after spoken of as
“Orphans.”

There are seven gentes in the Ponca tribe, namely: Wa¢a’be,
Thi’xida, Ni’kapashna, Po"’caxti,Washa’be,Wazha’zhe, Nu’xe. These
camped in the order indicated in the diagram (fig. 2), beginning on the
southern side of the eastern entrance of the tribal circle, to which

a The Ponca tribe is now divided. One part is living in northern Oklahoma on lands purchased by the
Government from the Cherokee in 1883, which were allotted in severalty to the tribe some ten years later,
The other part lives in northern Nebraska on the Niobrara river. Theirland was given them in 1881, and
some years later was allotted to them under the Severalty act. Already these two parts are spoken of by
different designations. Those in Oklahoma are ‘the hot-country Ponea;’’ those in Nebraska, “the cold-
country Ponca.’ Relations between the Ponca and the United States were officially opened by a treaty
made in 1817 ‘‘to reestablish peace and friendship as before the war of 1812." In 1825 another treaty was
made by which only American citizens were to be allowed to reside among the tribe as traders, and the
tribe agreed to delegate the punishment of offenders to the United States Government. In 1858 the
Ponea ceded their hunting grounds to the United States, reserving, however, a certain tract for their
own use, In 1865 the Government, by treaty, reconfirmed this tract. In 1877 the tribe was forcibly
removed to the then Indian Territory (now Oklahoma). See note, p. 51.

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ ETH. ANN. 27

the Ponca give the name hw’thuga, the word used by the Omaha
also to designate their tribal circle.

Ss
Fig. 2. Diagram of Ponca hu’thuga.
1. Waga’BE. Black bear. Subgentes: (a)

Waga’be; tabu, fat of the black bear. (b)
Hi’cada (stretched, referring to the stretch
of the Jegs in running); tabu, birds. 2.
Tur xIpA. Meaning lost. Subgentes: (a)
Thi’xida; tabu, blood. (b) Ingtho’cinene-
deweti (ingthon’cingnede, puma; weti, to
dwell in); tabu, blue (or green) paint. 3.
NI’KAPASHNA. Aman’sskull. Subgentes:
(a) Taha’to" itazhi (ta, deer; ha, skin; ton,
possess; i’tazhi, do not touch); tabu, deer.
(b) Teci’de itazhi (te, buffalo; gin’de,
tail; ifazhi, do not touch); tabu, buffalo
tail. 4. Po»’caxtr. Real or original Ponca.
Subgentes: (a) Po»’caxti; (b) Mo=kon’
(mystery or medicine); one tabu, buffalo
head. 5. WAsHA’BE. A dark object,as seen
against the horizon; tabu, skin of buf-
falo calf. 6. WAzHA’zHE. An old term.
Subgentes: (a) Wazha’zhe (real Wa-
zha’zhey; name said to refer to the snake
after shedding old skin and again in full
power. (0) Wazha’zhexude (gray Wa-
zha‘zhe); refers to the grayish appearance of
the snake's cast-off skin; one tabu, snakes.
7. Nu’xe. Ice; tabu, male buffalo.

that of the We’zhi"shte gens in the Omaha tribal
circle, which was also associated with thunder.

It was a custom in the Ponca tribe for each gens
to have its peculiar manner of marking arrows, so
there should be no dispute in hunting as to the gens
to which a fatal arrow belonged. This mark, how-

RITES AND CUSTOMS OF THE GENTES
1. WAGA’BE GENS

To the Hi’gada subgens of the Wa-
¢a’be gens belonged the keeping of the
ritual songs sung at the ceremony held
when the first thunder was heard in
the spring. This subgens, whose tabu
was birds, was spoken of as the Eagle
group of the gens, and the people were
supposed to be connected with thun-
der. At death they went to the thun-
der villages, and their voices would be
heard in the thunder-storms. They
were forbidden to climb trees, as by so
doing they would be going upward, thus
anticipating their deaths and therefore
shortening their lives. In the legend
(see p. 48) the people of this gens were
said to wear wreaths of cedar; in all the
cognate: tribes cedar was associated
with thunder rites (note the Ni’ka
wako"dagi of the Osage (p. 60); the
Cedar Pole of the Omaha (p. 229) ; the
association of the bear and the eagle in
the Tha’/tada gens of the Omaha (p.159) ;
also the connection of thunder with war
and of the eagle with war and thun-
der. The position of the Waca’be gens
in the Ponca tribal
circle was similar to

ever, did not exclude or interfere with a man’s pri-

vate mark. The arrow of the Waca’be had the

Fic. 3. Cut of hair, War
¢a’be gens (Ponca).

shaft red about one-half the length of the feathers.
The symbolic cut of the children’s hair consisted in closely crop-
ping one side of the head and leaving the other side untouched to the

neck (fig, 3.)

FLETCHER—LA FLESCHB] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 43

2. THI’XIDA GENS

It is said that the Pawnee call all the Ponea by the name Thi’xida.
To this gens belonged a pack used in testing the truth of warriors
when they were accorded war honors. Formerly there were two of
these packs, but one was buried some twenty years ago with its
keeper, To"’deamo"thi". The other, near the close of the last cen-
tury, was kept by Shu’degaxe. The ceremony of conferring honors
was similar to the Omaha Wate’gictu (p. 434). To this gens belonged
the right to preside at the election of chiefs.

The members of the subgens I*gtho"’¢i"¢nedeweti painted the
peace pipe (that used in the Wa’wa"™ ceremony, p. 376) on one side
of their tents and the puma on the other. The tabu, green or
blue paint, was used on these pipes. Du was the word for green;
du gabe, blue; gabe means black; the words indicate that the two colors
were regarded as the same, one being merely a darker shade than
the other. The skin of the puma was used to cover or wrap up these
pipes. The name of the sub-
division (meaning ‘to dwell
with the puma’’) refers to the
covering of the peace pipes;
these and the puma were rep-
resented in the tent decora-
tion and helped to interpret
the name of the subgens—
“those who dwell with the
covered pipes that give
peace.” The arrow shafts of this gens were painted black where the
feathers were fastened, and the sinew was painted red to represent
the tabu of the gens, blood.

The symbolic cut of the child’s hair consisted in leaving only a
roach running from the forehead to the nape of the neck. This
roach was trimmed by notching it like a saw. A small tuft of hair
was left on each side of the roach (fig. 4). This notched roach is
similar to the cut of hair of a buffalo gens in the Oto tribe (also of
the Siouan stock), and but for the notching is like that of a buffalo
gens of the Omaha. These resemblances suggest that the tabu of
the gens may refer to the blood of the slain buffalo.

The people of this gens were said to have the power to cure pain
in the head, in the following manner: The sufferer brought a bow
and arrow to the Thi’xida, who wet the arrow with saliva, set it
on the bow string, pointed it at the sick man’s head four times,
then rubbed the head with the arrow, and so effected a cure of the
pain.

Fic. 4. Cut of hair, Thi’xida gens (Ponca).

44 THE OMAHA TRIBE [wrH. ANN. 27

3. NI’KAPASHNA GENS

The name Ni’kapashna (‘skull’) is said to refer to the exposure of
the bone by the process of scalping. This gens had charge of the
war pipes and directed the council of war. To them belonged also
the supervision of all hunting of the deer.

When a member of the subdivision Taha’to" itazhi died, moccasins
made from the skin of the deer (which was tabu to the living) were
put on his feet that he might not “lose his way,” but go on safely
and “‘be recognized by his own people” in the spirit world.

The symbolic cut of the child’s hair consisted
in removing all the hair except a fringe around
the head, as shown in figure 5.

4. pON’CAXTI GENS

The Po™caxti (ati, ‘original,’ or ‘‘real’’)
camped in the rear part of the tribal circle, fac-
ing the opening. This gens and its subdivision,
Fig.5. Cutofhair,Nika~ the Moko", had charge of the principal pipes,

Pashna gens (Perea) One of which was the chief’s pipe that was used
for conjuring. In this gens was preserved the tradition of the
finding of the Omaha Sacred Pole; it was a man of the Mo*ko” sub-—
gens who in the race was the first to reach the Pole (p. 218).

There were only two ceremonies during which the Ponca tribe was
required to camp in the order shown on the diagram, when, as it was
said, ‘the people must make the hu’thuga complete.’ These cere-
monies were the Feast of Soldiers, which generally took place while
the tribe was on the buffalo hunt, and Turning the Child. At the
latter ceremony the lock was cut from the boy’s head and a name
which belonged to its gens was given to the child. The Mo*ko™ subdi-
vision had the direction of both of these ceremonies. The ceremony
connected with the child took place in the spring. A tent was pitched
in front of the Moko" subdivision and set toward the center of the
tribal circle, ‘‘made complete’ for this ceremony. The tent was
dedicated—‘‘ made holy’’—a stone placed in the center near the fire
and sweet grass laid on it. It was the duty of the mothers to bring
their children to the old man to whom belonged the hereditary right
to perform the ceremony of Turning the Child. After the child had
entered the tent he took it by the hand, led it to the center of the
tent, and stood it on the stone, facing the east; then he lifted the child
by the shoulders, turned it to the south, and let its feet rest on the stone.
In the same manner he again lifted the child, turned it to the west,
and then rested its feet onthe stone. Once more he lifted it, as before,
causing it to face the north, and set its feet on the stone; finally he
lifted it back, with its face to the east. ‘‘ The Turning of the Child,”
the old informant said, “‘ brought the child face to face with the life-

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 45

giving winds of the four directions,” while “the stone represented long
life.” The child’s baby name was then ‘‘thrown away,” and a name
from the gens to which its father belonged was publicly announced
and bestowed upon it. All children were ‘“‘turned”’ but only boys had
the lock of hair severed from the crown of the
head, the lock being laid away in a pack kept by
the old man who performed the rite. The boy
was then taken home and the father cut his hair
in the symbolic manner of his gens. (See Omaha
rite of Turning the Child, p. 117.)

(For an account of the Feast of the Soldier
and its ritual, see pp. 309-311.)

This gens had duties also in connection with eee ere ena ee
the buffalo hunt. :

The people of the Mo"ko" subdivision painted their tents with
black and yellow bands.

The symbolic cut of the child’s hair consisted in leaving only a
tuft on the forehead, one at the nape of the neck, and one on each
side of the head (fig. 6).

5. WASHA’BE GENS

The name of this gens, Washa’be, was the same as the name of the
ceremonial staff used by the Omaha leader of the annual tribal buffalo
hunt, and also of that subdivision of the Omaha
Hoga gens which had charge of the tent contain-
ing the White Buffalo Hide, of its ritual, and of that
of the maize (see p.261). The Ponca gens, like the
Omaha Washa’be subdivision, had duties connected
with the tribal buffalo hunt, and was associated
with the Mo"ko™ subdivision of the Po™’caxti gens
in regulating the people at that time and appointing
officers to maintain order on the hunt. There were
no ceremonies in the Ponca tribe relative to the
planting or the care of maize. The Ponca are said
to have depended for food principally on hunting, and to have
obtained their maize more by barter than by cultivation.

The symbolic cut of the child’s hair consisted in leaving only a
tuft on the forehead and one at the nape of the neck (fig. 7).

Fig. 7. Cut of hair, Wa-
sha’be gens ( Ponca).

6. WAZHA’ZHE GENS

The name Osage is a corruption of the native term wazha’zhe.
Whether or not in the tabu and customs of this gens the Ponca have
conserved something of the early rites of the Wazha’zhe, or Osage,
people (rites connected with the snake) can be determined only by
more careful research than it has been possible for the writers to
make.

46 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

A member of this gens must not touch or kill a snake, and care had
to be exercised always to enter the tent by the door, otherwise snakes
would go in and do harm. Mothers in this gens were very particular
to impress on their children the importance of entering the tent by
the door and little children were watched lest one should creep under
the tent cover and so bring harm to itself or the inmates.

A man harboring a grudge against a person could bring about the
punishment of that individual by dropping inside the offender’s tent
a figure of a snake cut out of rawhide- Shortly afterward the man
would be bitten by a snake. A drawing made of the snake to be cut
out showed it to be a rattlesnake. i

When any one in the tribe chanced to be bitten by a snake, he sent
at once for a member of the Wazha’zhe gens, who on arriving at the
tent quickly dug a hole beside the fire with a stick, and then sucked
the wound so as to draw out the blood and prevent any serious trouble
from the injury. The purpose in digging the hole

could not be learned from the*writer’s informant.
When on the tribal hunt, the women gathered
the bones of the buffalo and boiled them to ex-
tract the marrow for future use. If a person
wished to tease a woman so employed, he would
catch up with a stick and throw away some of the
J} scum from the pot. This act would prevent any
Fic. 8. Cut of hair, Wa more marrow from leaving the bones, and the only
vha’zhe gens (Ponta). ~ay to undo the mischief was to send for a Wa-
zha’zhe, who on arriving removed by means of astick some of the fat
from the boiling bones. The marrow would then come out freely at
once and the woman would be able to secure an ample supply of
tallow. ‘‘That is the mystery of my people,” said the old informant,
with a sly smile, in response to inquiries on the subject.

It is said that the Wazha’zhe were a warlike and quarrelsome peo-
ple, and that at the organization of the tribe a peace pipe was given
into their keeping. By accepting this trust they committed them-
selves to more peaceful and orderly conduct in the tribe. It is still
a matter of dispute within the gens as to which of the two subdi-
visions the custody of the peace pipe originally belonged, whether
to the ‘‘real”’ or to the ‘‘gray’’ Wazha’zhe.

The office of tribal herald was in this gens.

The symbolic cut of the hair consisted in leaving a lock on the
forehead, one at the back of the head, and one over each ear (fig. 8).

7. NU’XE GENS

The name of this gens, Nu’xe (‘‘ice’’), found also in the Osage tribe,
refers to the hail. The Osage gens of this name is closely associated
with the Buffalo-bull people, and in this connection it is to be noted

FLOTCHER-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 47

‘that the tabu of the Ponca Nu’xe gens is the male buffalo. The
Osage have a tradition that the Ponca were once a part of their
tribe, but that very long ago the people became separated on. the
buffalo hunt, and the Ponca never came back. It will be noted that
the Osage have a Ponca gens and the Ponca a Wazha’zhe gens, that
there is a Waca’be gens in each tribe, also a Hi’gada gens, which in
each tribe had rites referring to thunder; all of these resemblances
are probably the result of movements which took place long before
the Ponca and the Omaha were as closely associated as at a later
period, prior to finally becoming distinct tribes.

LeGenpary Accounts @
THE PEACE PIPES

The people came across a great water on rafts—logs tied together—and pitched
their tents on the shore. While there they thought to make themselves u’shkon,
limits or bounds within which to move, and regulations by which their actions were
to be governed. They cleared a space of grass and weeds so that they could see one
another’s faces, and sat down, and there was no obstruction between them.

While they were deliberating they heard the hooting of an owl in the timber near by,
and the leader, who had called the people together, said, ‘‘That bird is to take part in
our action; he calls to us, offering his aid.’’ Immediately afterward they heard the
cry of the woodpecker and his knocking against the trees, and the leader said, ‘‘That
bird calls and offers his aid; he will take part in our action.”

The leader then addressed the man he had appointed to act as servant, and said, ‘‘Go
to the woods and get an ash sapling.’’ The servant went out and returned with a
sapling having a rough bark. ‘‘This is not what we want,’’ said the leader. ‘“‘Go
again, and get a sapling that has a smooth bark, bluish in color at the joint” (where a
branch comes). The servant went out, and returned with a sapling of the kind
described.

When the leader took up the ash sapling, an eagle came and soared above where the
council sat. He dropped adowny feather; it fell, and balanced itself in the center of
the cleared space. This was the white eagle. The leader said, ‘‘This is not what we
want;’’ so the white eagle passed on.

Then the bald eagle came swooping down as though making an attack upon its prey,
balanced itself on its wings directly over the cleared space, uttering fierce cries, and
dropped one of its downy feathers, which stood on the ground as the other eagle’s
feather had done. The leader said, ‘‘This is not what we want;’’ and the bald eagle
passed on.

Then came the spotted eagle and soared over the council and dropped its feather,
which stood as the others had done. The leader said, ‘“‘This is not what we want;”
and the spotted eagle passed on.

The eagle with the fantail (imperial eagle, Aquila heliaca Savigny) then came, and
soared over the people. It dropped a downy feather which stood upright in the center
of the cleared space. The leader said, ‘“‘This is what we want.’’ The feathers of this
eagle were those used in making the peace pipes, together with the other birds (the
owl and the woodpecker) and the animals, making in all nine kinds of articles. These
pipes were to be used in establishing friendly relations with other tribes.®

a Obtained from chiefs and other prominent Ponca.

> This account of the Ponca introduction to the Wa’wa. pipes should be compared with the Omaha
account of receiving these pipes from the Arikara (p. 74) and the Omaha ceremony (p. 376). The nine
articles are as follows: Ow] feathers, eagle feathers, woodpecker, rabbit, deer, ash tree, paint, cat-tail, and
sinew.

48 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

THE ORGANIZATION OF THE TRIBE

‘

When the peace pipes were made (those for ‘‘establishing friendly relations with
other tribes’’), seven other pipes were made for the keeping of peace within the tribe.
These pipes were also for use to prevent bloodshed. If one man should kill another,
in such a case the chiefs were to take a pipe to the aggrieved relatives and offer it to
them. If they refused, the pipe was to be again offered them; if the pipe was offered
and refused four successive times, then the chiefs said to them, ‘‘ You must now take
the consequences; we will do nothing, and ycu can not ask to see the pipes,’’ meaning |
that if trouble should come to any of them because of their acts taken in revenge they
could not appeal for help or mercy.

When these seven pipes were finished they were taken to be distributed among the
different bands of the tribe.

The first band to which the pipe bearers came was the Wac¢a’be. They were found
to be engaged in a ceremony that did not pertain to peace, but rather to the taking of
life. The Hi’¢ada sat in a tent with red-hot stones, and had on their heads wreaths of
cedar branches. The pipe bearers passed them by, and even to this day they are
reminded of this occurrence by the other bands saying, ‘‘ You are no people; you have
no peace pipe!”

The next band the pipe bearers came to was the Thi’xida. To them a pipe was
given, and they were to have charge of the counc*! which elected chiefs.

Next they came to the Ni’‘kapashna, and to them a pipe was given, and they were to
have the management of the council of war and also the direction of the people when
they went to hunt the deer, so that order might be preserved in the pursuit of that
game.

The Po™caxti and the Mo™ko™ were reached next, and a pipe was given them.

The Washa’be were next, and a pipe was given them. This band, together with the
Mo"ko™, were given charge of the tribal buffalo hunt—the direction of the journey,
the making of the camps, and the preservation of order. From these two bands the
two principal chiefs must come.

When the pipe bearers reached the Wazha‘zhe the latter were divided, and there were
trouble and murder between the factions. So, instead of giving them a flat-stemmed
pipe, they gave them one with a round stem, ornamented. Because of the feud there
was carelessness, and to this day there is a dispute as to the division to which the pipe
for the maintenance of peace was presented.

When the pipe bearers reached the Nu’xe, they gave them a pipe and an office in the
buffalo hunt.

Each band had its pipe, but there was one pipe which was to belong to the chiefs.
This could be filled only by the leading chiefs, and was to be used to punish people
who made trouble in the tribe. It was placed in charge of the Mo"ko™ band.

When a man was to be punished, all the chiefs gathered together and this pipe was
filled by the leader and smoked by all the chiefs present. Then each chief put his
mind on the offender as the leader took the pipe to clean it. He poured some of the
tobacco ashes on the ground, and said, ‘‘This shall rankle in the calves of the man’s
legs.’’ Then he twirled the cleaning stick in the pipe and took out a little more ashes,
and, putting them on the earth, said, ‘‘ This shall be for the base of the sinews, and he
shall start with pain” (in the back). A third time he twirled the cleaning stick, put
more ashes on the earth, and said, ‘‘ This is for the spine, at the base of the head.”” A
fourth time he twirled the cleaning stick in the pipe, poured out the ashes, put them
on the ground, and said, “‘ This is for the crown of his head.’’ This act finished the
man, who died goon after.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 2

STANDING BUFFALO

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 3

WHITE EAGLE (XITHA’CKA)

FLETCHER-LA FLEsScHE] LOCATION; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 49

THE WAZHA’ZHE GENS

Standing Buffalo (pl. 2), of the Wazha’zhe gens, told the follow-
ing story some ten years ago:

When I was a boy I often asked my mother where my people came from, but she
would not tell me, until one day she said, “I will give you the story as it has been
handed down from generation to generation.

“In the real beginning Wako”da made the Wazha/zhe—men, women, and
children. After they were made he said ‘Go!’ So the people took all they had,
carried their children, and started toward the setting sun. They traveled until
they came to a great water. Seeing they could go no farther, they halted. Again
Wako" da said ‘Go!’ And-once more they started, and wondered what would happen
to them. As they were about to step into the water there appeared from under the
water rocks. These projected just above the surface, and there were others barely
covered with water. Upon these stones the people walked, stepping from stone to
stone until they came to land. When they stood on dry land the wind blew, the
water became violent and threw the rocks upon the land, and they became great
cliffs. Therefore when men enter the sweat lodge they thank the stones for pre-
serving their lives and ask for a continuation of their help that their lives may be
prolonged. Here on the shore the people dwelt; but again Wako"™da said ‘Go!’
And again they started and traveled on until they came to a people whose appearance
was like their own; but not knowing whether they were friends or foes, the people
rushed at each other for combat. In the midst of the confusion Wako*’da said,
‘Stand still!’ The people obeyed. They questioned each other, found they spoke
the same language, and became friends.

“Wako™da gave the people a bow, a dog, and a grain of corn. The people made
other bows like the one given them and learned to use them for killing wild animals
for food and to make clothing out of their skins. The dogs gave increase and were
used as burden bearers and for hunting. The corn they planted, and when it grew
they found it good to eat, and they continued to plant it.

“The people traveled on and came to a lake. There the Omaha found a Sacred
Tree and took it with them. The people (Ponca) went on and came to a river now
called Nishu’de (the Missouri). They traveled along its banks until they came to
a place where they could step over the water. From there they went across the land
and came to a river now called Nibtha’¢ka (the Platte). This river they followed,
and it led them back to the Missouri.

“Again they went up this river until they came to a river now called Niobrara,
where we live to-day.”

The latter part of this legend, which deals with the Ponca move-
ments after the Omaha found the Sacred Tree, has been obtained
from a number of old men. All follow the general outline given
by Standing Buffalo, while some preserve details omitted by him,
as the meeting with the Padouca (Comanche), the obtaining of
horses, etc., which are given elsewhere. (See p. 78.)

HOW WHITE EAGLE BECAME A CHIEF

The following account of how White Eagle (pl. 3) came to be a
chief was given by him ten years or more ago and was introductory
to the information he then imparted to the writers. He regarded

83993°—27 ETH—1]1——4

50. THE OMAHA TRIBE [wrH. ANN. 27

the story as important, for it served to make clear his tribal status
and therefore, he thought, to give weight to his statements concern-
ing the Ponca tribe. The story is repeated here as throwing light
on Ponca customs during the eighteenth century:

A chief by the name of Zhi"ga/gahige (Little Chief), of the Washa’be band, had
a son who went on the warpath. The father sat in his tent weeping because he had
heard that his son was killed, for the young man did not return. As he wept he
thought of various persons in the tribe whom he might call on to avenge the death
of hisson. As he cast about, he recalled a young man who belonged to a poor family
and had no notable relations. The young man’s name was Waca/bezhitga (Little
Bear). The chief remembered that this young man dressed and painted himself
in a peculiar manner, and thought that he did so that he might act in accordance
with a dream, and therefore it was probable that he possessed more than ordinary
power and courage. So the chief said to himself, “T will call on him and see what
he can do.”’

Then the chief called together all the other chiefs of the tribe, and when they were
assembled he sent for Little Bear. On the arrival of the young man the chief
addressed him, saying, ‘‘My son went on the warpath and has never returned. I do not
know where his bones lie. I have only heard he has been killed. I wish you to go and
find the land where he was killed. If you return successful four times, then I shall
resign my place in your favor.”’

Little Bear accepted the offer. He had a sacred headdress that had on it a ball of
human hair; he obtained the hair in this manner: Whenever men and women of his
acquaintance combed their hair and any of the hair fell out, Little Bear asked to have
the combings given to him. By and by he accumulated enough hair to make his
peculiar headdress. This was a close-fitting skull cap of skin; on the front part was
fastened the ball of human hair; on the back part were tied a downy eagle feather and
one of the sharp-pointed feathers from the wing of that bird. He had another sacred
article, a buffalo horn, which he fastened at his belt.

Little Bear called a few warriors together and asked them to go with him, and they
consented. Putting on his headdress and buffalo horn, he and his companions started.
They met a party of Sioux, hunting. One of the Sioux made a charge at Little Bear,
who fell over a bluff. The Sioux stood above him and shot arrows at him; one struck
the headdress and the other the buffalo horn. After he had shot these two arrows the
Sioux turned and fled. Little Bear, who was uninjured, climbed up the bluff, and,
seeing the Sioux, drew his bow and shot the man through the head. Besides this scalp
Little Bear and his party captured some ponies. On the return of the party Little
Bear gave his share of the booty to the chief who had lost his son.

Little Bear went on three other expeditions and always returned successful, and each
time he gave his share of the spoils to the chief. When Little Bear came back the
fourth time the chief kept his word and resigned his office in favor of the young man.

Little Bear was my grandfather. When he died he was succeeded by his eldest son,
Two Bulls. At his death his brother, We’gagapi (pl. 4),¢ who was my father, became
chief, and I succeeded him.

a An old Ponca, speaking of We’gacapi, said: ‘‘ He was a successful man, and had a pack which had
descended tohim. He always carried it in war. Both he and the original owner of the pack are said to
have had dreams of wolves.’’ We’gacapi had the honor of having some of his brave deeds preserved
in song by the Hethu’shka society, and the song is known to members of the society in both the Ponca
and Omaha tribes.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 4

WE’GACAPI

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 5

STANDING BEAR

FLETCHDR-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 51
Recent History; Personan NAMES

The following list of Ponca names was taken in November, 1874,
while the entire tribe was living on the Niobrara. river.*

The total population of the tribe at that time was 733, divided as
follows: ?

Full bloods. Mixed bloods. Full bloods. Mixed bloods.
Men 28 cee ona 172 32 | Girlstne See aascise 129 45
Wromenmcccenc k= 164 21 Ramil tes seeee 185 32
Hosea ee. 135 Bey tl

The people dwelt in three villages. The village at the United
States agency contained 89 families and 377 persons. The village
called Hubtho”™ (‘‘those who smell of fish’’) had 46 families and 144
persons. ‘‘Point” village had 82 families and 248 persons.

There were eight chiefs, each of whom had his ‘‘band.”’ These
bands were probably composed of persons from the gens or subgens

to which the chief belonged.
Families. Persons.

White Eagle’s band (Waga’be, Hi’¢ada subgens)..........--- 26 89
Big Soldier’s band (Waga’be, Hi’cada subgens) ...........-- 31 97
Traveling Buffalo’s band (Thi’xida).......-....-....-....--- 23 72
Black Crow's band)(Ni/kapashna)_...2.-.-=---------=+----- 28 90
Over the Land’s band (Po™caxti and Mo"ko™).......-...... 21 73
Wieodpecker’s\band!(Washa/be)..:..<--------.s---+-2<-+e=-- 27. 75
Standing Bear’s band (Wazha/zhe)......-.-..--.-----.--.-- 20 82
Big-hoofed Buffalo’s band (Nu’xe).......-.--.-.------------ 9 22

@Tn 1858 the Ponca ceded their hunting grounds to the United States, and reserved for their home the
lend about their old village sites on the Niobrara river. They were never at war with the Government or
the white race. Their reservation was reconfirmed to them by the Government in 1865. In 1868 a large
reservation was granted to the Sioux, in which the Ponca reservation on the Niobrara was included.
The Ponca tribe was ignorant of this official transfer of its land. In 1877 the Ponca, without any warning,
were informed they must move to the Indian Territory, and the eight chiefs were conducted there
by an official and told to select a new reservation The reason for leaving their old home was not explained
to the protesting chiefs or to the people. The chiefs who went with the official refused to select a home in
“the strange land.” They begged te be allowed to go back. Being refused, they left the official, and, in
the winter, with but a few dollars and a blanket each, started home, walking 500 miles in forty days. When
they reached the Niobrara the United States Indian agent summoned the military and on the Istof May
the entire tribe was forcibly removed to the Indian Territory, The change from a cool climate to a warm
and humid one caused suffering. Within a year one-third of the people were dead and nearly all the sur-
vivors were sick or disabled. A son of Chief Standing Bear (pl. 5) died. The father could not bury him
away from his ancestors, so taking the bones, he and his immediate following turned from ‘the hot
country,” and in January, 1879, started to walk back. They reached the Omaha reservation in May,
destitute, and asked the loan of land and seed, which was granted. As they were about to put in acrop,
soldiers appeared with orders to arrest Standing Bear and his party and take them back. They were
obliged to obey. On their way south they camped near Omaha city. Their story was made known, the
citizens became interested, lawyers offered help, and a writ of habeas corpus was secured. The United
States denied the prisoners’ right tosue out a writ, because ‘‘an Indian was not a person within the mean-
ingofthelaw.” The case came before Judge Dundy, who decided that “An Indian is a person within the
meaning of the law,’ and that there was no authority under the laws of the United States forcibly to
remove the prisoners to the Indian Territory, and ordered their release. Inthe winter Standing Bear vis-
ited the principal cities of the East, repeating the story of his people. The United States Senate ordered
an investigation of the Ponca removal, when all the facts were brought out. Those Ponca who chose to
remain in Oklahoma were given good lands. Their old home on the Niobrara was restored to Standing
Bear and his followers and lost property was paid for In September, 1908, Standing Bear died and
was buried with his fathers. By his sufferings and courage he was instrumental in putting an end to
enforced Indian removals,

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ern. ann. 27

PersonaL NAMEs 4

WAGA’BE GENS, HI’CADA SUBGENS

White Eagle’s band
‘ Male.
Ci’/ha—Soles (O.: Te’pa, Tha’tada, Tapa’).
Cithe’dezhitga—Little heel (O., I"shta/-
gu™da).
De’mo"thi™—Talks walking.
Gahi’ge zhi®ga—Little chief (O.: I"ke’-
gabe, Ko™ ce).
Gaku’/wi?xe—Whirled by the wind.
Gamo™xpi—Wind strikes the clouds (O.:
Wazhi’ga, Tha’tada).
Gashta’gabi—Beaten into submission,
Ha/nugahi—Nettle weed.
Ke’to"ga—Big turtle (O.:
Tha/tada).
Mi’xazhitga— Duck.
Mo?chu’nita—Grizzly bear’s ears.
Mo?*chu’wathihi—Stampedes the grizzly
bear.
Mo*chu’zhiga—Little grizzly bear.
Mo?e’gahi—Arrow chief (O., I"ke’¢abe).
Mo”sho*®zhide—Red feather.
Mo™tega—New arrow.
Ni’¢tumo"th—Walking backward (0.:
Xu’ka, Tha’tada).
Nishu’dezho"—Missouri River timber.
Niwa’i—Gives water.
No™pabi—One who is feared (O.:
ca’be, Tha’tada).
Nudo™ho*ga—Leader (O., Ho"ga).
Nudo™mo*thi®— Warrior walking.
O” po®cabe—Black Elk.
Pe’degahi—Fire chief (O.:
Tha/tada).
Sho*"to"ga—Gray wolf.
Shu’degaxe—Smoke maker (pl. 6).
Shui’/na—Meaning uncertain(O.:Wag¢a/be,
Tha/tada).
Shuka/mo"thi"—Walking in groups (O.,
Hoga).
Tecgo”—White buffalo (O.: Wazhi'ga,
Tha/tada). ;
Tenu’gacabe—Black bull.
Thi/o*bagigthe—Lightning passing (O.,
T*shta/gutda).
Thio"batigthe—Sudden
T'shta’cu™da).
Tide’gigthe—Passes by with a roar.

Wazhi”ga,

Wa-

Wazhi”ga,

lightning (O.,

Tiuthio"ba—Lightning flashes in the tent
(O., I"shta/cu"da).

Wahu’to"the—Gun.

Wai gabtha—Spreads robe.

Wazhi’dathi"—Has red medicine.

Xitha’¢ka—White eagle (O., Tapa’).

Female

Mi’gasho"thi"—Traveling
I"ke’¢abe).

Mi’texi—Sacred moon (O., Mo"’thitka-
gaxe).

sun

(0.,

Big Soldier's band

Male
Agi’chidato"ga—Big soldier.
A‘hi"¢ka—White wings (O.: Te’pa, Tha’-
tada).

A’shkano"ge—Short runner.

A’xewo"—Covered with frost.

Gahi’ge—Chief (O.: I*ke’cabe, Te’pa,
Tha’tada), plate 7.

He’xude—Gray horns (O., Te¢im’de).

V’kuhabi—He who causes fear

I*shta’/duba—Four eyes (O.: Waga’be,
Tha‘tada).

Ki/shtawagu—Said to be a Pawnee name
(O., Mo’thrkagaxe).

Mo”™hi®gahi— Knife chief.

Mo”thumo®¢e—Metal or iron chief.

Nini’ba—Pipe (O., Te’pa, Tha’tada).

No®ba/mo"thi*—Two walking (O.: Wa-
zhi”ga, Tha/tada).

No” gemo*thi*—Travels running (O., Mo”-
thitkagaxe).

Nudo™axa—Cries for war.

Paho”gamo"this—Walking first (O., I"ke’-

gabe).

Shage’duba—Four hoofs (O., Tapa’).

Shu’kabi—Bunch of clouds.

Tato’ gapa—Bull head.

Tenu’gag¢ka—White bull.

Te’thiti—Buffalo rib (O.:
Tha/tada).

Thi’tiaxa—Cries for rib.

U*ho®zhi®ga—Little cook (O., I*shta/-
cu'da).

Uzho"’ge—Road.

Waca’bezhi*ga—Little black bear (O.:
Waga’be, Tha’tada).

Waca/be,

aThis list is necessarily incomplete. Names found in tribes other than the Ponca are followed by
the names of the respective tribes, accompanied by those of the gentes where known, in parentheses.

{(O.= Omaha.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 6

SMOKE-MAKER (SHU’DEGAXE)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 7

GAHI’GE

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION ;

Wako™dagi—Monster.

Wazhi”ga—Bird (O.: Wazhi™ga, Tha/’-
tada).

Wazhi’gacabe—Blackbird (O., Mo" thi?-
kagaxe).

Wazhi gagahi—Bird chief (O.: Wazhi”’ga,
Tha/tada).

We’zhno"wathe—Ie who causes fog.

Zha/becka—White beaver.

Zhi” gapezhi—Bad little one.

Zho™xude—Gray wood.

Female

A’o®wi"—Meaning uncertain (O., Hoga).

Mi’tena—Meaning uncertain (O., Hoga).

Mi/wa¢o"?—White moon (O., Ho™ga).

No*ce’it¢e—Meaning uncertain (O.,We’-
zhi®shte).

Teco”dabe—White buffalo (O., Hoga).

Teco” wit—White buffalo woman
Hoga).

To” gthihe—Sudden appearing of new |

moon (O., I*ke’¢abe).

Zho"i/wathe—To carry wood (O., We7 |

zhi®shte).
THI/XIDA GENS

Traveling Buffalo’s band
Male

Gaku’wi"xe—Soaring eagle
Tha/’tada).

Ha/shimo*thi*—Walking last in a file (O.,
T'shta/cu"da).

He’shathage—Branching horns (O., I°-
shta/¢u"da).

Hewo”™zhi*tha—One horn (Dakota).

Hezha/ta—Forked horns (O., Tapa’).

Hezhi"’ga—Little horn.

Ka/xeno*ba—Two crows (O., Ho™ga).

Keba/ha—Turtle showing himself (O.,
Tapa’).

Ma/azhga—Little cottonwood (O.: Wa-
zhi”ea, Tha/tada).

Mixa’cka—White swan (O., Mo™thitka-
gaxe).

Mo"a/zhga—Little bank (0O.,
zhide).

Mo"chu’¢ka—White bear.

Mo®shi/ahamo*thi#—Moying above
T'shta’¢u"da).

No*be’thiku—Cramped hand.

O” po"to"ga—Big Elk (O., We’zhi*shte).

(O.: Te’pa,

T®gthe’-

(O.

LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS

(G)|

| Pa’thi"no"pazhi"—Fears not Pawnee (0.:
Waga/’be, Tha’tada).
Sha’gecka—White claws (O., Tha‘tada).
Sha/geshuga—Thick claws.
Sha/nugahi—Meaning
Ingthe’zhide).
Shathu’—Gurele (water).
Tato’ga—Great male deer (old name)
(O., Tapa’).
Tato™gano"zhi"—Standing bull.
Tenu’gano"ba—Two buffalo bulls (O.,
Tapa’).
Tenu’gazhi"ga—Little bull (O., Tegi™de).
U‘do"—Good.
Uga’sho"to"—The traveler or wanderer
(O., Tegi’de).
Waba/hizhi*ga—The little grazer (O.,
Ko" ¢e).
Waca/beto*"ge—Big black bear (O., Mo®/-
thitkagaxe).
Wada/thi"ge—Refers to chief (O., I"ke/-
cabe).
Wami’—Blood (O., Ko™¢e).
Wano”xe—Ghost.
Washi’chucabe—Black man (Sioux).
Washi’ nuka—Wet fat, or fresh fat.
Washi’shka—Shell (O., Mo™thi"kagaxe).
| Washu’she—Brave (O., I"ke’¢abe).
Wazhi’¢ka—Wisdom (O., Ishta’¢u"da).
Wazhi™ea¢i— Yellow bird.
Wazhi"wathe—He who provokes anger.
Xitha’/¢ka—White eagle (O., Tapa’).

uncertain (O.,

Female

Mi’gasho"thi"—Traveling moon (O.,I"ke/-
cabe).

Mi’gthedo®wit—Moon hawk woman (0.,
I"ke’cabe).

Mi’gthitoi"—Return cf new moon (O.,
T*shta’cu"da).

Mi’o"bathi#—Moon moving by day (O.,
T*shta’cgu'da).

Mi‘tena—Meaning uncertain (O., Hoga).

Nazhe’gito"—Meaning uncertain (O.,
Hoga).

No"ce/i"¢e—Meaning uncertain (0O.,
We’zhi®shte).

To“ithit—New moon moving (O.,
Hoga).

Wate’wi"—May refer to the stream Wate
(O., Tha’tada).

We’to"na—Meaning uncertain
shta’¢u"da).

(OF

NI/KAPASHNA GENS
Black Crow’s band
Male
A’kidagahigi—Chief who watches (O.,
Tapa’).
Ciko*xega—Brown ankles (O., I"ke’cabe).
Gahi’gewashushe—Brave chief.
Gahi/gezhi*ga—Little chief (O., Ko™¢e).
Gthedo™no®zhi*—Standing hawk (O.:
Wazhiga, Tha’tada).
Gthedo”xude—Gray
zhi ga, Tha/tada).
He’cithitke—New yellow horn (O., We’-
zhi®shte).
Hethi’shizhe—Crooked horn.
Hi’’xega—Brown hair (Omaha).

hawk (O.: Wa-

THE OMAHA TRIBE

Hu’to"tigthe—Cries out in the distance.

V’baho*bi—He is known (O., I"shta/- |
cu®da).

I"chu”ga¢ka—White weasel (O., Tapa’). |

Kaxe’cabe—Black crow (O., Tapa’), |
plate 8.

Ke’zhi®ga—Little turtle (O.: Kei", Tha’- |
tada).

Mika’—Raccoon.

Mixabaku—Bent goose (O.: Ke’i®, Tha’-
tada).

Mo?chu’dathi"—Crazy bear.

Mo" geuti"—Strikes the breast.

Mothi™thitge—No knife (O., We’zhi*-
shte).

Mo*no™ uto"—Paws the earth.

Mo™”shkaaxa—Cries for crawfish
Waga/be, Tha’tada).

Mo*sho’’¢ka—White feather (O., I"gthe’-
zhide):

No*"ba/ato"—Treads on two.

No™ getithe—Passes by running.

No*ka/tu—Blue-back (O., I"gthe’zhide).

Nudo”™gina—Returns from war.

Sho™’gehi"c¢abe—Black horse.

Tato”zamo"this—Big deer walking (O.,
Tapa’).

Ta/xti¢ka—White deer.

Wage’zhide—Red paint.

Wano” pazhi—Without fear (O., Igthe’-
zhide).

Zhi®ga/u2¢a—Little runner.

(OF;

Female

Gthedo™shtewi*—Hawk woman (O.,

| Kigtha’zho®zho"—Shakes

Tapa’).

[ETH. ANN. 27

Mi’gthedo™” wi—Moon hawk woman (0.
I*ke’cabe).

Mo™shadethi*—One moving on high (O.,
Tshta’cu*da).

To”itgina—New moon coming (O., I®-
shta’cu®da).

PON CAXTI GENS
Over the Land’s band
Male
(i”degka—White tail (Omaha).
Ci dedo"ka—Blunt tail (O., We’zhi"shte).
Cithi”ge—No feet.
Ezhno™no"zhi"—Stands alone.
Gthedo” texi—Sacred hawk.
Ho™gazhi"ga—Little Hoga (O., Hoga).
I"ke’to"ga—Big shoulder (O., I*shta/-
cuda).

I*shta’pede—Fire eyes (O., I"ke’¢abe).

| Keo“hazhi—Turtle that flees not (O.:

Wag¢a/be, Tha’tada).
himself (O.,;

Teci’de).

| Mika’xage—Crying raccoon (O., Tapa’),
Mo*ka/ta—On the land (old name, now

used among the Dakota).
Mo*ko™ to*ga—Big medicine.
Mo*zho™ibaho"—Knows the land.

No”gethia—Not able to run (O.,
Teci”de).

Nuga’—Male (O., I"ke’cabe).
Nuga’xte—Original male (O., We/-
zhi®shte).

O”po"zhi"ga—Little elk (O., We’zhi"shte).
Sheno’’zhi—Stands there.
Te’mo*thi"— Buffalo walking
I'gthe’zhide).
Tenu’gawakega—Sick bull.
Thae’gethabi—One who is loved (O.,
Tapa’).
The’baxo"—Broken jaw.
The’dewathe—Looks back.
Thihie’no"—Frightens the game.
Une’gtho"xe—Seeks poison.
Waba’hizi—Yellow grazer (O., Mo™thi%
kagaxe).
Wagi/o"—Thunder bird (Dakota).
Washko™ zhi"ga—Little strength.
Wa/xano"zhi*—Standing in advance (O.,
Tapa’).
Xitha/gahige—Eagle chief (O., Tapa’).
“itha’/gaxe—Eagle maker (O., Tapa’).
Zhi"ga/nudo"—Little warrior.

(0.,

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 8

BLACK CROW (KAXE’CABE)

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 9

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

Nie
een

a ¥ ontaz,

BIG GOOSE

dIHO O1Vvssna

OL 3LW1d LYOdSY IWANNV HLN3SASS-ALNAML ADOIONHLA NVOINSWY JO NV3SYNd

FLETCHbR-LA FLUSCHE] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS

Female
Ace’to"ga—Meaning uncertain (O.,
Ko” ¢e).
Gthedon’wi"texe—Sacred hawk woman
(O., Tapa’).
Mi’ako"da—Sacred moon (O., Tegi™de).
Mi’/bthiwi"—Meaning uncertain (0O.,
Tha’tada).

Mi/mo*shihathi#—Moon moving on high
(O., Tha’tada).

Mi’tena—Meaning uncertain (O., Hoga).

Mi/waco"—White moon (O., Ho™ga).

Po%ea/co"—White Ponca (O., Mo™thi"-
kagaxe).

Zho’i®wathe—To carry wood (O., We’-
zhi®shte).

WASHA’BE GENS
Woodpecker’s band
Male
A’gahamo*thi® — Walks
Xu’ka, Tha’tada).

Qi” degabe—Black tail.
E’tho*tho"be—To appear repeatedly (O.,

outside (O.:

Hoga).
Hexa/gacabe—Black elk.
Hexa/gamo"thi*—Standing elk (O., Mo™-
thitkagaxe). ;
Hitci/zhitga—Little yellow hair (O.,
Tecide).
Hw’hazhi—Meaning uncertain (O.,
Tapa’).

T*shta/cabe—Black eyes (O., Tegi”de).
I*shta/dathi"—Crazy eyes.
T'shta’duba—Four eyes (O., Wagca’be,
Tha/tada).
Ko" ¢eto"ga—Big Kansa.
Ma/cito"—Lone cedar tree.
Mi’‘kacixthaha—Lean coyote.
Mi‘xato"ga—Big goose (pl. 9).
Mo™cedo"—Meaning uncertain (O., I?-
gthe’zhide).
Mo?®chu/’¢itdethi"ge—Bob-tailed bear.
Motga/azhi—Not afraid of arrows (O.,
Mo thitkagaxe).
Mo” gazhitga—Little skunk.

No”co"dazhi—Does not dodge (O.,
Tapa’).

No”kacka—White back.

No®zhi”mg"thi—Rain travels (O.,

Mo thi*kagaxe).

Nudo”ho"ga—Leader (O., Hoga).

Pacgi’duba—Four — buffaloes—very
name (O., Ko"¢e; Osage).

Sha’ge—Hoofs.

Sho" ge¢abe—Black horse (O., Tapa’).

Te’cehi"¢abe—Black hair on belly of buf-
falo (O., Tapa’).

Te/nuga—Buffalo bull (O., Ho™ga).

Tezhe’bate—Buffalo chip (pl. 10).

Te/zhiga—Little buffalo (O., Igthe’-
zhide).

Thigthi’/cemothi"—Zigzag lightning walk-
ing (O., I*shta/¢utda).

Tishi/muxa—Spreading tent poles (O.,

old

Igthe’zhide).

Uga/sho"zhi"ga—Little traveler (O., Mo”’-
thitkagaxe).

Ugtha/atigthe—He who shouts (victory
name).

Uho”’no*ba—Two cooks (O.: Wazhi™ga,
Tha/tada).

Uho”zhitga—Little cook (O.,
cuda).

Wahaxi—Yellow skin (O., I"shta’¢u"da).

Waho™ thitge—Orphan (O. Tegide).

Wa/ino"zhi"—Standing over them (O.,
T"gthe’zhide).

Wapa/de—One who cuts the carcass
(O., Tapa’).

Washko” mo"thi—Walking strength (O.:
Wazhi”ga, Tha/tada).

Zhi*ga’gahige—Little chief (O., Tapa’)

Zhi*ga/washushe—Little brave.

T*shta/-

Female

Gthedo”wittexi—Sacred hawk
(O., I®ke’cabe).

Mi/gthedo"wi?—Moon hawk woman (0O.,
I®ke’¢abe).

Migthi’/to"i" — New moon.
cabe).

Mi’tena—Meaning uncertain (O., Ho™ga).

Mi/wagon—White moon (O., Hoga).

Mo"sha/dethi*—Moving on high (O., I

woman

(O., I*ke’-

shta/cuda).

Po”caco"—Pale Ponca. (O., Mo thitka-
gaxe).

Po” cawi"—Ponea woman (O., Mo™thi’-
kagaxe).

Wihe’to"ga—Big little sister (O., We’zhi®-

shte).

WAZHA’ZHE GENS
Standing Bear's band
Male

A’gahawashushe—Distinguished for bray-
ery (O.: Waca’be, Tha/tada).

A’thiude—Abandoned (O., I*shta’-
cu'da).

Bachi/zhithe—To rush through obstacles
(O., Tapa’).

Cigthe’no*pabi—One whose footprints are
feared (O., Mo” thi*kagaxe).

Da/do"thi*ge—Has nothing (O., Ko*’¢e).

Gacu’/be—Meaning uncertain (O.,
Ho” ga).

Gahi’gezhi"ga—Little chief (O., I™ke’-
gabe).

Gakuwi"xe—Eagle soaring (O.: Te’pa,
Tha’tada).

Hexa’ga—Rough horns (O., Tapa’).

Ho™gashenu—Ho”ga man (O., I"shta/-
cu'da).

I"de’xaga—Rough face.

Ki/mo*ho"—Facing the wind (O., I"shta/-
cu'da).

Ko” ¢eho"ga—Kansa leader (O., Mo™thi-
kagaxe).

Maci’kide—Shooting cedar (O., I*shta/-
cu@da).

Mo*chu’duba—Four bears, grizzly.

Mo*chu’kino"pabi—The bear who is
feared.

Mo®chu/no*zhi"—Standing bear.

Mo*chu’to"ga—Big bear.

Mo*shti” ¢ka—White rabbit (O.: Wazhi®/-
ga, Tha’tada).

Ni/juba—Little water.

No”kahega—Brown back (O., Tapa’).

No®o”bi—One who is heard (O., Te-
cide).

No"pe’wathe—One who is feared (O.:
Wazhi”ga, Tha/tada).

No*xi’dethi"ge—The incorrigible.

Nushia’hagino*—Returns bending low.

Pethi’shage—Curly brows.

Sho”gehi"¢i— Yellow horse.

Tade/umo*this—Walking wind (O.,
Ko” ¢e).

Tai‘hi*to"ga—Big mane.

Tato”gano®zhi®zhi"ga—Little standing

bull.
Tato’ gashkade—Buffalo playing (O., Te-
cide).

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

Tenu’gazhi"ga—Little buffalo bull (0.,
Teci™de).

The’cecabe—Black tongue (O.,
cabe).

Ucu’gaxe—To make paths (O., Ishta’-
cu'da).

Uzha/ta—Confluence.

Waa’’—To sing (O., I"gthe’zhide).

Waba‘age—He puts to flight (O., I'shta/-
cu'da).

Wabahi zhi"ga—Little
Ko¢e).

Wagi’asha—Meaning lost (O., I*shta’~
cuda).

Wako" da— Power (O., Mo™ thitkagaxe).

Wano™shezhi"ga—Little soldier (O., I-
shta/cu'da).

Washko”hi—Strong (O., I*shta‘¢u™da).

Washu’she—Brave (O., I"ke’cabe).

Wa/thidaxe—Sound of claws tearing
(O.: Wazhi”’ga, Tha’tada).

Wathi’xekashi—He who pursues long.

Waxpe’sha—Old name, meaning lost
(O., Tapa’).

Wazhe’thit?ge—Without
T'shta’cuda).

We’c’a—Snake (O., I"shta’¢u"da).

We’c’aho"ga—Snake leader (O., Tapa’).

We’g’ato*ga—Big snake (pl. 11).

We’¢’azhi*ga—Little snake (O., I*shta’-
gu'da).

Xitha/nika—Eagle person (O., Tapa’).

Xitha’zhitga—Little eagle (O.: Te’pa,
Tha/tada).

T"ke’-

nibbles (O.,

(OF

gratitude

Female

Ace’xube—Sacred
shte).

Mi’tena—Meaning uncertain (O., Hoga).

No®¢e’i"¢e—Meaning uncertain (O., We’-
zhi*shte).

No®zhe’gito"—Meaning
Mo” thitkagaxe).

Ta/cabewi"—Black deer woman (O., We’-
zhi®shte).

paint (O., We’zhi®-

uncertain (QO.,

Te’co®wi"—White buffalo woman (0O.,
Tegi'’de).

To”itethihe—New moon soaring (O.,
I"ke’c¢abe).

| Umo™ho®wau—Omaha woman.

Wihe’to"ga—Big little sister (O., We’-
zhi*shte).

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 11

BIG SNAKE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 12

OSAGE CHIEF

Oe he
shy

5
Ty

iat

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 13

OSAGE CHIEF

PLEYCHER-LA rLescHn] LOCATION; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS

NU’XE GENS

Big-hoofed buffalo’s band
Male

Btho™ti—Scent borne by wind (O., We’-
zhi*shte).

Gi’dethiho"—Lifting the tail (O., Te-
cide).

Dw bamo"this—Four walking (O., I"ke’-
gabe).

T*sha/gemo"this—Old man walking (0O.,
I"shta/cu"da).

T*shta/bagude—Shedding hair about the
eyes (O., Ho” ga).

No” gethia—Not able torun (O., Tegi™’de).

Nu’xezhi"ga—Little ice.

Pahe’agthi"—Sits on hill.

Pude’tha—Meaning unknown (0O., I®ke’-
cabe). -

Sha’beno®zhi"—Stands dark (O., Ho™ga).

Sho"ge’¢ka—White horse (O., Mo™thi-
kagaxe).

Tenu’gagahi—Male buffalo chief (O.:
Wazhiga, Tha/tada).

Tenu’gashageto"ga—Big-hoofed bull.

Thae’go"— Pitiful.

Uho”gemo*thit—Walking at end of file
(O., Ingthe’zhide).

Uho”geno"zhi=—Standing at end of file
(O., I"gthe’zhide).

Uki’pato"— Rolling himself (O., I"gthe’
zhide).

U’shkadazhi—Undaunted (O., Mo™thi-
kagaxe).

Uthi/xide—Looking about (O.,
gabe).

Uzhna/gaxe—To make clear (refers to
buffalo wallows) (O., Tegi’de).

Waca/apa—Meaning uncertain (O.: Wa-
ca’be, Tha’tada).

Waga’bezhi"ga—Little black bear (O.:
Waga’be, Tha’tada).

I"ke’-

Female

Mi/mite—Meaning uncertain (O., I*ke’-
cabe).

We’to™a—Meaning uncertain (O., I’ke’-
gabe).

THE OSAGE, OR WAZHA’ZHE, TRIBE 7%

Recent History; ORGANIZATION

The Osage tribe is composed of five kinship groups, each of which

is made up of a number of subgroups.

Of these latter many have a

group attached that acts as sho’ka—servant or attendant at a given

ceremony.

Of the five kinship groups two always camp on the north-
ern side of the eastern opening of the tribal circle.

The other three

remain on the opposite side of the circle, but change their relative
positions. The tribe, therefore, has two grand divisions, that on the
northern side being composed of two kinship groups and that on the
southern side of three kinship groups.

aThe Osage now live in the northern part of Oklahoma, on the Arkansas river. This locality was not
their home when they were first met by the white race. They were then dwelling on the western side of the
Mississippi, both north and south of the Missouri, including the Ozark Mountain region, the name Ozark
being a corruption of the native term Wazha’zhe. The territory occupied by the Osage, lying, as it did,
adjacent to the Mississippi river, was very soon needed by the white people who were pressing westward.
The Osage made anumber of cessions to the United States, the earliest in 1808, when they parted with ter-
ritory on the Mississippi. In 1818 they gave up their claim to land on the Arkansas and Verdigris rivers.
In 1825 they ceded all their lands in Missouri and Arkansas. Further cessions were made in 1839 and 1865,
Finally, in 1871 and 1872 lands were purchased from the Cherokee in the then Indian Territory, and on
these lands the Osage are living to-day. The payments for lands ceded by them in Missouri and Kansas
were placed in the United States Treasury at interest, yielding the Osage a considerable sum per capita
and relieving the people from urgent necessity to labor in order to obtain food and clothing—a condition
not altogether favorable to the best development of a naturally strong and promising tribe. (Pictures of
Osage chiefs are shown in pls. 12, 13, 15.)

58 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27

Owing to the shifting of the positions of the three groups forming
the southern side, there were three arrangements of the tribal circle
(see figs. 9-11), which was called ¢si’-
uthuga. Thisis the same as the Omaha
hu’thuga, with the dialectic difference
in pronunciation. Moreover, the Osage
circle was symbolically oriented , as was
the case with the Omaha, the actual
opening being in the direction the
tribe was moving. The marked simi-
larity in the form of camping and in
the fundamental ideas representing the
tribal organization seems to show that
the two tribes are organized on the
Fic. 9. same plan. (See p. 138.)

Fig. 10. Fig. 11.

Fic. 9. Diagram of Osage hu'thuga—usual order. 1. HON’GA UTANATSI (Pp. 58-59). 2. WaAzHA’ZHE
(p. 59). Subgroups: (a) Wazha’zhecka; (b) Ke’k’in; (¢) Mike’estetse; (da) Wa’tsetsi; (e) Uzu’gaxe; )
Tathi’hi; (9) Hu zhoigara. 3. HON’Ga (Pp. 60). Subgroups: (a) Waca’betos; (b) Ingron’ga zhoigara;
(¢) Opxon; (d) Mov’inkagaxa; (€) Pon’ca washtage; (/) Xi’tha; (9) I’batsetatse. 4. TsI’zHu (p. 60).
Subgroups: (a) Tsi’zhu wanon; (6) Six’tsagre; (c) Pe’tontonga zhoigara; (d) Tseto’ga intse; (e)
Mi’k’im_~wanon; (f) Hon zhoigara; (g) Tsi’zhu uthuhage. 5. ni’KA WAKONDAarI or GRON’IN (p. 60-
61). Subgroups: (a) X0n’tsewatse; (6) Nu’xe.

Fic. 10. Diagram of Osage hu’thuga—hunting order. 2. WAZHA’ZHE. 3. HON’Ga,
4. TSI’ZHU. 5. NI’KA WAKONpaGI or GRON’IN. The d
given in figure9

Fic. 11. Diagram of Osage hu’thuga—sacred order. 3. HON’Ga

: ie A. 1. HON’GA UTANATSI. 2. WAZHA/ZHE.
4. TsI’ZHU. 5. NI’/KA WAKONpaar or GRon’IN The dots represent the order of the Subgroups, which
is the same as in figure 9.

1. HON’GA UTANATSI,
ots represent the same order of subgroups as

Krnsurp Groups a
1. Hoga utanatsi

2. Wazha’zhe ~Comprising southern half of hu’thuga.
3. Hoga
Ds

Ni’/ka wako"dagi or Groni® Ae:
j : 2 \ Comprising northern half.
4, Tsi/zhu { 5

aThe information here given relative to the names, duties, and positions of the kinship groups was fur-
nished by the following men, members of the tribe: Sho»’tos¢abe, Wazha’/zhewadainga, Washin’ha (pl. 14),
and Big Heart.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 14

WASHI"HA (OSAGE)

FLETCHBR-LA FLESCH] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 59

1. HO’“GA UTANATSI (THE SEPARATE HO’GA) GROUP

The meaning and significance of this name have been already
explained. (See p. 40.) The Ho"’ga utanatsi are spoken of as
‘Instructor of rites.”

Subdivision: Mo™hi*ci (‘stone knife’’).¢ This group was sho’ka,
or servant, to the Hoga utanatsi. This office was an honorable one,
being that of intermediary between the officials in charge of a cere-
mony and the people who took part in it.

2. WAZHA’ZHE GROUP

This is an old and untranslatable term. The group was divided
into seven subgroups, each with its distinctive name and attendant
sho'ka group, but all having a right to the general name Wazha’zhe.

Subgroups

(a) Wazha’zhe ¢ka (‘the white” or ‘‘pure Wazha’zhe’’); ¢ka is
the Osage equivalent of the Omaha zti, meaning ‘‘original,”’ “un-
mixed.” This group is the keeper of the seven pipes for making
peace within the tribe. I"gro™ga ni mo"tse (‘puma in the water’’)
is the name of the Sho’ka subdivision.

(b) Ke’k’i" (‘great turtle’).

Pak’a zhoigara (pak’a, mystery; zhoigara, those who are with, i. e.,
the group whose rites pertain to), Sho’ka subdivision,

Ka/xewahuea, the loud-voiced crow,’ Sho’ka subdivision.

(d) Wa’tsetsi. It is said that a comet fell from the morning star
and came to join the council of this subgroup. Xutha’pago” zhoigara
(xutha’ paco”, the bald eagle), Sho’ka subdivision.

(e) Uzu’gaxe? (uzu’, straight; gare, to make—they who make the
path straight). It was the duty of this subgroup to make clear the
way of a war party; to find a safe way around any obstruction. The
scouts of the war parties were taken from this group.

Mo®so/tsemo"i® (mo”, land; so’tse, smoke; mo”, to walk—they
who walk in smoke, fog, or dust), the Sho’ka subdivision, was called
on to cause a fog, or a wind to raise the dust in order to conceal the
movements of a war party.

(f) Tathi’hi, white-tail deer. 4

Watsi’tsazhi"ga zhoigara (watsi’tsazhi"ga, small animals), subdi-
vision.

a inpareles of utility in the past, although they may have passed out of daily use among the people, are
frequently conserved m sacred rites. For example, the stone knife was the only kind of knife that could
be used ceremonially and its name appears as a personal name among the Omaha families that had

hereditary duties connected with rites that belonged to the Inshta’cusda and We’zhi»shte gentes.
6 The name of this subdivision appears as a personal name in the Omaha tribe.

60 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27

(g) Hu zhoigara (hu, fish). Eno" mi"tse to" (eno”, they alone;
mai"tse, bow; to”, to have or possess—they alone possess the bow),
Sho’ka subdivision. These were known as the bow makers.

3. HO'’GA (LEADER) GROUP

This kinship group was divided into seven subgroups, as follows:

(a) Waga’be to" (waca’be, bear; to”, to possess).

Waca’be ¢ka (‘‘white” or “original bear’’), Sho’ka subdivision.

(b) I2gro™’ ga zhoigara (i"gro™ ga, puma). .

Hi®wa’xaga zhoigara (hitwa’xaga, porcupine), Sho’ka subdivision.

(d) Mo" itkagaxe (mo"i"ka, earth; gaxe, to make—earth-makers).

(e) Poca washtage (washtage, peace). This subgroup had the
office of peacemakers.

(f) Xitha (‘white eagle’’).

(g) Hor’gashi"ga (‘little Ho’ga’’). I’batsetatse (ibatse, coming
together; tatse, the wind—associated by rites pertaining to the wind),
Sho’ka subdivision. The office of herald was in this group.

4. TsI’ZHU (HOUSEHOLD) GROUP

This kinship group also had seven subgroups:

(a) Tsi’zhu wano" (wano”, the oldest; age implies wisdom), or
Wako"da no®pabi (wako"’da, gods; no™pali, afraid of).

Waba’xi, Sho’ka subdivision.

(b) Si’tsagre (‘“wearing the wolf’s tail on the scalp lock”’).

Sho*’ke zhoigara (sho”’ke, wolf), Sho’ka subdivision.

(d) Tseto’ga i®tse (tseto’ga, buffalo bull; i”tse, face). It is said
that Waba’xi went in search of game. He found a buffalo, pointed
his finger at its face, and killed it; Wako™da reproved him for the
act. Because of this deed his people were called Buffalo-face people.

Tsea’ko®, Sho’ka subdivision.

(e) Mi’k’i® wano® (mi, sun; ki", to carry; wano", the oldest).
Tsi’zhu washtage (washtage, peaceful), division. This division made
peace. Red-eagle people.

(f) Ho" zhoigara (ho”, night).

Ta’pa zhoigara (ta’pa, the name of the Pleiades), Sho’ka subdi-
vision.

(g) Tsi’zhu uthuhage (uthuhage, the last). The last household
refers to the end of the line of the group.

5. NI’KA WAKONDAGI OR GRONIN GROUP

This kinship group had three subgroups. (Derivation of name:
Ni’ka, people; wakodagi refers to the thunder—the Thunder people).

(a) Xo"’tsewatse (xo"tse, cedar; watse, to touch, as the striking
of an enemy). The name refers to the cedar tree upon which the
thunder rested as it descended.

FLETCHHR—-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 61

This subgroup acts as sho’ka in the rites of the Thunder people.

(b) Nu’xe, ice. This is the name of a people from the upper
world. When one came down he was asked, ‘‘What are you?”
He answered, ‘‘I am Nu’xe,” ice or hail.

Sub-Shoka group, Tseto’ga zhoigara (tseto’ga, buffalo bull).

The two divisions of the Osage tribe were called the Tsi’zhu and
the Hot’ga. The Tsi’zhu was composed of two kinship groups
and occupied the northern side of the tribal circle viewed as having
the opening at the east. The position of the Osage Thunder group
was similar to that occupied by the Omaha I®shta’¢u da, whose
name and rites referred to thunder, and the Tsi’zhu division seems
in a measure to correspond to the ideas symbolized by the northern
half of the Omaha tribal circle. (See p. 138.)

The Hoga division was composed of three kinship groups. Those
given in the diagram on page 58 show that their positions with rela-
tion to one another changed during tribal rites and ceremonies, but
remained stable in comparison with the Tsi’zhu division. The simi-
larity between the position and the duties devolving on this southern
half of the oriented Osage tribal circle and those of the correspond-
ing division of the Omaha suggests a strong probability that both
organizations had a common pattern or origin.

While the Ponca tribe does not present the picture of a closely
organized body, the similarity in the position of the Nu’xe gens of
the Ponca as compared with that of the Nu’xe group of the Osage
seems to indicate the perpetuation of some idea or belief common

to the two tribes.
ADOPTION CEREMONY

The ceremony of adoption into the Osage tribe throws light on
the functions and symbolism of the Osage groups. It was described
by old chiefs as follows:

When a war party took a captive, anyone who had lost a child or who was without
children could adopt the captive to fill the vacant place. After the ceremony the
person became an Osage in all respects as one born in the tribe and was subject to
the duties and requirements of the family into which he entered by a kind of new
birth.

When a captive was held for the purpose of adoption, the captor sent an invitation
to the leading men of the Tsi’zhu washtage, who were peacemakers, and also to the
chiefs of the I"gro™ea, who had charge of war rites. Food was prepared and set before
these leaders, when the host, in a solemn speech, set forth his desire to adopt the cap-
tive. Thereupon these leaders sent for the leading men who were versed in the rituals
of the groups which were to take part in the ceremony. These were the Nu’xe, ice;
the O’pxo®, elk; the I’batse, wind; the Wa‘tsetsi, water; and the Hoga, who were
the leaders of the tribal hunt. When all were assembled the captive was brought and
placed in the back part of the lodge opposite the entrance, the seat of the stranger.
Then the ritual used at the initiation and naming of a child born in the tribe was given.
This ritual recounts the creation and history of the tribe and the four stages of man’s
life. At the close the captive was led to the chief of the Tsi’zhu washtage, who

62 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27

passed him on to the I*gro™ga, whose place was on the south side of the tribal circle.
By this act the captive symbolically traversed the tribal circle, passing from those on*
the north, who made peace, ‘to those on the south, who had charge of war—the act indi-
cating that he was to share in all that concerned the tribe.

Then the chief of the I"gro™ga took a sharp-pointed flint knife and made a quick
stroke on the end of the captive’s nose, causing the blood to flow. The chief of the
Tsi/zhu washtage wiped away the blood. Then the chief of the Wa/tsetsi brought water,
and the chief of the Hoga food (corn or meat), and these were administered to the
captive by the chief of the Tsi’zhu washtage, who then took the sacred pipe, filled it,
and placed on it fronds of cedar brought by the I’batse. The pipe was lit and cere-
monially smoked by the captive. Then the chief of the Nu’xe brought buffalo fat and
anointed the body of the captive, after which the chief of the O’pxo" painted two
black stripes across the face from the left eyebrow to the lower part of the right cheek.
This done, the chief of the Tsi/zhu washtage announced the name, Ni’wathe (‘‘made
to live’’), and the captive became the child of the man who adopted him.

The letting of blood symbolized that the captive lost the blood and kinship of the
tribe into which he had been born. All trace of his former birth was removed by the
washing away of the blood by the Wa/tsetsi. He was then given food by those who led:
the tribe in the hunt when the food supply was obtained. The new blood made by
the Osage food was thus made Osage blood.

— This symbolic act was confirmed and sanctified by the smoking of the pipe, the
aromatic cedar being provided by the I’batse. Finally, the anointing of the body by
the Nu’xe (who, together with the Buffalo people, controlled the planting of the corn)
brought the captive entirely within the rites and avocations of the tribe. The black
stripes put on by the O’pxo" were in recognition of the Thunder as the god of war and
the captive’s future duties as a warrior of the tribe. The giving of the name Ni/wathe
explained and closed the ceremony.

‘

It was further explained that the drama ‘‘means to represent the
death of the captive not only to the people of his birth but to his past
life, and his rebirth into the family of the Osage who saved him and
“made” him “ to live” by adopting him.”

At the close of the ceremony all the chiefs who had taken part in
the rites partook of the feast which the man who adopted the captive
had provided for the occasion. Not long after, the name Ni’wathe
was dropped and the adopted child without further ceremony was
given a name belonging to the father’s group.

LEGENDARY ACCOUNTS
THE PRESENT TRIBAL ORGANIZATION *
(Given by Black Dog, pl. 15.)

The Wazha/zhe kinship group had seven pipes. These were used to make peace
within the tribe. Ifa quarrel occurred, one of these pipes was sent by the hand of
the sho’ka, and the difficulty was settled peaceably.

When the Wazha/zhe met the Hoga, they were united by means of one of these
peace pipes. After they were united they met the Ho"’ga utanatsi, who had a pipe

of their own; but peace was made, and the Hoga utanatsi united with the Wazha’zhe
and the Hoga. Later these three met and united with the Tsi/zhu.

According to Big Heart and others, each of the five groups had
its own traditions, and one did not interfere with another.

Je] PUleI] x9 9} WO saRaddR (9qR500},n0yS) S0q HOB

SS5IHO S39VSO YSHLO GNV 5Od MOVvIA

St 3LV1d LHOd3Y TIVWANNVY HLNSASZS-ALNSML ASOIONHL]A NVOINSWV 4O NVAauNd

FLETCHBR-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 63

WAZHA’ZHE GROUP

Way beyond (an expression similar to “once upon a time’’) a part of the Wazha/zhe
lived in the sky. They desired to know their origin, the source from which they
came into existence. They went to the sun. He told them that they were his chil-
dren. Then they wandered still farther and came to the moon. She told them
that she gave birth to them, and that the sun was their father. She told them that
they must leave their present abode and go down to the earth and dwell there. They
came to the earth, but found it covered with water. They could not return to the
place they had left, so they wept, but no answer came to them from anywhere. They
floated about in the air, seeking in every direction for help from some god; but they
found none. The animals were with them, and of all these the elk was the finest
and most stately, and inspired all the creatures with confidence; so they appealed
to the elk for help. He dropped into the water and began to sink. Then he called
to the winds and the winds came from all quarters and blew until the waters went
upward as in a mist. Before that time the winds traveled only in two directions,
from north to south and then back from south to north; but when the elk called they
came from the east, the north, the west, and the south, and met at a central point,
and carried the water upward.

At first rocks only were exposed, and the people traveled on the rocky places that
produced no plants, and there was nothing to eat. Then the waters began to go down
until the soft earth was exposed. When this happened the elk in his joy rolled over
and over on the soft earth, and all his loose hairs clung to the soil. The hairs grew,
and from them sprang beans, corn, potatoes, and wild turnips, and then all the grasses
and trees.

The people went over the land, and in their wanderings came across human foot-
prints, and followed them. They came upon people who called themselves Wazha/-
zhe. The Ho”ga and the Elk® affiliated with them, and together they traveled
in search of food. In these wanderings they came across the Hoga utanatsi. The
Wazha/zhe had a pipe. This they filled and presented to the Ho”ga, who accepted
it, and thus the Hoga utanatsi were incorporated with the three affiliated bands.
Then they came upon the Tsi’zhu, and they were taken in, with their seven bands.

HO’ GA GROUP

The Ho”ga came down from above, and found the earth covered with water.
They flew in every direction seeking for gods to call upon who would render them
help and drive away the water; but they found none. Then the elk came and with
his loud voice shouted to the four quarters. The four winds came in response to
his call, and they blew upon the water and it ascended, leaving rocks visible. The
rocks gave but a limited space for the people to stand on. The muskrat was sent
down into the water and was drowned. Then the loon was sent, but he also was
drowned. Next the beaver was sent down, and was drowned. Then the crawfish
dived into the waters, and when he came up there was some mud adhering to his
claws, but he was so exhausted that he died. From this mud the land was formed.

WA’‘TSETSI GROUP

The stars are believed,to be the children of the sun and moon. The people of the
Wa/tsetsi¢ are said to have been stars that came down to the earth like meteors and
became people.

a Note the name I’batsetatse (‘‘ winds coming together’’) of the Sho’ka subdivision of (g) of the Ho»’ga
group (p. 60).

b The O’pxos, or Elk, is (c) of the Ho»’ga group. Note the use of the term Ho»’ga in this legend as the
name of a people, in connection with what has already been pointed out on pp. 40-41.

e¢ The Wa’tsetsi subgroup (d) of the Wazha/zhe group, p. 59.

64 THE OMAHA TRIBE [PTH. ANN. 27

THE WATER PEOPLE

There are people who came from under the water. They lived in the water weeds
that hang down, are green in color, and have leaves on the stem. The people who
lived in water dwelt in shells which protected them from the water, keeping the
water out and serving as houses. ,

There were creatures who lived under the earth, as the cougar, the bear, the buf-
falo, and the elk. These creatures came up out of the ground. The land creatures
and those that lived in shells came to the earth, and the star people came down; all
three came together, intermarried, and from these unions sprang the people of to-day.

The men of the Hoga division cut the hair so that there should
be five bunches in rows running from front to back.

The men of the Tsi’zhu division wore the hair in three bunches—
one just above the forehead, one at the top of the head, and one
at the nape of the neck.

PrersonaLt NAMES

The following Osage names were obtained in 1896:

TSI’ZHU WASHTAGE (PEACEMAKERS’ HOUSEHOLD)

Male
A’huzhi*e—Little wings.
Blo’gahike—AlII the chiefs.
Bpabaxo"—Cut head. Refers to war. Cutting off the head.
Dho™ tsewahi—Bone heart (O., Tapa’).
Dto™ wo"gaxe—Village maker (O., Mo thitkagaxe).
Dto™ wotihi—Refers to war. The warriors cause the villagers to stampede.
Gahi’geste—Tall chief (O., I"ke’¢abe).
Gahi’/gkewadai"ga—Chief’s power to control the people (O., Mo thi"kagaxe).
Gka/washi"ka—Little horse.
Gko™sano™bawahri—Kills two Kansa. War name.
Gko”sawatai"ga—Gkor’sa, Kansa; wataimga, eccentric (old word).
Gredo™shi*ka—Little hawk (O., Tha’tada).
Grezhe/ruse—War name. Captures spotted horses.
Haxu’mizhe—Woman’s name. Ropes.
Howa’saope—War name. Goes on the warpath after mourning.
Hua/shutse—Red eagle.
I*shta’ mo*ze—I”shta’, eye; moze, protruding like breasts (O., We’zhi"shte).
Mo™hogri® mo*kasabpe—Sitting by the bank. Refers to a village site.
Mo™kasabe—Black breast. Refers to the elk.
Mo” zeno*opi"—Iron necklace.
Mo” zhakita—( Monzha, land; kita, watches—watches over the land). Refers to the
wind (O., Ko"’¢e).
Mo”™zhakuta—( Kuta, shoots; guards or shoots over the land). Refers to the wind
(O., Kansa).
Ni/wathe—Made to live. (See Adoption ceremony, p. 61.)
No*be’ze—Yellow claws. Refers to the eagle.
Opxo"shibpe—Elk entrails.
Ota’no"—Space between two objects. Refers to warriors passing between the tents.
Othu’hawae—Envious.
Pahu’¢ka—White hair. Refers to white buffalo (O., Ho’ga and Tapa’).
Pasu’—Hail.
Po"ho’’gregahre—War name. One who strikes the enemy first.
Sa/pekie—Paints himself black.

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] LOCATION; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 65

To"wo"gaxe—Village-maker (O., Mo™thitkagaxe).
Tsesi’eno"pe—Buffalo-tail necklace.

Tsi’zhuho"ka (2)—Ho"™ ga household. Leader name.
Tsi/zhuni"kashi*ka—Little Hoga household.
Tsi‘zhushi"ka—Little household.

Tsi’zhutsage—Old man of the Tsi’zhu gens.

Tso’he—Puckery taste. Nickname.

Uki’sa—Deserted (as an empty village or house) (O., I"shta’gu"da).
Wako" daokie—Talks to Wako"’da (an old Omaha name—Mo"™ thi*kagaxe).
Wathigro"ringe (2)—No mind (O., Mo™thi"kagaxe).
Watsa‘no®zhi"—War name. One who grasps the enemy.

Wazhi™ bpizhi—Anger.

Wazhi™gasabpe—Blackbird (O., Mo™thitkagaxe).
Wazhi*hotse—Gray bird. Refers to hawk (O., Tapa’).
Wazhi™sabpe—Cautious mind.

Female
Mi’tai"ga—Coming, or new moon (O.).
Mi’taigashi*"ka—Little new moon.
SINTSAGRE
Male

Ba/zo"tsie—War name. Going into the midst; attacking a village.
Bpa‘htato"i"—Big head. Refers to buffalo head.
Bpa’ri"wawexta—War name. Attacking the Pawnee.
Do*he’mo*i"—Good walker.
Gahi’gashi—Not a chief.
Gka/wasabpeagthi"—One who rides a black horse.
Gko™segaxri—War name. One who kills a Kansa.
Gko™sekibpa—War name. Meeting the Kansa.
Gredo®’mo"i"—Walking hawk (O., I"ke’¢abe).
Ho’moni?—Howler.
Hone’go"—War name. Refers to the success of the warrior. Success comes as though
seeking the man.
Hutha/watoni"te—War name. The light of the eagle soaring on high.
I’ dokawadai*ga—War name. Refers to taking trophies.
Mo”zeuno"zhi"—Iron shirt (Ponca).
Ni’gka/sabegaxri—War name. One who kills a black man.
Ni’‘kano"tsewa—War name. One who kills the enemy.
Ni/koibro"—Smelling a human being (O., Tha’tada).
Otha’/hamo"i"—War name. Follower; one who follows the leader.
Sho” gkeihi—War name. Refers to the barking of dogs when the warriors approach.
Tha/bthi* waxri—Kills three.
Tsewa/hu—Buffalo bone.
Wa/bisu"tse—War name. A warrior presses an enemy to the ground.
Wa/dashtae—War name. Refers to setting fire to the grass to scare out the enemy.
Wadoh’kie—War name. Refers to taking the scalp.
Waho"™gashi—Mischievous. Nickname.
Wa‘i"no"zhi"—War name. Holding the captive.
Waki‘ashke—Refers to hunting and packing the buffalo meat.
Watse’wahe—War name.
Waxri/—Stingy. Nickname.
Wazha/kibpa—War name. Refers to meeting a Wazha/zhe.
We’i"gaxe—Refers to hunting. Making a pack strap.
83993°—27 erH—1l1

66 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

MI’K’1N WANON
Male
Be’ga’xazhi (pl. 12)—War name. One who can not be outstripped. Refers to run-
ning.
Bpahi’thagthi?—Good hair.
Ho’thagthi"—Good voice.
Migk’i’wadai"ga—Eccentric sun carrier.

Mi‘hig¢e—Yellow hair.
Refers to buffalo calf.
Mio’tamo*i*"—S traight

sun or moon.
Shi"nica—Refers to in-
tercepting the game.
We’to"mo"i2—War
name. Refers to the
women singing weton
songs.

THE KANSA TRIBE®

The name Kansa
is an‘old term. As
the rites pertaining
to the winds belong
to the Kansa gens in
the several cognate
tribes, it may be
that the word had
some reference to
the wind.

GENTES’

The following list
of gentes is not com-
plete, nor has it been
possible to obtain
satisfactory infor-
mation as to the lo-
cation of each gens
in the tribal circle,
owing to the disintegration of the tribe and the breaking up of their
ancient customs and ceremonies. The information obtained goes to

Fic. 12. Kansa chief.

a Of the Kansa tribe fewer than 300 are now living; these are in northern Oklahoma. Their lands adjoin
those of the Osage. They, too, have been pushed from the place where they were dwelling when the white
people first came into their vicinity. They were then northwest of the Osage, in the region along the river
which bears theirname. They began ceding land to the United States in 1825. Further relinquishments
were made in 1846, and again in 1859 and 1862. In 1872 their present reservation was purchased from the
Osage. While the Kansa have not been so reduced as the Quapaw, they have failed to maintain fully their
old tribal organization; though much has lapsed from the memory of the people owing to disuse of former
customs and rites, considerable knowledge of the ancient tribal life still might possibly be recovered. (Por-
traits of Kansa chiefs are shown in pl. 16 and fig. 12.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 16

SOE DS PI IAL

KANSA CHIEF

FLETCHHR-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 67

show that their former organization was similar to that of the other
cognates, that the tribe was composed of, two great divisions, and
that the names of Kansa gentes are to be found in the Osage, Ponca,
Omaha, and Quapaw tribes. The names obtained and verified are:

1. Mo*ika (‘‘earth’’). This name corresponds to Mo i"kagaxe of the Osage tribe,
and to Mo’ thi"kagaxe of the Omaha tribe, both of which mean “ earth makers.”’

2. Wazha/zhe. This name occurs as the name of the Osage tribe and of one of the
large kinship groups in that tribe; also as the name of a gens in the Ponca tribe.

3. Ponca. This name occurs as the name of a gens in the Osage and Ponca tribes.

4. Kansa. There isa Kansagensin
the Omaha tribe.

5. Wazhi’ga inikashikithe (wazhi"-
ga, bird; inikashikithe corresponds to
the Omaha i’nikashiga, and means that
with which they make themselves a
people—that is, by observing a com-
mon rite they make themselves one
people). (See Wazhi’ga subgens of
the Tha’tada, p. 160.) Birds figure in
the rites of all the cognates, and are
tabu in those gentes practising rites
which pertain to certain birds.

6. Te inikashikithe (te, buffalo).
Buffalo rites occur in all the five cog-
nates.

7. O’pxo"® inikashikithe (0’ pro”,
elk). Gentes bearing the name of the
elk occur in the Osage and Quapaw
tribes, and in the Omaha the elk is
tabu to the We’zhi"shte gens.

8. Ho" (night). This name occurs in
the Osage tribe as the name of a group.

9. Ho”gashitga (‘‘little Ho™ga’’).
This name occurs in the Osage and
Quapaw tribes, and the name Hoga
in the Omaha and Osage tribes.

10. Hogato*ga (‘‘ big Ho™ga’’). This name is found also in the Quapaw.

11. Tsedu’ga (‘‘buffalo bull’’). This occurs also in the Osage tribe.

12. Tsi’zhu washtage (washtage, docile, peaceable). Tsi/zhu isthe name of a large
group of the Osage, and Tsi’zhu washtage of the peacemakers of that group.

Fig. 13. Quapaw man.

THE QUAPAW TRIBE®%

The origin of the word quapaw has already been explained
(see p. 36).

aThe remnant of the Quapaw tribe (hardly a hundred in number) are living in the northern part of
Oklahoma. (See figs. 13, 14.) When first met by the white people they were living south of the Osage.
The Quapaw came into contact with the French and Spanish traders of the sixteenth century, being in the
line of march of these early traders from the South. With the stimulus given to immigration and settle-
ment after the Louisiana Purchase, their lands were soon wanted. In 1818 they ceded to the United States
their country lying between the Arkansas, Canadian, and Red rivers, receiving a tract for themselves
south of the Arkansas and Washita rivers. This reservation they relinquished in 1824, retiring to a
smaller tract in the vicinity of their present home. Their vicissitudes have been such as to shatter their
tribal life, so that it is now difficult to obtain accurate information concerning their ancient organiza-
tion. Only fragments can be gathered here and there, to be pieced together by knowledge gained from
those cognates who have been more fortunate in preserving their old tribal form and rites. ;

68 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27
GENTES

It has been difficult to obtain definite information concerning the
gentes of the tribe. The people have become so disintegrated that
questions are usually met with a weary shake of the head as the
answer comes, “All is gone; gone long ago!’’ A fragmentary list of
gentes has been secured. Some of the following may be subgentes.
There were two divisions in the tribe, but how the following groups
were divided between these it has been thus far impossible to learn.

1. Ho™gato"ga—Big Ho™ga.
2. Ho™gazhi"ga—Little Ho™ga.
3. Wazhi™ga inikashiha (wazhinga, bird; inikashiha, meaning with which they
make themselves a people, i. e., by the
rite of which the bird is the symbol).

4. Te’nikashiha (te, buffalo).

5. O*’po® inikashiha (0”’pon, elk).

6. Hu/inikashiha (hu, fish).

7. Ke’nikashiha (ke, turtle).

8. Na™pa"ta—deer.

9. Wa’sa inikashiha (wasa, black
bear).

10. Mo"chu’ inikashiha (monchu,
grizzly bear).

11. Miha’ke nikashiha (miha‘ke,
star).

12. Pe’to® inikashiha (peto”, crane).

13. Mi‘inikashiha (m7, sun).

14. Wako™ta inikashiha—Thunder.

The foregoing brief account
of the four tribes that are close
cognates of the Omaha has been
given for the following reasons:

First, to indicate some of the
peculiarities of tribal organiza-

iG, ik, Mana cama tion which, while common to

all, are remarkably developed

among the Omaha, as will be apparent from the following detailed
account of that tribe.

Second, to suggest the importance of careful study of such a cognate
group as likely to throw light on the manner in which tribes have
come to be built up into separate organizations and to bear on the
reason why each shows different phases of development.

In the Omaha and the four cognates there appear to be certain
stable characteristics which indicate a common ideal of organization,
as the two divisions of the tribal circle and the functions pertaining
to each; the ceremonies connected with warfare and the awarding of
war honors. There seems to be also a common type of religious

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 69

ceremonial for the recognition of those, cosmic forces which were
believed to affect directly the life of man, as the rites attending the
naming of children and the class of names given, and the customs
relating to birth and to death. These resemblances between the
tribes will become clearer as the story of the Omaha tribe is told and
discussion is had of customs among the cognates which seem to be
similar in purpose even when they differ in details, the differences
being as suggestive as the similarities.”

a Since the foregoing brief account of the Osage tribe was written an ethnological study of that tribe
has been undertaken by Mr. Francis La Flesche for the Bureau of American Ethnology. It is expected
that, as a result of this investigation, additional light will be thrown on the relationship between the
ribes of the cognate group to which the Osage and the Omaha belong.

II
ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES
OMAHA SACRED LEGEND
EARLY HABITAT AND CONDITIONS

The Omaha do not claim to have been born in the region they
now occupy. On the contrary, their traditions, like those of their
cognates, place their early home in the Hast, ‘‘near a great body
of water.’ This account of their ancient environment had become
blended with the idea of a physical birth, as was explained by Shu’-
denaci when he repeated the fragmentary Legend, at the time the
Sacred Pole was turned over to the writers to be deposited for safe-
keeping in the Peabody Museum of Harvard University. This
Legend was in the custody of those who had charge of that cere-
monial object and was considered sacred.

The Legend says:

In the beginning the people were in water. They opened their eyes but they
could see nothing. From that we get the child name in the Hoga gens, Mia’di
inshtagabtha, ‘‘ eyes open in the water.’’ As the people came out of the water they
beheld the day, so we have the child name Ke’tha gaxe, ‘‘to make (or behold) the
clear sky.’’ As they came forth from the water they were naked and without shame.

But after many days passed they desired covering. They took the fiber of weeds
and grass and wove it about their loins for covering.

It is noteworthy, when taken in connection with the traditions
and usages already mentioned as associated with the name Hoga,
(p. 40) that the personal names which refer to the birth of the people
are preserved in the Hoga gens.

The Legend continues:

The people dwelt near a large body of water, in a wooded country where there was
game. The men hunted the deer with clubs; they did not know the use of the bow.
The people wandered about the shores of the great water and were poor and cold.
And the people thought, What shall we do to help ourselves? They began chipping
stones; they found a bluish stone that was easily flaked and chipped and they made
knives and arrowheads [sic] out of it. They had now knives and arrows [sic], but
they suffered from the cold and the people thought, What shall we do? A man
found an elm root that was very dry and dug a hole in it and put a stick in and rubbed
it. Then smoke came. He smelled it. Then the people smelled it and came near;
others helped himtorub. At last aspark came; they blew this into a flame and so fire
came to warm the people and to cook their food. After this the people built grass
houses; they cut the grass with the shoulder blade of a deer. Now the people had

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 17

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 71

fire and ate their meat roasted; but they tired of roast meat, and the people thought,
How shall we have our meat cooked differently? A man found a bunch of clay that
stuck well together; then he brought sand to mix with it; then he molded it asa vessel.
Then he gathered grass and made a heap; he put the clay vessel into the midst of the
grass, set it on fire, and made the clay vessel hard. Then, after a time, he put water
into the vessel and it held water. This was good. So he put water into the vessel
and then meat into it and put the vessel over the fire and the people had boiled meat
to eat. ;

Their grass coverings would fuzz and drop off. It was difficult to gather and keep
these coverings. The people were dissatisfied and again the people thought, What
can we do to have something different to wear? Heretofore they had been throwing
away the hides they had taken from the game. So they took their stone knives to
scrape down the hides and make them thin; they rubbed the hides with grass and with
their hands to make them soft and then used the hides for clothing. Now they had
clothing and were comfortable.

The women had to break the dry wood to keep up the fires; the men had some con-
sideration for the women and sought plans for their relief. So they made the stone
ax with a groove, and put a handle on the ax and fastened it with rawhide, This
was used. But they wanted something better for breaking the wood. So they made
wedges of stone. [These were of the same shape as the iron wedges used for splitting
logs, explained the old narrator. ]

The grass shelter became unsatisfactory and the people thought, How shall we bet-
ter ourselves? So they substituted bark for grass as a covering for their dwellings.

The comfort derived from their skin clothing seems to have sug-
gested the idea of trying the experiment of covering their dwellings
with skins, for the Legend says:

The people determined to put skins on the poles of their dwellings. They tried the
deerskins, but they were too small. They tried the elk, but both deer and elk skins

became hard and unmanageable under the influence of the sun-and rain. So they
abandoned the use of the skins and returned to bark as a covering for their houses.

There is no mention made in this Legend, or in any known tradi-
tion, as to when or where the people met the buffalo; but there is an
indirect reference to the animal in this Legend from which it would
seem that the meeting with the buffalo must have taken place after
they had left the wooded region where they could obtain elm bark
for the covering of their houses, and that the need of a portable
shelter started the idea among the people of experimenting again
with a skin covering for their tents, for the Legend says:

Until they had the buffalo the people could not have good tents. “They took one
of the leg bones of the deer, splintered it, and made it sharp for an awl and with sinew
sewed the buffalo skin and made comfortable tent covers. (PI. 17.)

From this Legend and other traditions both the buffalo and the
maize seem to have come into the life of the people while they were
still in their eastern habitat. The story of finding the maize is told
as follows in this Legend:

Then a man in wandering about found some kernels, blue, red, and white. He

thought he had secured something of great value, so he concealed them in a mound.
One day he thought he would go to see if they were safe. When he came to the mound

72 THE OMAHA TRIBE [wrH. ANN. 27

he found it covered with stalks having ears bearing kernels of these colors. He took
an ear of each kind and gave the rest to the people to experiment with. They tried
it for food, found it good, and have ever since called it their life. Assoon as the people
found the corn good, they thought to make mounds like that in which the kernels had
been hid. So they took the shoulder blade of the elk and built mounds like the first
and buried the corn in them. So the corn grew and the people had abundant food.

In their wanderings the people reached the forests where the birch trees grow and
where there were great lakes. Here they made birch-bark canoes and traveled in
them about the shores of the lakes. A man in his wanderings discovered two young
animals and carried them home. He fed them and they grew large and were docile.
He discovered that these animals would carry burdens, so a harness was fixed on
them to which poles were fastened and they became the burden bearers. Before
this every burden had to be carried on the back. The people bred the dogs and they
were a help to the people.

WESTERN MOVEMENTS

The western movement of the people is not definitely traced in
any of their traditions, nor is there any account of the separations
of kindred which from time to time must have taken place. By
inference, there must have been considerable warfare, as the making
of peace with enemies is referred to. The tribe seem to have lin-
gered long in the northern territory now covered by the States of
Minnesota, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Iowa, and between the
Mississippi and Missouri rivers; their claims to portions of this
territory were acknowledged in the last century when they joined in
the treaty made at Prairie du Chien in 1830, at which time they
relinquished all their rights to this land to the United States. Six
years later they made a like relinquishment of their claims east of
the Missouri river in the States of Missouri and Iowa. Tradition is
silent as to their movements from the Lake region south to the Ohio
river, where it is said they parted from the Quapaw, as already told.

A period of considerably more than three hundred years must have
elapsed between the time of parting from the Quapaw on the banks
of the Mississippi, at the mouth of the Ohio, and the date of the
Omaha’s first cession to the United States, mentioned above. After
the separation from the Quapaw it is not probable that the Omaha
were ever again as far south as the Ohio river or as far east as Lake
Michigan.

Tradition says that the Omaha after parting from the Quapaw
followed the Mika’to® ke river (the Des Moines) to its headwaters, ‘and
wandered northeast. One day about thirty years ago the old men
were talking of these early movements of the tribe when Shu’denaci
said, “I think that we could trace the sites of the old Omaha villages
of the time the tribe went up the Mi’kato™ ke”. The question, How
could the sites be identified? elicited the reply: “By the circles of
stones which were left when the people abandoned a village.” It was
the custom to place stones around the bottom of the tent cover to
hold it firmly on the ground; when the tent was taken down the

FLETCHER-—LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 73

stones were left where they had been used. Some of the old men said
that they had seen such traces of deserted village sites east of the
Missouri in the region where the tribe is said once to have lived.
Dakota tradition tells of their meeting the Omaha near the
Blue Earth and Minnesota rivers. That the Omaha dwelt
for a considerable time in the forest region seems to be borne out
by both legends and rites, which show the influence of the woods.
The Sacred Pole was cut while the people were dwelling in the
wooded country, as all the traditions of the cutting seem to indicate.
When that occurred the Ponca were still with the Omaha, and their
legends are similar to those of the latter touching the finding and
cutting of the Pole. The tree from which it was cut is said to have
stood near a lake, and the suggestion has been made that the place
was Lake Andes, in Choteau county, South Dakota; but this iden-
tification has not been accepted by the best tribal authorities and
traditions do not favor placing the act in the vicinity of this lake.

It was prior to the cutting of the Sacred Pole that the Omaha organ-
ized themselves into their present order. The inauguration of the
rites connected with the Sacred Pole seems to have been for the
purpose of conserving that order; and it was after these rites had
been instituted that the Omaha reached the vicinity of the Big Sioux,
where on the banks of a small stream that flows in from the north-
east they built a village. It was while they were living here that a
disastrous battle took place (tradition does not say with whom), and
as a result this village seems to have been abandoned, after the dead
had been gathered and buried in a great mound, around which a stone
wall was built. In the middle of the last century this wall was still to
be seen. Tradition says, ‘“‘In this battle the Sacred Pole came near
being captured.”’

It was while the Omaha were in the vicinity of the upper Mississippi
that they came into contact with the Cheyenne. The Legend says,
‘““We made peace with the Cheyenne. At that time the Ponca were
with us, and the Iowa and Oto joined in the peace.”” The old narrator
added: ‘‘The Osage say they were withus, too; but it is not so told by
our people.” This overture of peace may have been made in conse-
quence of the Omaha having invaded the Cheyenne territory in the
northern movement. According to Dakota traditions the Cheyenne
were in possession of the upper Mississippi country when the Dakota
arrived there. It may be difficult to determine whether or not at this
time the Dakota as distinct tribes had come into contact with the
Omaha and the Ponca. :

While in this region experiences disruptive in character must have
visited the people—possibly the defection of the Ponca—which
finally resulted in their complete separation. At any rate, something

74 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN, 27

happened which caused the Omaha to take steps toward a closer
organization of the people. The Legend says:

At this place [where peace with the Cheyenne had been made] we formed a govern-
ment. The people said, “ Let us appoint men who shall preserve order.’’ Accordingly
they selected men, the wisest, the most thoughtful, generous, and kind, and they con-
sulted together and agreed upon a council of seven who should govern the people.

Then follows the account of the organization of the tribe inits pres-
ent order and the story of finding and cutting the Sacred Pole. Both
of these narratives will be given later on.

After the great battle on the Big Sioux the Omaha seem to have
turned slightly southward, but to have remained in the main on the
east side of the Missouri, although war parties apparently reached
the river and even crossed to the farther side, where they met and
fought the Arikara, who were dwelling where the Omaha live to-day.
Traditions are definite in stating that ‘‘the Arikara were first encoun-
tered on the west side of the Missouri.”’

About the time of these events the Omaha seem to have returned to
the Big Sioux and to have built a village where the river makes a loop,
at a point where a small stream enters from a canyon which, the
Omaha story says, has ‘‘two cliffs, like pinnacles, standing at its
entrance, through which the wind rushes with such violence as to
disturb the water.” When they built this village, according to the
Legend, the Omaha were living in bark houses (pl. 18). They had
met and fought the Arikara, but had not yet adopted the earth
lodge. The continued forays of the Omaha made the Arikara seek
peace and it was in this village at the mouth of the canyon that
peace was made among the Arikara, the Cheyenne, the Omaha, the
Ponca, the Iowa, and the Oto, and sought to be confirmed through
the ceremony now known among the Omaha as the Wa’wa® (see
p. 376)—the same ceremony as the Pawnee Hako.*

In view of the part this ceremony has played in the life of the
Omaha and its cognate tribes, it is fitting to call attention to the
extent of territory throughout which it was observed before and dur-|
ing the seventeenth century. The early French travelers found it
among the Caddo group in the country now known as Texas, Loui-
siana, and Arkansas, while Marquette met with it among the tribes
living on the Mississippi when he entered that stream from the Wis-
consin river. The Omaha Legend shows that it was known to the:
Arikara on the Missouri river and was probably introduced by them
to the Omaha, Ponca, Iowa, Oto, and Cheyenne at the village on the
Big Sioux river. The Cheyenne seem to have lost the rite in the
course of their western movement, but it has ever since been prac-
tised by the other tribes who took part in this peacemaking. A rite
which was both recognized and revered throughout so extensive a

a See Hako, in the Twenty-second Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pt. i.

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FLETCH®SR—-LA FLESCHH] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 15

territory, occupied by so many tribes, must have been instrumental
in modifying the customs of the peoples practising it, in extending
the use of certain symbols, and in bringing about some measure of
unity in the forms of religious beliefs.

CONTACT WITH THE ARIKARA

Traditions are more explicit concerning contact with the Arikara
than with any other tribe. Both Omaha and Ponca legends give evi-
dence of the influence exerted on the people by this tribe. When the
Missouri river was reached by the Omaha, they found the Arikara
there, cultivating the maize and living in villages composed of
earth lodges—evidently a peaceful, sedentary folk. Omaha war
parties from the east side of the river harassed the Arikara, who
were living on the west side. The Arikara sought to obtain peace
through the influence of the Wa’wa® ceremony, as already related,
but Omaha war parties seem finally to have driven them from their
homes and to have forced them northward up the Missouri river.
The tradition that the Arikara were driven away from the land the
Omaha now own is confirmed by a Ponca story that refers to the
sale of the Omaha lands to the United States Government in the
middle of the last century; at that time an Arikara said to a Ponca: .
“Had my people known that these lands were valuable, they would
have contested the right of the Omaha to make the sale, for the
Arikara were the first to occupy the land, a proof of which is to be
seen in the remains of our earth lodges and village sites on the bluffs
of the Missouri.’’ These earth circles have often been seen by the
writers on the Omaha reservation, and the traditions of the Omaha
declare them to be the remains of the earth lodges occupied by the
Arikara when they dwelt in this region. Both Omaha and Ponca
traditions say that the tribes were together when they met and drove
the Arikara northward. It was from the Arikara that the Omaha
and Ponca learned to make and use earth lodges. According to the
Omaha Legend: “‘It was the women who saved the life of the people.
They built the sod houses; they made them by their labor. The
work was divided. Men cut the poles and fixed the frame and tied
the opening for the smoke hole; the women brought the willows and
sod and finished the building.”’

In this connection it is interesting to note that while the Omaha
adopted the earth lodge (pl. 19) they did so from a purely practical
point of view, as affording them a better permanent dwelling than
tents, and were probably ignorant of the symbolic character of the
structure. With the tribe from which it was taken this lodge repre-
sented certain religious ideas. Rituals attended the cutting of the
trees for its structure and the planting of the four posts that inclosed
the space about the central fire. The Omaha did not observe any of

76 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

these ceremonies nor did they use the prescribed number of posts.
They set up about the fireplace six, seven, or eight posts as suited
their convenience, for the sole purpose of supporting the roof, these
posts possessing no ceremonial importance or other significance. The
Omaha built the earth lodge only for village use; the tipi, or tent,
was still the habitation when on the buffalo hunt. There is a tra-
dition that the tribe received the maize from the Arikara but it is
questionable if this was the first knowledge the Omaha had of the
plant. It may be that in their northward migrations the people
passed out of the corn belt into environments not favorable to its
cultivation, so that its general use was partially discontinued; but
nothing definite is known, although there are indications favorable to
this conjecture. If there was any hiatus in the cultivation of the
maize among the Omaha, as the following story might suggest, there
is nothing to indicate that the tribe has not constantly cultivated it
since the time the Missouri was reached. This story, preserved among
the Omaha but credited to the Arikara, tells how the latter found the
maize and how the former received it from them:

The Arikara were the first to find the maize. A young man went out hunting. He
came to a high hill, and, looking down upon a valley, he saw a buffalo bull standing
in the middle of a bottom land lying between two rivers where they conjoined. As
the young man surveyed the country to find a safe way of approaching the buffalo
he was impressed with the beauty of the landscape. The banks of the two rivers
were low and well timbered. He observed that the buffalo stood facing the north;
he saw that he could not approach the animal from any side within bow shot. He
thought that the only way to get a chance to shoot the buffalo would be to wait until
the animal moved close to the banks of one of the rivers, or to the hills where there
were ravines and shrubs. So the young man waited. The sun went down before
the buffalo moved; the young man went home disappointed. Nearly all night the
hunter lay awake brooding over his disappointment, for food had become scarce and
the buffalo would have given a good supply. Before dawn the young man arose
and hurried to the scene of the buffalo to see if he could find the animal somewhere
near the place, if it had moved. Just as he reached the summit of the hill, where
he was the day before, the sun arose, and he saw that the buffalo was still in the same
spot. But he noticed that it was now facing the east. Again the young man waited
for the animal to move, but again the sun went down and the buffalo remained stand-
ing in the same spot. The hunter went home and passed another night of unrest.
He started out again before dawn and came to the top of the hill just as the sun arose,
and saw the buffalo still standing in the same place, but it had turned around to face
the south. The young man waited until dark for the buffalo to move, and had to go
again to his home disappointed, where he passed another sleepless night. The hun-
ter’s desire to secure the game was not unmixed with some curiosity to know why
the buffalo should so persistently remain in that one spot without eating or drinking
or lying down to rest. With this curiosity working in his mind, he arose for the fourth
time before dawn, and hastened to the hill to see if the buffalo was still standing in
the same place. It was again daylight when he came to the hill, and there stood the
buffalo exactly in the same place, but it had turned around to face the west. Being
now determined to know what the animal would do, the young man settled down to
watch as he had done the three days before. He thought that the animal was acting
in this manner under the influence of an unseen power for some mysterious purpose,

FLETCHER—LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES Tl

and that he, as well as the buffalo, was controlled by the same influence. Darkness
came upon him again with the animal still standing in the same position. The hunter
returned to his home and lay awake all night, wondering what would come of this
strange experience. He arose before dawn and again hurried to the mysterious
scene. As he reached the summit of the hill the light of day spread over the land.
The buffalo had gone. But in the spot where it had been standing there stood some-
thing like a small bush. The young man approached the place with a feeling of
curiosity and disappointment. He came to the object that from the distance appeared
like a small bush and saw that it was a strange plant. He looked upon the ground
and saw the tracks of the buffalo, and followed them as they had turned from the
north to the east and to the south and to the west, and in the center there was but
one buffalo track, and out of that had sprung this strange plant. He examined the
ground near this plant to find where the buffalo had left the place, but there were
no other footprints besides those near the plant. The hunter hurried home and told
of his strange experience to the chiefs and the prominent men of his people. The
men, led by the hunter, proceeded to the place of the buffalo and examined the
ground, and found that what he had told them was true. They saw the tracks of
the buffalo where he had turned and stood, but could find no tracks of his coming
to the place or leaving it. While all of these men believed that this plant was
given to the people in this mysterious manner by Wako™da, they were not sure
how it was to be used. The people knew of other plants that were used for food, and
the season for their ripening, and, believing that the fruit of this strange plant
would ripen at its own proper time, they arranged to guard and protect it carefully,
awaiting the time of its ripening.

The plant blossomed, but from their knowledge of other plants they knew that
the blossom of the plant was but the flower and not the fruit. When they were
watching the blossom to develop into fruit, as they expected it would, a new growth
appeared from the joints of the plant. Their attention was now diverted from the
blossom to this growth. It grew larger and larger, until there appeared at the top
something that looked like hair. This, in the course of time, turned from pale green
to a dark brown, and after much discussion the people believed that this growth
was the fruit of the plant and that it had ripened. Up to this time no one had dared
to approach within touch of the plant. Although the people were anxious to know
the use to which the plant could be put or for which it was intended, no one dared
to touch it. As the people were assembled around the plant undetermined as to
the manner of examining it, a youth stepped forward and spoke:

“Everyone knows how my life from my childhood has been worse than worth-
less, that my life among you has been more for evil than for good. Since no one
would regret, should any evil befall me, let me be the first to touch this plant and
taste of its fruit so that you may know of its qualities whether they be good or
bad.’”’ The people having given their assent, the youth stepped boldly forward and
placed his right hand on the blossoms of the plant, and brought his hand with a down-
ward motion to the root of the plant as though blessing it. He then grasped the
fruit and, turning to the people, said: ‘‘It is solid, it is ripe.” He then parted the
husks at the top very gently and, again turning to the people, he said: ‘‘The fruit
is red.’’ He took a few of the grains, showed them to the people, then ate of them,
and replaced the husks. The youth suffered no ill effects, and the people became
convinced that this plant was given them for food. In the fall, when the prairie
grass had turned brown, the stalk and the leaves of this plant turned brown also.
The fruit was plucked and put carefully away. In the following spring the kernels
were divided among the people, four to each family. The people removed to the
spot where the strange apparition had taken place, and there they built their bark
huts along the banks of the two rivers. As the hills began to take on a green tinge

78 THE OMAHA TRIBE [wrH. ann, 27

from the new prairie grass, the people planted the kernels of this strange plant, hav-
ing first built little mounds like the one out of which the first stalk grew. To the
great joy of the people the kernels sprouted and grew into strong and healthy plants.
Through the summer they grew, and developed, and the fruit ripened as did that of
the first stock. The fruit was gathered and eaten, and was found to be good. In
gathering the fruit the people discovered that there were various colors—some ears
were white and others were blue and some were yellow.

The next season the people reaped a rich harvest of this new plant. In the fall
of the year these people, the Arikara, sent invitations to a number of different tribes
to come and spend the winter with them. Six tribes came, and among them were
the Omaha. The Arikara were very generous in the distribution of the fruit of
this new plant among their guests, and in this manner a knowledge of the plant
spread to the Omaha.

The composition of this story presents points of interest. The
importance and the mysterious power of the great game, the buffalo,
reflect the thought of the hunting tribe; with it is blended the equally
mysterious gift of the maize, so sacred to the tiller of the ground,
for the buffalo and the maize represented the principal food supply
of the people. The scene of the marvelous occurrence is placed in a
hilly country where flowed rivers and yet the prairie seems to have
been near at hand, for the story tells of the observation of the people
that ‘‘in the fall, when the prairie turned brown, the stalk and leaves
of this plant turned brown also,” and that they timed the planting of
the kernels the following spring by the upspringing of ‘‘the new prairie
erass.”” Thenwe are told that ‘‘ when the people removed to the spot,
where the strange occurrence had taken place, they built their
‘bark huts’ along the banks of the two rivers.”

The bark hut (see pl. 18) is a type of dwelling belonging to a forest
people. The Omaha used to live in such houses, as is told in the
ancient Legend here so often quoted, and in other Omaha traditions.
The people seem well aware that they once lived in bark houses
like those in use among the Winnebago at the present day. The
Arikara were not a forest people, and did not use the bark hut. The
presence of these details illustrates how a story takes on coloring
and becomes modified in passing from a people of one culture
to a people of another. That the cultivation of the maize was long
known and practised by the Arikara is evident from their rites, tra-
ditions, and customs when they were first known historically; but
that the Omaha gained their first knowledge of the plant from them
is very doubtful.

SEPARATION OF PONCA FROM OMAHA; FINDING OF HORSES

The Ponca were the last of the cognates to form a tribe by them-
selves. They were with the Omaha at the peace ceremony with the
Arikara and other tribes, but their departure seems to have taken
place not far from that time and on or near the Missouri river.

FLETCHER-LA FLescup] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 79

According to Ponca traditions already given, the people followed
this stream northward to a place where ‘‘they could step over the
water,’ and thence they seem to have turned southward. As they
were going ‘‘across the land,’’ they hunted buffalo far toward the
Rocky mountains, and on one of their hunts they encountered the
Padouca (Comanche). The following tradition tells of this meeting
and its results:

At that time the Ponca had no animals but dogs to help them to carry burdens.
Wherever they went they had to go on foot, but the people were strong and fleet;
they could run a great distance and not be weary. While they were off hunting buffalo
they first met the Padouca, and afterward had many battles with them. The Padouca
were mounted on strange animals. At first the Ponca thought the men and animals
were one creature, but they learned better after a while. The Padouca had bows
made from elk horn. They were not very long, nor were they strong. To make
these bows the horn was boiled until it was soft. While in this condition it was scraped
down, then spliced and bound together with sinew and glue. Their arrows were tipped
with bone. But the weapon the Padouca depended on in fighting was a stone
battle-ax. Its long handle was a sapling bound with rawhide to which a grooved stone
ax head, pointed at both ends, was bound by bands of rawhide. This weapon made
them terrible fighters at close quarters. The weakness of their bows and arrows
reduced the value of their horses in battle save as a means to bring them rapidly up to
their enemies, where they could bring their battle-axes into play. If their foes were
armed with strong bows and arrows, the Padouca would suffer before they came to
close range. To protect their horses from arrows they made a covering for the horses’
breasts and sides, to prevent an arrow taking effect at ordinary range. This covering
(armor) was made of thick rawhide cut in round pieces and made to overlap like the
scales of a fish. Over the surface was sand held on by glue. This covering made the
Ponca arrows glance off and do no damage. The Padouca protected their own bodies
by long shields of rawhide. Some of them had breastplates made like those on their
horses. When the Ponca found out that the terrible creature they first encountered
was aman on the back of an animal, they called the animal kawa, a name in use by
the Osage to-day to designate the horse. The Ponca noticed the smell of the horse,
and the odor would apprise them of the approach of the Padouca. When a man
perceived the smell, he would run and tell the herald, who would at once go about
the camp, and ery: “The wind tells us the kawa are coming!’’ So the Ponca would
make ready to defend themselves. The Ponca had many battles with the Padouca.
The Ponca did not know the use of the horses, so they killed them as well as the
men. Nor could they find out where were the Padouca villages, for when the two
tribes met, the Padouca always moved in an opposite direction from the location of
their dwellings. So the Ponca could not discover where the Padouca lived.

One day the two tribes had a great battle. The people fought all day long. Some-
times the Ponca were driven, sometimes the Padouca, until at last a Ponca shot a
Padouca in the eye, and he dropped from his horse. Then the battle ceased. After
the death of this man one of the Padouca came toward the Ponca and motioned that
one of the Ponca should come toward him. Then the Padouca said in plain Ponca:
“Who are you?) What do you call yourselves?’’ The Ponca replied: “ We call ’our-
selves Ponca; but you speak our language well; are you of our tribe?’? The Padouca
said: ““No; we are Padouca. I speak your language as a gift froma Ponca spirit. As
I lay one day on a Ponca grave after one of our battles with you a man rose from the
grave and spoke to me, so I know your language.”’

Then it was agreed to make peace. Visits were exchanged, the Ponca bartered
their bows and arrows for horses, and found out the whereabouts of the Padouca village.

80 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

The Padouca taught the Ponca how to ride and to put burdens on the horses. When
the Ponca had learned how to use horses they renewed war with the Padouca and
attacked them in their village. The Padouca met the Ponca outside their village
but, being driven, jumped into the stockade which surrounded the village and fought
from behind the barricade. The Ponca made such continual war on the Padouca and
stole so many of their horses that the Padouca abandoned their village and departed
we know not where. After that the Ponca followed the Platte river east and returned
to the Missouri, bringing the horses back with them.

That is how the Ponca first had horses, and we have had them ever since.

There is no definite tradition among the Omaha as to the tribe
from which they first obtained horses. The Legend already quoted
says:

It happened that a man in his wanderings discovered two animals. At first he
thought they were elk, but they did not look like elk. Then he thought they were
deer, but they were larger than deer. He did not know what they were, although he
saw many. When the man showed himself the animals did not run away, but circled
around him. He was troubled, and, fearing them, he tried to get away, but the
animals kept about him; he edged off and finally reached the village. The people
were curious; they saw that the animals were gentle and could be led. Some of
the men tried to mount them, but fell off, for they did not know how to ride.
The people found the animals could bear burdens and be led by a string. There
were two, male and female; they multiplied; and thus horses came among the Omaha.
The people loved the horses, and when they died the people wailed. So dogs wete
no longer the sole bearers of the people’s burdens.

There are traditions which say that “horses came from the
Southwest.”’

Traditions concerning the movements of the Omaha when in the
vicinity of the Missouri river are somewhat more definite but they
are still vague.

In 1695 Le Sueur places the Omaha near the Missouri river, where
the Iowa had joined them.¢ As he was about to establish his
trading post on the Blue Earth, Le Sueur sent runners to recall the
Towa that they might build a village near the fort, as these Indians
were “‘industrious and accustomed to cultivate the earth.’ The
trader hoped thus to procure provisions for his post as well as workers
for the mines.’ De I’Isle’s map (1703) places the Omaha near the
mouth of the Big Sioux. About 1737 a trading post was established
near the southern end of Lake Winnipeg, where the Omaha are said
to have traded;° they have a tradition that ‘“‘long ago they visited
a great lake to the far north and traded there with white men.’”’ This
post may have been Fort La Reine. It appears on Jeffery’s map of
1762.4 Carver, who traveled in 1766, says that ‘‘to this place the
Mahahs, who inhabit a country 250 miles southwest, come also to
trade with them; and bring great quantities of Indian corn, to ex-

@ Minnesota FHlistorical Collections, 1, 328, 332.

> Neill’s The History of Minnesota, etc., 164, Philadelphia, 1858.
ce Ibid., 186.

@Tbid., 300.

FLETCHER—-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 81

change for knives, tomahawks, and other articles.”’"* The Omaha
knowledge of this northern country would seem to have been tradi-
tional, and may have been connected with their earlier sojourn in the
wooded region of the north.

MEETING WITH THE WHITE MEN?

From the Sacred Legend ‘already quoted, in which epochal events
of the tribe are mentioned, it appears that the first meeting with the
white race was in the northern region near the lakes, where the
Omaha used birch-bark canoes. The Legend says:

One day the people discovered white objects on the waters, and they knew not
what to make of them. The white objects floated toward the shores. The people
were frightened. They abandoned their canoes, ran to the woods, climbed the trees,
and watched. The white objects reached the shore, and men were seen getting out
of them. The Indians watched the strange men, but did not speak or go near them.
For several days they watched; then the strangers entered into the white objects
and floated off. They left, however, a man—a leader, the Indians thought. He
was in a starving condition. Seeing this, the Indians approached him, extending
toward him a stalk of maize having ears on it, and bade him eat and live. He did
eat, and expressed his gratitude by signs. The Indians kept this man, treating him
kindly, until his companions returned. Thus the white people became acquainted
with the Omaha by means of one whom the latter had befriended. In return the
white people gave the Indians implements of iron. It was in this way that we gained
iron among us.

From the story of this encounter and the fact that the Omaha are
known historically to have traded at a fort near Lake Winnipeg, it
is probable that the incident cited in the legend refers to some
reconnoitering party of white adventurers, possibly of the Hudson
Bay Company, one of whose number remained behind, and was later
picked up or joined by the rest of the party.

The Omaha had come into contact with the French prior to 1724.
At that time, in order to prevent the eastward spread of Spanish
influence, a trading post was established on the Missouri river. The
French then counted on the friendship of the Omaha, Osage, Iowa,
Oto, and Pawnee, and were instrumental in bringing about peace
between these tribes and the Padouca at a council called by M. de
Bourgmont, commandant of Fort Orleans, which was held on one of
the western tributaries of the Kansas river.

The following tradition may refer to an occurrence not long prior
to this council:

“The Omaha were camped in the timber, and one day a man
heard pounding in the woods. He went to see what caused the
strange noise and returned to the camp in great fright. He said he

@Carver’s Three Years’ Travel Through the Interior Parts of North-A merica, etc., 69, Philadelphia, 1796.
>The Appendix to this volume deals with the more recent history of the Omaha in their relations
with the whites.

83993°—27 ErH—11——6 b

82 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

had seen some sort of a beast, his face covered with hair and his skin
the color of the inner layer of the corn husk.’’ This inner husk is
called wa’xo"ha, and the Omaha name for white man, wa’ze, is prob-
ably a corruption of this term.

The tradition continues as follows: ‘‘ This was not the first meet-
ing of the Omaha with the white race, but the earlier encounter had
been forgotten by the people.’’ This statement probably refers to
the meeting described in the Sacred Legend, as already quoted. The
‘“wa’xe built houses out of logs, and traded with the people.” The
old men of the tribe used to declare that these early traders were
French.

INFLUENCE OF TRADERS

Contact with the traders had a disturbing influence on the politics
of the tribe. The traders lent aid to those chiefs and leading men
who favored schemes for barter, and these Indians used the favors
shown them to enhance their own importance in the tribe. The fol-
lowing narrative, compiled from stories told by old men of the tribe,
illustrates this state of affairs:

The great-grandfather of a chief who was living twenty-five years
ago visited the trading post at St. Louis, and on his return assumed
an air of importance, saying that he had been made a great chief by
the white men. He began to appoint ‘‘soldiers”’ and ambitious men
sought his favor. He made Blackbird a “‘soldier” and took him to
St. Louis. [This was the Blackbird the apocryphal story of whose
burial on horseback on the bluffs of the Missouri is told by Lewis
and Clark.] Blackbird was a handsome man and the white people
made much of him, showing him more attention than they did his
companion. When Blackbird returned to the tribe he declared he
had been made a chief by the white people. Blackbird was an
ambitious man, who loved power and was unscrupulous as to how
he obtained it. The traders found him a pliant tool. They fostered
his ambitions, supplied him with goods and reaped a harvest in trade.
From them he learned the use of poisons, particularly arsenic. If
an Indian opposed him or stood in the way of his designs, sickness
and death overtook the man and Blackbird would claim that he had
lost his life through supernatural agencies as a punishment for
attempting to thwart his chief. Because of these occurrences Black-
bird was feared. He exercised considerable power and adopted the
airs of a despot. Before he died, however, the secret of his poison-
ings became known and the fact led to the loss of much of his power.
The romantic picture of his interment on horseback must be credited
to grateful traders, as must also be the bestowal of his name on the
hills and creek where later the Omaha built a village when they

VXSVHGSN ‘STTIH GHIgNovVIE

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FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 83

moved to their present reservation. It is a fact that horses were
frequently strangled at funerals and their bodies left near the burial
mound, which was always on a hill or at some elevation, but they
were never buried alive or interred with the body. It is one of the
humors of Indian history that a relic hunter should have picked up

’ Fig. 15. Big Elk.

a horse’s skull on one of the Blackbird hills and preserved it in a
museum in memory of this fanciful entombment.

The “Blackbird hills” (pl. 20) are not known to the Omaha by that
name, but as O"po"to"ga xaitho" (“where Big Elk is buried”’). Big
Elk (fig. 15) died in 1853. He was the third of his name, a member of
the We’zhi"shte gens, and a leading chief of the tribe. According to
tradition, all three, named Big Elk, were men of ability, brave and

84 THE OMAHA TRIBE [wrH. ANN. 27

prudent chiefs. The last of the name was a man of considerable
foresight and what may be termed an advanced thinker. He took
part in some of the early treaties of his tribe and visited Washington
before his death. On his return from this visit he called the tribe
together and made the following address, which is here given as it
was told more than twenty-five years ago:

My chiefs, braves, and young men, I have just returned from a visit to a far-off
country toward the rising sun, and have seen many strange things. I bring to you
news which it saddens my heart to think of. There is a coming flood which will soon
reach us, and I advise you to prepare for it. Soon the animals which Wako™da has
given us for sustenance will disappear beneath this flood to return no more, and it
will be very hard for you. Look at me; you see I am advanced in age; I am near
the grave. I can no longer think for you and lead you asin my younger days. You
must think for yourselves what will be best for your welfare. I tell you this that
you may be prepared for the coming change. You may not know my meaning.
Many of you are old, as I am, and by the time the change comes we may be lying
peacefully in our graves; but these young men will remain to suffer. Speak kindly
to one another; do what you can to help each other, even in the troubles with the
coming tide. Now, my people, this is all I have tosay. Bear these words in mind,
and when the time comes think of what I have said.

One day, in 1883, during the allotment of the land in severalty to
the Omaha tribe, as a large group of the Indians were gathered about
the allotting agent watching the surveyor and talking of the loca-
tion of allotments, there stood on a hill near by an old Indian. In
a loud voice he recited this speech of Big Elk. At its close he
paused, then shouted: ‘Friends, the flood has come!” and disap-
peared.

To the best of his understanding Big Elk tried to face his people
toward civilization. At the same time he was politic and kept the
tribe well in hand. Instances of his eloquent and courtly speech
have been preserved in official proceedings with the Government
and these betray a dignity and heartiness that accord with the fol-
lowing incident: The son who Big Elk hoped would succeed him
died in the prime of young manhood and the father grieved sadly
for his child. The death occurred while the tribe was on the Elk-
horn river. The body was wrapped in skins, and, accompanied by
near relatives, was carried across the prairies more than a hundred
miles, to be laid on the hills near the village of his ancestors. A
year afterward, when the tribe was on its annual hunt, Big Elk was
riding with the people when his eyes rested on a spirited horse—the
best one he owned. Suddenly the memory of his son came to him;
he seemed to see the youth, and murmured: ‘He would have had
that horse and all of the best I had—but he needs no gift of mine!”
Just then he saw an old man whose fortune had always been hard
and who had never owned a horse. Big Elk beckoned him to come
near, and said: “Friend, the horse my son would have ridden shall

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 85

be yours; take him and mount.’”’ As the old man raised his arms
in thanks the chief turned and rode off alone.

The interference of the traders, and later of Government officials,
in tribal affairs, caused two classes of chiefs to be recognized—
those whose office was due to white influence and those who were
chiefs according to tribal right and custom. The first were desig-
nated ‘paper chiefs,’”’ because they usually had some written docu-
ment setting forth their claim to the office; the second class were
known simply as ‘‘chiefs.”” This conflict in authority as to the
making of chiefs was a potent factor in the disintegration of the
ancient tribal life.

THE OmAna CouNTRY

VILLAGES ON THE MISSOURI

Traditions are somewhat vague as to Omaha villages on the Mis-
souri river. While in this region the people seem to have suffered
from wars and also from lack of food. Near the mouth of the White
river, South Dakota, the tribe once found a flock of snowbirds,
which brought so much relief to the hungry people that the village
they erected at that place was known as “Where the snowbirds
came.” ‘They seem to have stayed in this village for a considerable
time, but were finally driven away by wars. There is no mention
of any village being built on their southward movements until after
they had passed the Niobrara river. On Bow creek, Nebraska,
near where the present town of St. James stands, a village of earth
lodges was erected, and here the people remained until a tragedy
occurred which caused a separation in the tribe and an abandon-
ment of this village by all the people. The site was known and
pointed out in the last century as the place where stood the
To” wo"pezhi, ‘“ Bad Village.”

The following is the story of how this village came to be aban-
doned and received the name of ‘‘Bad Village.’ It is a story that
used frequently to be told and is probably historical and suggests
how separations may have come about in the more remote past.

In the Tei de gens lived a man and his wife with their three sons and one daughter.
Although the man was not a chief, he was respected and honored by the people because
of his bravery and hospitality. His daughter was sought in marriage by many
men in the tribe. There was one whom she preferred, and to whom she gave her
word to be his wife. This fact was not known to her parents, who promised her to a
warrior long past his youth. Against her will she was taken to the warrior’s dwelling
with the usual ceremonies in such marriages. The girl determined in her own mind
never to be his wife. She did not ery or struggle when they took her, but acted well
her part at the wedding feast, and none knew her purpose. When the feast was over
and the sun had set, she slipped away in the dark and was gone. At once a search
was started, which was kept up by the disappointed old warrior and his relatives for
several days, but without success. The girl’s mother grieved over the loss of her

86 THE OMAHA TRIBE [wrH. ANN. 27

daughter, but the father was silent. It was noticed that a certain young man was
also missing, and it was thought that the two were probably together. After the girl
had been gone some time, a boy rushed to the father’s house one morning, as the
family were eating their meal, and said: ‘‘Your daughter is found! The old man
has stripped her of her clothing and is flogging her to death. Hurry, if you would see
her alive!” The father turned to his sons and said: ‘‘Go, see if there is truth in
this.’’ The eldest refused, the second son bowed his head and sat still. The young-
est arose, seized his bow, put on his quiver, and went out. The village had gathered
to the scene. As the brother approached, he heard his sister’s cries of anguish.
Pushing his way through the crowd he shouted words of indignation to those who had
not tried to rescue the girl, and, drawing his bow, shot the angry old man. The
relatives of the dead man and those who sympathized with his exercise of marital
rights ran for their bows and fought those who sided with the young rescuer. A
battle ensued; fathers fought sons and brothers contended with brothers. All day the
two sides contested and many were slain before night put an end to the conflict.
The next day those who had fought with the brother left the village with him and
traveled eastward, while their opponents picked up their belongings, turned their
back on their homes and moved toward the south. There was no wailing nor any
outward sign of mourning. Silently the living separated, and the village was left
with the unburied dead. * * *

“A new generation had grown up,” this strange story continues,
“when a war party traveling east beyond the Missouri river encoun-
tered a village where the people spoke the Omaha language. Aban-
doning their warlike intents, the Omaha warriors entered the village
peaceably, persuaded their new-found relatives to return with them,
and so the Omaha people were once more united.’’ The village
where the reunion took place was near one then occupied by the
Towa, not far from the site of the present town of Ponca City.

The attacks of the Dakota tribes forced the lowa to leave that
part of the country and they moved southward as far as the river
Platte and never again built a town near the Omaha tribe. The
Omaha were driven by the Dakota from their village at the same
time as the Iowa and finally settled on a stream that flows in a north-
erly direction into the Missouri, which they named To™woni, or
Village creek, from the village they built on its wooded banks. This
village was erected near a rock containing a hole or depression in
which the fork-tailed kites used to nest, and the site was known as
Tbe zhu"ka mo®sho'de te, ‘‘the fork-tailed kites’ hole.” The village
itself, built in the last quarter of the eighteenth century, was called
To” wo"totga, ‘large village.” The stream on which it was situated
is now called Omaha creek. It was here that the smallpox and
cholera reached the people and nearly destroyed them.

The traditions concerning the effects of the scourge of smallpox
vividly portray the terror and desperation of the people. It is said
that when the enfeebled survivors saw the disfigured appearance of
their children and companions they resolved to put an end to their
existence, since both comeliness and vigor were gone. They did not

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 87

know that new-born children would not inherit their parents’ dis-
figuration, and that in time the tribe would again be as they were of
old, strong and well-looking. Being determined to die, they proposed
to die fighting their enemies, therefore the tribe—men, women, and
children—moved out as a great tribal war party to find their foes
and meet a valiant death. The Cheyenne had been harrying the
people, so the strange war party started for the Cheyenne country.
The story of this war party runs as follows:

On their way they encountered the Ponca tribe returning from a successful buffalo
hunt, well supplied with meat and pelts. The Omaha chiefs sent messengers to the
Ponca, explaining that their people were going against the Cheyenne, but they were
in need and asked for food. The Ponca drove the Omaha messengers away and shot
at them. This angered the Omaha and they prepared to fight the Ponca. In the
battle that followed it was observed that one of the fiercest warriors on the Ponca
side was an Omaha, who was known to have married a Ponca woman. This warrior
was the nephew of a prominent man of the Omaha tribe, and therefore his capture,
rather than his death, was sought. At last he was taken and word was sent to his
uncle, who was fighting in another part of the field, that his nephew was captured,
and he was asked, “ What shall be done?’’ “Hold him until I come,’’ was the reply.
When the uncle arrived at the place of capture he saw his nephew standing with an
Omaha warrior on each side holding his arms. The uncle raised his spear and plunged
it through the body of the man who had fought against his kindred.

The Ponca were driven from their camp and lost possession of their meat and
camp-equipage. Then the Ponca sought to make peace, and dispatched a man to the
Omaha with the tribal pipe. As he approached, the Omaha chief called out, “Who
is he?’’ When he was told, he replied: “The man is a man of blood.’’ So the
pipe was refused and the man driven back, but not killed. A second man was sent.
He came toward the Omaha with the pipe extended in his left hand and his right
hand raised in supplication. Again the chief asked: “Who is he?’’ When told, he
replied: ‘‘He is a man of peace.’’ The pipe was received and the fighting ceased.
The food of the Ponca was divided between the two tribes, and the Omaha moved on.

The story goes on to recount the desperate fighting with the
Cheyenne, the Pawnee, and the Oto. At last those that remained
of the Omaha returned to their village on Omaha creek. Here
Lewis and Clark met the people at the beginning of the nineteenth
century, and it was from the bluffs near this site in 1836 that the
tribe saw the little steamboat Antelope puff its way up the Missouri.
As the boat seemed to move of itself, they called it mo"de’waxube,
“mystery boat’’—a term that has lost its early significance, and
has become the common Omaha name for all steamboats.

Forays of the Dakota grew to be more and more frequent, and later
the Ponca joined them in these attacks. The Omaha lost many of
their horses, and life became so unsafe that the people abandoned this
village and moved southwest in the first quarter of the last century.
At this period the Omaha were harassed on the north by the Dakota
and Ponca and on the south and west by the Oto and Pawnee.
Peace was made from time to time, and as frequently broken; con-
sequently the village on Omaha creek was never again steadily

88 THE OMAHA TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 27

occupied, although the people frequently brougnt their dead from
their camps to the southward and westward to be buried where their
fathers had dwelt.

The country through which the tribe was accustomed to hunt coy-
ered a range of several hundred miles north and south and east and
west. Its topography was well known to the Omaha, not only the
general direction of the rivers and their numerous branches, but the
turns and twists of the streams and the valleys, also the number of
days or camps required to go from one point to another; short cuts
were known by which time could be saved, an important considera-
tion in a journey for which food and shelter had to be transported.
It was not unusual for directions as to a certain route to be supple-
mented by a rude map of the country to be traversed, traced on the
ground with a finger or a stick, on which were indicated the trails,
streams, and fords, and perhaps other details, as the locations of
trees, springs, or creeks, affording suitable places to make camps, and
of stretches where water or wood would have to be carried. These
maps were always oriented, so that one could follow the course laid
down, by the sun during the day or at night by the north star. All
the large rivers known to the Omaha flow in a southerly direction;
their tributaries running: northward were said to ‘flow backward.”

The accompanying map (pl. 21) shows the country known to the
Omaha tribe; the Omaha and Ponca names of the streams which
flow through territory once claimed by the Omaha as their hunting
grounds are given below. Much of this region was disputed by other
tribes, who coveted the “‘sand hills” to the westward, where game was
plentiful. The Omaha villages lay near the Missouri, not farther west
than the Elkhorn; but the hunting grounds claimed by the tribe
extended on the east from the Missouri to the Raccoon or Des Moines
river, and on the west to the country of the Padouca, whose most
easterly village, in the forks of the Dismal river, was known to the
Omaha. The Pawnee in their northeastern migration encroached
on the country watered by the Loup. They moved down the Platte
to that river and built their villages there. In the battles which
ensued the Pawnee villages were destroyed, but only to be rebuilt.
Peace was made between the two tribes, and soon broken. Wars
were followed by alliances against other enemies.* Meanwhile the
Pawnee continued to encroach and finally obtained a foothold, but
the ancient hunting right of the Omaha on the land was recognized
by the Pawnee, for when the two tribes hunted together north of
the Platte, as they frequently did in the first half of the last century,
the Omaha led, and Omaha officers controlled all persons taking part

a The map indicates the places where well-known battles took place during contentions for controi of
this territory. Minor battle fields are not marked; only those are indicated in which the number siain on
both sides left a deep impression on the memory of the people.

uREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

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COUNTRY KNOWN TO THE OMAHA Mist: Htiatriccatts sone masa tons

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FLETCHER—-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 89

in the hunt. When, however, the two tribes hunted together south
of the Platte, the Pawnee led, and the Omaha hunters accepted the
control of the Pawnee directors of the hunt.

The territory lying west of Shell creek and northward to the mouth
of the Niobrara continued to be a disputed hunting ground among
the Cheyenne, Dakota, Pawnee, Omaha, and Ponca until nearly
1857, when the region was finally ceded to the United States. In
the treaty of cession the Pawnee claim was recognized and payments
for the land were made to that tribe. J

The country east of the Missouri was practically abandoned by
the Omaha in the eighteenth century; their villages were then west
of that river and the tribal hunts were conducted to the westward,
but small parties sought elk and deer east of the Missouri up to the
middle of the last century. The Omaha rights to the land east of
that river were recognized in the treaties made in 1830, 1836, and
1854, when that territory was ceded to the United States.

STREAMS KNOWN TO THE OMAHA®

The Elkhorn and its tributaries

Wate? 3-20. seers ceceeh Meaning unknown. ......-- Elkhorn river.
Umo™ho" waa i te....-.-.- Where the Omaha planted . Bell creek.

Tho pena WhO 22 =e sl Where Logan came (to trade). Hyde creek.
U4 tr So) Geese cee eeoe Where the tent skins were Maple creek.

cached (at a time when the
Omaha went to fight the

Pawnee).
MorawotrhApaees eens The little village...........- Clark creek.
Tacpo”hi bate ke ..-....-- Thorn-apple creek ........- Lower Logan, including

Middle creek.
Uki’pato" tenuga t’ethe te Where Uki’pato" killed a Pebble creek.
buffalo bull.

or
Pa’tithihu izhi®ge xa i te Where the son of Pa/tithihu
is buried.
INGUeHnIb erie seen rat The ford (buffalo hunting Camings creek.
trail crossed here).
Zhafuahi kes 2222 2e ese Weedicreekis-¢ 2. she those Plum creek.
Mo"ko™ninida ke.....-..-- Sweet-flag creek........-.-- Rock creek.
Mo"thi’xudetibe te ........ Prairie-dog creek.........-- Humbug creek.
Mo®xu’ de anatushi kitha Where there was an explo- No name on maps; prob-
i te. sion of gunpowder. ably dry run.
Nifshicbestienc2 s25 sc -cce en Deep water... .o2e8 sss 4h< Taylor creek.
Wiketcratntese- eee eee aoe Noisy-ford creek (so called Union creek, branch of

because the dangerouscon- ‘Taylor.
dition of the ford caused
excitement in crossing).

a To the Omaha ear euphony demands that in composite terms but one accent be used, that given in
the first word.

90 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ann. 27

O™ pot mosthi2 kay thata tite Hike ck eee Dry run, first branch of
Taylor.

WANS SEROMA @ eLearn cece The lake that resounds with Lake west of Taylor creek,

the cackling of geese. south of Elkhorn.

E/zho" witax’chi te ........ One elm tree............... Dry run near town of Stan-
ton, north of Elkhorn.

Umo”egabe wae te ......-- Where Umo”ecabe planted. Dry run near Bursting
Powder creek.

Witha<dawos tepee see eee Old name, Echo creek.....- North fork of Elkhorn.

Mosho=ho ese eee eee Miny. creeks ss. c-eeeee eee Willow creek, branch of
north fork of Elkhorn.

Hubthu’ga waci i te..... Where they fished for trout.. Battle creek.

Moko” ninida ke........... Sweet-flag lake. ........... Lake near town of Warren,
above Battle creek.

Midedhitge te... =------- No-outlet creek........-.-. Creek east of town of Oak-
dale, north of Elkhorn.

Nifshkitbettes yacca2- +e Deepwater s-en-5scc2 se Creek near Oakdale, south
of Elkhorn.

Te‘thishkai te=.2..------- Where the pack of the Sa- Upper Logan creek,

cred Buffalo Hide was un- branch of Logan.
tied or opened.

The Platte and its tributaries

INiibthacekavke pasa eee Hat iniver sess see ene Platte river.
Tashno”ge uzhike...... Ashiereekin cs ecneiace ss Shell creek.
Keto kes. ose eee Murtlewcreeks seer a= sercin Silver creek.
Pouzxe sO MKkeeeeer Sena Artichoke creek. ......... Wood river.
Nicki“the "kee eee Salt creek... Sesues Salt creek.

Mo™shewakude uzho" ke. Where No=ahewakude They Wahoo creek.
(was buried).

Mo” ¢eguhe uzho® ke..... Where Mo™c¢eguhe lies (was Rock creek.
buried).

Pa/thi® tiuthixthige tho".. The Old Pawnee village
(Pitahawirat). This was
the village attacked by
Wa/backa. (See story,
p. 406.)

The Loup and its tributaries

Nuto™ vke 32-0 255-ce2s6 Plenty potato river.......-- Loup river.
Uki’thacgo"de ke............ Hugging closely (to the Looking-glass creek.
Loup).
Whnacbeton kee meses. Plenty beaver creek........ Beayer creek.
Moga/shude te. ......-... Dustiereek So teae sees Council creek.
Nibtha’c¢kazhitga ke... .-. Little Nibtha’¢ka..........- Cedar creek.
Mo"ga/nade ke. ........-.- Miry creelc..-7-see seer Timber creek.
Pa’thi"to™wo*zhi"ga ...... Little Pawnee village....... Horse creek.
Pa/thi"mo"ho"to*wo® ...... Skidi village............... Cottonwood creek.
Ni/shkubejtes serene se Deep water: i445 .2..cae6= 0c Spring creek.
Ma/’¢i uthuthaha te-......-. Cedar river. =:/s24-e2 see: North Loup.
Nigni/tesses see esee eee Cold waterso.2- sees. ane es Calamus river.

Pehi” xewathe wathigtho= Where Pehi™xewathe Oak creek.
te. prophesied.

PLETCHHR-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 91

Pihaghemhe tesee een. >< The beaver village........- No name on maps.
Shko™shko"tithe uzho*ke.. In which Shko”shko"tithe Middle Loup.
lies (is buried).

No”ebubatigtha i te ......- Where a hand was hung up.. Mud creek.
Te ni u’baacai ke..--------- Where a herd of buffalo Clear creek.
were driven into the wa-
ter.
Pa/do"ka no"¢a gaxaike.. Where the Padouca built Dismal river.
breastworks.
Ka™cezhi"ga ano®zhi® te.. Where Kan’¢ezhi"ga stood North Loup, west of Cala-
on a hill. mus river.

Omaha Creek and its tributaries

SoMa Ose Ie omneoaseaed Village creek (a village was Omaha creek.
built on this creek by the
Omaha).
Wace Conte. se acces White-clay creek...... ...-- First branch of Omaha

creek, near town of Ho-
mer (no name on maps).

Ki/bano" githa i te...... Where they raced......... Second branch of Omaha
ereek (no name on
maps).

NithatonG “site a5: 2-2 == Where they drink water Third branch of Omaha

(there is a spring at the creek (no name on
head where the people maps).
stop to drink).

Blackbird Creeks

Mavthaathethetes=-.---25- Running backward........ South Blackbird (flows
into the Missouri).
Wako" dagi pezhite...... The bad Wakodagi. .....- North Blackbird (flows into

the Missouri).
The Missouri and its tributaries

Nishu/delke)2- 2: 2-2 -5)-5..<- mucbidewatten erates =i Missouri.
Umo™ho® waai ke.......-. Where the Omaha farmed... Big Papilion.
Shao’ petho"ba waxthiite. Where they (Omaha and _ Branch of the Papilion.
Oto) killed 7 Sioux.
Wihevatomte less .-cceca: seer The bridge creek... ....... Creek between Homer and
Jackson, Nebraska (no
name on maps).

Wafrehite'= 9.525. <scio2-5,2 2 The walnut creek.......... Elk creek.
WaceConites..ss02 eens: White-clay creek.......-.-- Branch of Elk (no name on
maps).
Ma/xude waa i te.......--- Where the Iowa farmed. .... Ayoway creek.
Sho™to"ga wabaaga ite... Where the people were Branch of Ayoway creek.
frightened by gray wolves.
Thi’xeshpo® ugthe te..... Soft-willow creek.....--..-.- Nameless creek having no

outlet south of Floyds
river; flows into small
lake, Iowa.

Wako" daxuti te........... Meaning uncertain......--- Floyds river.

DCS gs SE ee ee ae IBuncd sets eects aes Big Sioux, Iowa.

92 THE OMAHA TRIBE

Village creek

Ni/ugashude te......--...- Wurpid-rivery 2s. eee <a
Wintes Sas eee ee ene eee ee Meaning unknown.........-
Nifxebetes-252- 22-2 2es-— Shallow water......-..-----
Diexenitiny ete csasseee see Where many died of the

smallpox.

Where they take white clay.

The Ponca and its tributaries

Ni/uthit’e te Death river [called so be-

cause many Ponca died

there.]
Ho™ga waxthii ke -......- Where the Ho" ga people
were massacred.
Pica’bahehe ugthe te..... (Creek) running through

the sand hills.

Pahe’zho” weg’a thaxta ite. Where Pahe’zho™ was bitten
by a snake.

Bare earth (so called because
of the bare hill near the
creek. )

Po”ka sheno® wathaithu- Creek running straight on,
to® thethe te. where Ponca were massa-

cred.

niuthutha- Large elm trees with stream

running among them.

Mo"thi”ka shno™ te.....

E’zho®
¢’i"te.

to"ga

Keyabaha and its tributaries

Memtiamhniikestcoeee meee

Cedar Ridge creek (so called
from a ridge covered with
cedar.)

Skunk creek

The plum-bag creek. ...---

Rock creek

Mo”gauti te
Kode uzhiha te

The Verdigris and its tributaries

Wace’tupezhi te The bad green-clay creek. - -

Wace’tupezhi hide uzhi®- The little Wage tupezhi,

ga te. branch of Big Verdigris
near its mouth.

Ma/’¢i uzhi te Cedar creek

Mo*chu’ toga t’etha i te... Where Big Grizzly Bear was
killed. (A man by this
name tried to take a horse
from some men and was
killed by them on this
creek.)

[eTH. ANN. 27

Bow creek, Nebraska.

White river.

Little Sioux, Iowa.

Bayer creek, Iowa.

Creek running by Council
Bluffs, Iowa (no name on
maps).

Vermilion
Dakota.

creek, South

Ponca river.

First creek to the north
(no name on maps).

Second creek to the north
(no name on maps).

First creek to the south (no
mame on maps).

Second creek to the south
(no name on maps).

North fork of Ponca (no
name on maps).

South fork of Ponca (no
name on maps).

Keyabaha.

Spring creek.

Burton creek.

Creek next to Burton, west
(no name on maps).

Creek next to Rock creek,
west (no name on maps).

Verdigris.

First branch of Verdigris
from the mouth on east
(no name on maps).

Creek down which railroad
runs (no name on maps);
second branch of Verdi-
gris on the east.

First branch of Verdigris
on west side (no name on
maps).

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 93

Pa/thi® nadathi" te........ Where a Pawnee was crazed Third branch of Verdigris

by heat. (A Ponca in- on east (no name on
vited a Pawnee to asweat maps).
lodge when the Ponca
were camped on this creek.
The Pawnee, not being
able to endure the heat,
fled without his clothes and
was not heard of again.)

Hethi’shizhe gahi uho™te. Where Hethi’shizhe made a Second branch of Verdi-

feast to the chiefs. gris on west side (no
name on maps).
ZibsADe ntti deters. ase ose Where there is a beaver vil- Third branch of Verdigris
lage, or dam. on west side (no name on
maps).
Wani’tawaxa hi te........ Where Wani’tawaxa came. Fourth branch of Verdigris

(An Omaha by this name on east side (no name on
visited the Ponca at this maps).
place.)

The Niobrara and branches from the Verdigris on south side

Ni/ubthatha ke -........-- Widemiverts-=-sosceecee- = Niobrara river.
Wa/bakihe t’e te.......-...- Where Wa/bakihe died. First creek from Verdigris
(no name on maps).
Tenu’gacabe wae te......-- Where Black Buffalo Bull Second creek from Verdi-
planted. gris (nO name on maps).
Mi’zhitga shi™nuda ikinai Where a girl was bitten to Third creek from Verdigris
te. death by a dog. (no name on maps).
Ubi’¢ka izhu%ge t’e te....- Where Ubi’¢ka’s daughter Fourth creek from Verdi-
died. gris (n0 name on maps).
She’hi to” te............... Thorn-apple creek.......... Fifth creek from Verdigris
(no name on maps).
Wiantwerxthi i tes5-5- 25-- Where some women were Sixth creek from Verdigris
killed by a war party. (no name on maps).
Shao™pa awachi i te......- Where a dance was held Seventh creek from Verdi-
over the head of a Sioux. gris (no name on maps).
Ma/ah wi"tho"tho® te ...... Creek of the scattering cot- Eighth creek from Verdi-
tonwood trees. gris (nO name on maps).
Wmizhitra in teleeee see Hazelnut creek=:-:----.---- Ninth creek from Verdigris
(no name on maps).
Mo™aithiti thot esse a= The crooked-cliff creek... -. Tenth creek from Verdigris
(no name on maps).
Pipatrekantes-.se-<ce'= nec White-sand creek........-.- Eleventh creek from Ver-
digris (no name on maps).
Gubethi' tele. 2-22 225-55. Hackberry creek.......-.-- Twelfth creek from Verdi-
gris, first w. of Keyabaha.
(Whe/ato” ten. s..n22----~-- The bridge creek. (At this Ash creek. (?)

creek a bridge would be
built of tent poles and
skins, the creek not being
fordable.)
Tenu’ga t’e thaite........ Where Buffalo Bull was Long Pine. (?)
killed.

94 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

Wachi’shka ¢nede te....... The long creek. (Socalled Plum Creek. (?)
because of itslength. At
the head is a small lake
and an old Padouca (Co-
manche) village _ site.
Here also was found a
meteorite (?) which gave
the name In’e thiho
i tho", ‘‘place where
they lifted a stone.”
The young men lifted
the stone to test their
strength. )
WATERS NEY THT Ween oecce ease Bearcreek. (There usedto Fairfield creek. (?)
be many grizzlies at this
place. There were cedar
trees along this creek.)
Qimvde kino"eni*da i te. .... Horse-tail creek. (The ap- Small creek (no name on
proaches to the ford were maps).
so steep that in going
down the horses trod on
one another’s tails.)

INI2xuetes-nes oe ase eee The roaring waters...---..-- Schlegels creek.(?)
(There was a fort here.)
INiGibiceites-sen see scmee The dry creek. (The peo- Gordons creek.

ple had to dig wells when
they camped here.)

Qici’ka wabahi i te.......-. Where they gathered tur- Snake river.
keys. (Many turkeys
were found here, starved
to death, and men gath-
ered them to pluck the
feathers to feather their
arrows.)

Ie ikiti® i te.............. Where they fought with peb- Small creek on north side
bles. (When camped at of Niobrara, a short dis-
this creek the boys fought tance above Fairfield.
one another, using pebbles
as missiles. )

Rahemudettes ea--< eee. Where there is a ridge with a Creek on north side of Nio-
hole through it. brara, nearly opposite

Horse-tail creek.
The Republican river

Wato™thata i ke........... Where they ate squash .-.-- Republican river.
Niwa/xube ke: 2.2.22 58 Bloly rlver 5 aes 5 s5- meee Solomon river, Kansas.
Paheshu(de Kkeles----- 45) SMO Kye hill = See ae se er Smoky Hill river.
What (kes. 32a. Jns2 Scenes The river down which they Ohio river.

came,

Milkartoaemseee Sa eTodeEoae Plenty of raccoons... .-...- Des Moines river.

FLELCHER-LA FLESCHE]) ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 95

THE VILLAGE
SITE

The site for a village was always chosen near a running stream
convenient to timber and generally not far from hills, from which an
outlook over the country could be obtained. A watch was commonly
stationed on these hills to detect the stealthy approach of enemies
and to keep an eye on the horses pastured near by, although these
were usually herded by boys during the day and brought into the
village at night, where each family had a corral built near its lodge
for safety. The bottom lands were the planting places; each
family selected its plot, and as long as the land was cultivated its
occupancy was respected. Corn, beans, squash, and melons were
raised in considerable quantities, and while these products were
sometimes traded, they were usually stored for winter use.

Occasionally a man would take a fancy to some locality and deter-
mine to live there. He would be joined by his kindred, who would
erect their lodges near his and cultivate gardens. Such outlying
little settlements were a temptation to marauding war parties, and
if an attack was made by a large party of enemies, capture and death
were sure to follow; any degree of safety was secured only through
untiring vigilance.

DWELLINGS

The earth lodge and the tipi (tent) were the only types of dwelling
used by the Omaha during the last few centuries.

The tipi (pl. 17 and fig. 16) was a conical tent. Formerly the cover
was made of 9 to 12 buffalo skins tanned on both sides. To cut and
sew this cover so that it would fit well and be shapely when stretched
over the circular framework of poles required skilful workmanship,
the result of training and of accurate measurements. The cover was
cut semicircular. To the straight edges, which were to form the front
of the tent, were added at the top triangular flaps. These were to be
adjusted by poles according to the direction from which the wind blew,
so as to guide the smoke from the central fire out of the tent. These
smoke-flaps were called ti’hugabthi"tha (from ti, “tent or house;”
hugabthitha, “to twist”). At intervals from about 3 feet above the
bottom up to the smoke-flaps holes were made and worked in the
straight edges. Through these holes pins (sticks) about 8 inches long,
well shaped and often ornamented, were thrust to fasten the tent
together, when the two edges lapped in front or were laced together
with a thong. This front lap of the tent was called ti’mo"thuhe
(from ti, ‘‘tent’’; mo"thuhe, “breast’’). The term refers to the
part of the hide forming the lap. The tent poles were 14 to 16 feet
long. Straight young cedar poles were preferred. The bark was

96 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

removed and the poles were rubbed smooth. The setting up of a
tent was always a woman’s task. She first took four poles, laid them
together on the ground, and then tied them firmly with a thong
about 3 feet from one end. She then raised the poles and spread
their free ends apart and thrust them firmly into the ground. These
four tied poles formed the true framework of the tent. Other poles—
10 to 20 in number, according to the size of the tent—were arranged
in acircle, one end pressed well into the ground, the other end laid in
the forks made by the tied ends of the four poles. There was a defi-
nite order in setting up the poles so that they would lock one another,
and when they were all in place they constituted an elastic but firm

Fie. 16. Tipi.

frame, which could resist a fairly heavy wind. There was no name
for the fundamental four poles, nor for any other pole except the
one at the back, to which the tent cover was tied. This pole was called
tec” deugashke, ‘the one to which the buffalo tail was tied.’”’ The
name tells that the back part of the tent cover was a whole hide,
the tail indicating the center line. When the poles were all set,
this back pole was laid on the ground and the tent cover brought.
This had been folded so as to be ready to be tied and opened. The
front edges had been rolled or folded over and over back to the line
indicating the middle of the cover; on this line thongs had been sewed
at the top and bottom of the cover; the cover was laid on the ground

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 22

EARTH LODGE—FRAMEWORK AND STRUCTURE

®LUTCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 97

in such manner that this back line was parallel to the pole, which
was then securely tied to the cover by the thongs. When this was
done, the pole and the folded tent cover were grasped firmly together,
lifted, and set in place. Then, if there were two women doing the
work, one took one fold of the cover and the other the other fold,
and each walked with her side around the framework of poles. The
two straight edges were then lapped over each other and the wooden
pins were put in or the thong was threaded. Hach of the lower ends
of the straight edges had a loop sewed to it, and through both loops a
stake was thrust into the ground. The oval opening formed the door,
which was called tizhe’be. Over this opening a skin was hung. A
stick fastened across from one foreleg to the other, and another stick
running from one hindleg to the other, held this covering taut, so
that it could be easily tipped to one side when a person stooped to
enter the oval door opening. It was always an interesting sight
to watch the rapid and precise movements of the women and their
deftness in setting upa tent. On a journey, no matter how dark the
evening might be when the tent was pitched the opening was gener-
ally so arranged as to face the east. In the village, or in a camping
place likely to be used for some time, a band of willow withes was
bound around the frame of poles about midway their height to give
additional stability.

The earth lodge (pls. 19, 22) was a circular dwelling, having walls
about 8 feet high and a dome-shaped roof, with a central opening for
the escape of smoke and the admission of light. The task of building
an earth lodge was shared by men and women. The marking out of
the site and the cutting of the heavy logs were done by the men.
When the location was chosen, a stick was thrust in the spot where the
fireplace was to be, one end of a rawhide rope was fastened to the
stick and a circle 20 to 60 feet in diameter was drawn on the earth
to mark where the wall was to be erected. The sod within the circle
was removed, the ground excavated about a foot in depth, and the
earth thrown around the circle like an embankment. Small crotched
posts about 10 feet high were set 8 or 10 feet apart and 14 feet within
the circle, and on these were laid beams. Outside this frame split
posts were set close together, having one end braced against the bot-
tom of the bank and the other end leaning against the beams, thus
forming a wall of timber. The opening generally, though not always,
faced the east. Midway between the central fireplace and the wall
were planted 4 to 8 large crotched posts about 10 feet in height, on
which heavy beams rested, these serving to support the roof. This
was made of long, slender, tapering trees stripped of their bark. These
were tied at their large ends with cords (made from the inner bark
of the linden) to the beams at the top of the stockade and at the mid-
dle to those resting in the crotches of the large posts forming the

83993°-—27 Era—11——7

98 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

inner circle about the fireplace. The slender ends were cut so as
to form the circular opening for the smoke, the edges being woven
together with elm twine, so as to be firm. Outside the woodwork of
the walls and roof, branches of willow were laid crosswise and bound
tight to each slab and pole. Over the willows a heavy thatch of
coarse grass was arranged so as to shed water. On the grass was
placed a thick coating of sod. The sods were cut to lap and be laid
like shingles. Finally they were tamped with earth and made
impervious to rain. The entrance way, 6 to 10 feet long, projected
from the door and was built in the same manner as the lodge and
formed a part of it. A curtain of skin hung at the inner and one at
the outer door of this entrance way. Much labor was expended on
the floor of the lodge. The loose earth was carefully removed and the
ground then tamped. It was next flooded with water, after which
dried grass was spread over it and set on fire. Then the ground was
tamped once again. This wetting and heating was repeated two or
three times, until the floor became hard and level and could be easily
swept and kept clean. Brooms were made of brush or twigs tied
together. Couches were arranged around the wall in the spaces
between the posts of the framework. These were provided with
skins and pillows and served as seats by day and as beds by night.
In the building of an earth lodge the cutting and putting on of the
sods was always done by women, and as this
part of the task had to be accomplished
rapidly to prevent the drying out of the
sods, which must hold well together, kindred
helped one another. The erection of this
class of dwelling réquired considerable labor,
hence only the industrious and thrifty pos-
sessed these lodges.

Near each dwelling, generally to the left

of the entrance, the cache (fig. 17) was built.
This consisted of a hole in the ground about
8 feet deep, rounded at the bottom and
sides, provided with a neck just large enough to admit the body of a
person. The whole was lined with split posts, to which was tied
an inner lining of bunches of dried grass. The opening was pro-
_tected by grass, over which sod was placed. In these caches the
' winter supply of food was stored; the shelled corn was put into skin
bags, long strings of corn on the cob were made by braiding the
outer husks, while the jerked meat was packed in parfleche cases.
Pelts, regalia, and extra clothing were generally kept in the cache;
but these were laid in ornamented parfleche cases, never used but
for this purpose.

Fic. 17. Common form of cache.

(098l LNOSV) SDVMIIA VWHYVWO 4O Luvd

€¢ 3LV1d LYOdSY IWANNY HLN3SASZS-ALNSML ABOTONHL] NVOINSWY JO Nv3aHNa

FLPTCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 99

When the people left the village for the summer buffalo hunt, all
cumbersome household articles—as the mortars and pestles, extra
hides, etc.—were placed in the caches and the openings carefully
concealed. The cases containing gala clothing and regalia were taken
along, as these garments were needed at the great tribal ceremonies
which took place during that period.

In a village in which the entire tribe lived the lodges and tents were
not arranged about a central open space nor were they set so the
people could live in the order of their gentes, an order observed when
they were on the hunt and during their tribal ceremonies. Yet each
family knew to what gens it belonged, observed its rites, and obeyed
strictly the rule of exogamy. To the outward appearance a village
presented a motley group of tribesmen. The dwellings and their
adjacent corrals were huddled together; the passageways between the
lodges were narrow and tortuous. There was little of the picturesque.
The grass and weeds that grew over the earth lodges while the people
were off on their summer buffalo hunt were all cut away when the
tribe returned. So, except for the decorations on the skin tents,
there was nothing to relieve the dun-colored aspect. (PI. 23.)

The village was never wholly deserted, even when most of the tribe
left for the annual buffalo hunt; for the sick, the infirm, and the
very poor were forced to remain behind. This class of stay-at-homes
were called he’begthi, ‘those who sit half-way.” Usually asprinkiing
of able-bodied men remained with their old or sick relatives, and
these served as a guard, to defend the village in case of an attack.
Occasionally a young man or two would remain in the village in order
to be near a sweetheart who had to stay at home and help care for
the sick in her family.

HISTORIC VILLAGES AND PLACES

To” wo" pezhi, Bad Village. This name, bestowed on an old village
built by the Omaha in their migration down the Missouri river,
owes its origin to a tragedy which for a number of years caused a
division in the tribe. (See p. 85.) This village was located on East
Bow creek, in the northeast part of township 32, range 2 east of
the sixth principal meridian, Cedar county, Nebraska.

To" worto"gatho”, Large Village. This town was on Omaha creek
in Dakota county, Nebraska, about half a mile north of the present
town of Homer; it was built in the eighteenth century, and the
people were found here by Lewis and Clark in 1805.

Tenu'gano"pewathe shko"thaitho", ‘The place where the camp of
Tenu’gano"pewathe (father of Kaxe’no"ba) was attacked” in 1840
by an unknown tribe and a number were killed on both sides. The
fight took place on Cedar creek, Albion county, Nebraska, in town-
ship 19, range 8 west of the sixth principal meridian.

100 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 27

Ezhnozhuwagthe shko"thaitho", “The place where Ezhno™zhuwa-
gthe was attacked.” This battle between a part of the Omaha and
one of the Sioux tribes was fought in the same year (1840) on Beaver
creek, in the southeastern part of township 21, range 7 west of the
sixth principal meridian, Boone county, Nebraska.

To” worzhinga, The Little Village. This was the name of the
village built by the Omaha on Elkhorn river, near Clark creek, in
Dodge county, Nebraska, in the spring of 1841, the tribe having
moved there from the Missouri river on account of attacks by the
Sioux. There were few earth lodges, as the village was occupied for
only two years, after which the people went back to their old village
on Omaha creek, Dakota county, Nebraska.

Pahu'thordatho", “The hill rising in the center of a plain.” This
village on Papilion creek, about 8 miles west of the present town
of Bellevue, was built in 1847. The tribe lived there until they
sold their lands to the United States Government in 1854; two
years later they moved to their present reservation some 80 miles
northward.

Tor'worgaxe shko™thaitho", ‘The place where To" wo"gaxe was
attacked.’’ The assault on the Omaha camp here referred to was
made by the Yankton and Santee on December 12, 1846. At the
time of the attack the camp, composed mostly of old men, women,
and children, was on the Missouri river near the northeast corner
of township 21, range 11 east of the sixth principal meridian, Burt
county, Nebraska. To"’wo"gaxe, or Village Maker, was the only
chief present at the time of the attack. From this fact the place
took its name. All the other chiefs were on a buffalo hunt, with
most of the men of the tribe, who knew nothing of the attack
until they returned. More than 80 persons were slain.

U’hotorga t’ethaitho", “Where U’ho"to™ga was killed,” in town-
ship 24, range 17 west of the sixth principal meridian, Loup county,
Nebraska. U’ho"to"ga, or Big Cook, a prominent Omaha, was one
of the warriors killed in a battle fought at this place with the Oglala
and other Sioux tribes in 1852.

Thugina gaxthiitho", “The place where Thugina (Logan Fonte-
nelle) was slain.’* Logan Fontenelle (fig. 18), a prominent half
breed of the Omaha tribe, while hunting alone was killed by the Oglala
Sioux in the summer of 1855. The Sioux made a charge on the
Omaha camp when the Omaha were moving. Some of the Sioux war-
riors came on Logan in a ravine where he had dismounted to pick
gooseberries. When he discovered the Sioux he sprang on his horse
and made for the ford to rejoin his tribe, who were on the opposite side
of the stream, but he was overtaken and killed before he reached the
ford. This account of his death was given by Kaxe’no”ba, or Two
Crows, who went in search of Logan immediately after the fight, and

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 101

traced the course of his flight from the gooseberry bush to the spot
where the body was found. This fight took place on Beaver creek,
in the northern part of township 21, range 7 west of the sixth prin-
cipal meridian, Boone county, ,

Nebraska.

Wano kuge shko"tha « tho® (for
portrait of Wano’kuge, see fig.
44), ‘“Where Wano" kuge was at-
tacked.” This battle, between a
part of the Omaha and the Oglala
Sioux, took place in August, 1859.
A number of lives were lost in
the battle, the attacking party of
Sioux suffering greater loss than
the Omaha. Two Omaha, a
woman and a child, were taken
captive. The child was returned,
and the woman, after many ad-
ventures, found her way back to
her people. This fight was on Beaver creek, in township 20, range 6
west of the sixth principal meridian, Boone county, Nebraska.

Fic. 18. Logan Fontenelle

The following names were given by the Omaha to the cities and
towns named below:
Pahi’ zhide to™wo", St. Louis.

Hair red town (Referring to the color
of Governor Clark's hair.)

We’¢’a cabe thitha i tho”, Leavenworth.
Snake black they take the (place)
Umo hon to"wo", Omaha City.

Omaha town
Shao” to"wo", Sioux City.
Sioux town

Zho” mucai tho", Fremont.
Pole they planted the place

Uzha'ta tho", Columbus.
Forks the (of the Platte and the Loup)

Ni ckithe, Lincoln (Salt town, because situated near the stream
to which the people went to gather salt).

TRIBES KNOWN TO THE OMAHA

The following are the Omaha names for the tribes that are known
to them.

Of their own linguistic stock they know the following:

Ponca, Po™ca.

Quapaw, Uga’xpa. The name means ‘‘downstream.”’

Osage, Wazha/zhe.

Kaw or Kansa, Ko"’ce.

102 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

Towa, Ma’xude. Ma/xude is a corruption of Pa’xude, meaning ‘‘gray head,’’ the
name by which the Iowa call themselves.

Oto, Wathu’tada. This is not the name by which the Oto speak of themselves.

Missouri, Niu’tachi. The name means ‘‘those who came floating down dead.’’

Winnebago, Hu’tu%ga. .

Mandan, Mawa/dani.

Crows, Ka/xe niashiga (from ka’xe, ‘‘crow;’’ ni’ashiga, ‘‘people’’).

Yankton, [ho™to"wi®.« An Omaha version of the Yanktons’ own name.

Santee, I"goati.¢ The name means ‘‘those who dwell on the white rocks.”’

Oglala, Ubtha’tha.@

Of tribes belonging to other linguistic stocks the Omaha have
names for the following:

Pawnee, Pa’thi".

Arikara, Pa/thi"piga. The name means ‘‘sand Pawnee.’

Caddo, Pa’thi®wagabe. This name means ‘‘black Pawnee.’’

Wichita are known as Wichita.

Cheyenne, Shahi’etha.

Blackfeet, Ci’gabe. The Omaha name means “ blackfeet.”’

Sauk, Ca’ge.

ae ps ato (‘blue clouds’’)

Kiowa =P ;

Comanche, Pa’du"ka (Padouca).

Kickapoo, Hi’gabu.

Potawatomie, Wahi/uthaxa. This name is a corruption of the Oto name for this
tribe, Woraxa.

Bannock, Ba’niki. The Omaha name is probably a modification of Bannock.

Nez Perces, Pegagu"de. This tribe was known through the Ponca. The name
given them means ‘‘braids on the forehead.”’

’

That the Omaha have a name for the Arikara and one which indi-
cates a knowledge of their relationship to the Pawnee, and yet have
none for the northern Sioux tribes who belong to their own linguistic
stock, is an interesting point, particularly when taken in connection
with the influence exercised on the tribe by the Arikara, mentioned
on p.75. There is no name for the Chippewa group, yet it is not
improbable that the tribes long ago came more or less into contact.
The similarity between the ‘‘ Shell society”’ of the Omaha and the
“Grand Medicine” of the Chippewa suggests some communication,
direct or indirect, though all knowledge of how the Shell society was
introduced hasbeen lost. Nor do the Omaha seem to know anything of
the tribes of the Muskhogean or Iroquoian stock to the south and east ;
nor of those belonging to the Shoshonean and Athapascan stocks to
the west and southwest. They knew of the Rocky Mountains, which
they called Pahe’mo*shi, meaning “high hills” or “mountains.” Yet
they seem never to have come into contact with the tribes living so far
to the west. The Black Hills of South Dakota were familiar to them,
and were known as Pahe’¢abe, the word meaning literally “‘black
hills.”’

aThis is one of the three distinctive names by which the bands of the Dakota are known. Thereisa
general name for all persons speaking that language, Shau»’—possibly a corruption of Sioux.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 103

The Ponca names for the above tribes were similar to the Omaha
names, with few exceptions. The Crows were called by two names,
Hu’patitha and Ko®xe’ wichasha". The names given by Ponca to
the Yankton and the Santee were identical with those used by the
Omaha, but they had distinct names for the following bands of Sioux:

Lower Brulé, Ku’dawichasha. Lower people.
Rosebud Brulé, Sha’/u"ixti. Real or Pure Sioux.
Oglala, Pine Ridge Sioux, Sicho’xu. Burnt leg.

The Ponca have names for the following tribes for which the
Omaha have none:

Cherokee, Che’thuki. Probably a corruption of Cherokee.
Ni’kathate, Tonkawa.

It is probable that the Ponca gained knowledge of these two tribes
while in the Indian Territory, and that their posession of distinctive
names for the bands of the Sioux is to be accounted for by their
living near the people and fighting both for and against them during
the Jast century.

Fauna AND FLorRA KNOWN TO THE OMAHA
ANIMALS

Animals (general term), Wani’ta
[The asterisic (*) indicates those used for food]

* Antelope, Tachu’ge.

* Badger, Xu/ga.

Bat, Dide’shi. >

* Bear, black, Waga’be.

* Bear, grizzly, Mo®chu’.

* Beaver, Zha’be.

* Buffalo, Te.

Cat, domestic, I"gthu"’ga.

* Cat, wild, I*gthu™ga.

* Cattle, domestic, Te’¢ka.

* Chipmunk, Tashni’ga.

Cougar, I*gthu"¢i” ¢nede (long-tailed cat).
Coyote, Mi’kagi.

* Deer, Ta’xti.

* Dog, Shi™ nuda.

Donkey (see Mule), Nita’to"ga nushiaha (big ears low).
Elephant, Tiba’xia tha (push over a house—refers to its strength).
* Elk; Opo2.

Ermine, I"chu™gacke (white mouse).
Fox, a small variety, Mo"thi”kasheha.
Fox, gray, Ma’zho*ha.

Fox, red, Ti’ko®xude.

Frog, Te’bia.

Goat, He’cakiba.

Gopher, Mo"thi”ga.

* Hog, Ku’kugi.

104 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Horse, Sho"’ge.

Lion, Wani’ta waxa (greater animal).

Lizard, Wagthishka heduba (four-legged bug).

Lynx, I"gthu™ga hit shkube (furry wild cat).

Mice, I®chu’ga.

Mice that live in dry bones, Tepauti (tepa, buffalo skull; ute, to live in).

Mice that store food, I"chu®’ga waxema (mice that cache).

Mink, Tushi™ ge.

Mole, No™be’xawi® (hands turned backward).

Monkey, Ishti®’thi"ke (a mythical, mischievous, capricious being, representing the
wind. Because of its acts in the myths its name was transferred to the monkey when
the Omaha first saw that animal.)

Mule (see Donkey), Nita to™’ga (bié ears).

* Musk rat, (i®’nedewagithe.

*Opossum, I*shti®’pa.

Otter, Nuzhno”’.

Porcupine, Ba‘hi®.

Prairie dog, Monthi*™’xude.

* Rabbit, Mo®shti”ge.

* Rabbit, jack, Mo"shti"’¢ka (white rabbit).

* Raccoon, Mika’,

* Rat, ["cho™to"ga (big mouse).

* Sheep; domestic, Tax’ti¢ka.

*Sheep, Rocky Mountain, Pashto"ga.

*Skunk, Moga.

Snail, Niha’.

Snake, We’¢’a.

Snake, black, We’¢’a ¢abe (black snake).

Snake, bull, Nitha’xupa (water sucker).

Snake, garter, We’¢’anideka.

Snake, moccasin, She’ki.

Snake, rattle, Cathu’.

* Squirrel, ground, He’xthi*.

* Squirrel, tree, Ciga.

Toad, Iko™git’e (his grandmother is dead).

Tortoise, Ke’gthec¢e (striped turtle).

*Turtle, Ke.

* Turtle, diamond-back (terrapin), Keha’mo*zhide (red-bre:st turtle.)

*Turtle, snapping, Ke’ to"ga (big turtle).

* Turtle, soft-shell, Ke ha’be bedo® (flexible-shell turtle).

Weasel, I°’chu®gag¢i (yellow mouse).

Wolf, gray, Sho toga.

BIRDS

Bird (general term), Wazhi"’ga
[The asterisk (*) indicates those used for food] °

American bittern, Mo®’xata wado*be (looks up at the sky).
* Bee martin, or king bird, Wati’duka.

Belted kingfisher, No®xi/de shkuni®.

* Blackbird, Mo"gthi’xta.

Blue-bird, Wazhi™tu (blue bird).

Blue jay, I*cho"g’agiudu® (fond of mice).

*Crane, Pe’to®.

FLETCHDR—LA FLESCHE]) ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 105

Crow, Ka/xe.

* Curlew, Ki’/ko"¢i.

* Curlew, long-billed (Nwmenius longirostris), Ki’kato"ga (big curlew).

* Dove, Thi’ta.

* Dove, Carolina or common, Thitato"ga (big dove).

* Duck, Mi’xazhi%ga (little goose).

Duck, blue-winged teal (Querquedula discors), A’hi™ hide tu, (blue wing); also
Mi’‘xa wagtho"xe, ‘‘betrayer duck,’’ so called because it betrayed the water monster in
the myth of Ha’xegi.

* Duck, mallard, green head (Anas boschas), Pa/hitu (green neck).

* Duck, wood, summer duck, bridal duck (Aix spousa), Mi’xa zhitga xage egu™ (the
crying duck).

Eagle, Xitha’.

Eagle, bald, Pagu’’ (whitish head).

Eagle, golden (Aquila chrysaetus), Xitha’ ¢ka (white eagle).

Eagle, gray sea, Xitha’ gthezhe (spotted eagle).

Flicker, Tho™ ¢iga.

* Goose, Mi’xa.

* Goose, American white-footed, Canadian goose, Mi’xa to™ga (big goose).

* Goose, lesser snow (Chen hyperborea), Kignu™.

Gull, Ne’tha. ;

Hawk, American sparrow, Gthedo™.

Hawk, night, Te’ubixo® (the buffalo inflator).

Hawk, red shoulder, Gtho"shka/.

Hawk, red tail, I™beciga (yellow tail).

Hawk, swallow-tailed or fork-tailed kite, I’be zho"ka (forked tail).

Hawk, white tail, Gtho"shka’ xithaego" (hawk like an eagle).

Humming bird, Wati’ninika wazhi"ga (butterfly bird).

* Lark, pallid horned, Ma/¢i ¢ka.

Magpie, American, Wazhi’’be ¢nede (long-tail bird).

* Meadow lark, Ta/tithitge.

Owl, Pa‘nuhu.

Owl, barred, Wapu’gahahada.

Owl, horned, Pa/nuhu heto® ego" (owl having horns).

Owl, screech, Ne’ thazhibe.

Owl, snowy, I%chu"¢u" (now white).

Pelican, American white, Bthe’xe.

* Prairie hen or chicken lesser, Shu.

* Quail (bobwhite), U’shiwathe (one who fools (people)).

* Robin, Pa/thi® wazhitga (Pawnee bird).

*Snipe, Toi".

Swallow, Nishku’shku.

*Swan, American white, Mi’xac¢o" (white goose).

Thrush, Ta¢ka’c¢ka.

* Turkey, Cigi’ka.

Turkey vulture, He’ga.

Whippoorwill, Ha’kugthi.

* Woodcock, American (Philohela minor), Pa/xtheya (freckled head),

Woodpecker, hairy, Zho™ panini.

Woodpecker, pileated, ivory bill, Wazhi™gapa (bird head).¢

Woodpecker, red-headed, Tu’cka or Mu’xpa.

Wren, Kixaxaja (laughing bird).

@ The head of this bird is used on the tribal and the Wa’was pipes.

106 THE OMAHA TRIBE (gra. ANN. 27

INSECTS

Insects, bugs, etc. (general term), Wagthi/shka

Ants, Zho™gthishka (wood bugs—no varieties distinguished).

Bee, Kigtho"xe.

Beetle, Wagthi’shka (the general name for bugs).

Butterfly, Wati’nini ka.

Caterpillar, Wagthi’shka (general term for bugs).

Fly, Ho™t’ega.

Grasshopper, Xtho"xtho’’shka.

Lightning-bug, Wana’xo"xo".

Locust, Watha/cae (noisy bug).

Mosquito, Nahoga.

Spider, Uki’gthi¢ke (weaving itseli—no name for varieties).

Worm, angle, Mo"thi”ka shibe (ground intestine). No general term for worms; all
are called Wagthi’shka, the name applied also to beetles and bugs.

FISH

Fish (general term), Huhu
(The asterisk (*) indicates those used for food]

* Buffalo fish, Hui’buta (round mouth).
Catfish, Tu’ce.
Crawfish and lobster, Mo™shka.
Eels, no name; they are not eaten.
* Garfish, Hupa’¢ignede (long-nose fish).
Leech, Kicna’.
Mussels, clams, oysters, Ti’haba.
* Pickerel, Hugthe’zhe (spotted fish).
* Trout, Hubthu’ga (round fish).
TREES

Tree, or bush (general term), Xtha’be; wood, felled trees (general term), Zho". The
names below are given according to their customary use. The terminal syllable hi
means ‘‘stalk,’’ as the stalk of the corn, the trunk of the tree, the vine of the potato.

Apple tree, She’ hi.

Ash, Tazhno™ge.

Box elder, Zha’beta zho" (beaver wood).

Buffalo berry tree, Wazhi‘de hi.

Cedar, red, Ma‘ci.

Cherry tree, No™pa hi.

Coffee-bean tree, No™tita hi.

Cottonwood, Mah/’ah.

Elm, E’zho?.

Hackberry tree, Gube’ hi.

Hazel, OY zhi*ga hi.

Hickory, No™¢i.

Ironwood, He’tazho"ta.

Linden, Hi’ de hi.

Maple, We’nashabethe hi (black dye tree).

Mulberry, Zho*gi, (yellow wood).

Oak, red, Bu’de hi, and No® bo® naxthi®, ‘‘flame’’ (favorite firewood).

ee ee —

WLETCHHR-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES

Oak, white, Tosh’ka hi.

Osage orange, Zho"¢i (yellow wood).

Plum tree, Kode hi.

Red haw, thorn apple tree, Tagpo™ hi.

Spruce, Ma/¢i.

Walnut, black, Ta’ge hi.

Willow, Thi’xe.

Willow, diamond, Thi’xe kibtho"btho"xe (gnarled willow).
Willow, hard, Thi’xe ¢agi (hard willow).

Willow, soft, Thi’xe ushpo® (soft willow).

Tur Human Bopy as Known to THE OMAHA

Head (not including face), No"shki’.

Head (including face), Pa.

Brain, We’thixthi. .

Side of head from ear up, No"tha/de.

Ear, Nita’.

Helix, Nitabaxu’ke (baxu/ke, ridge).

Lobe, Nitaushto™ga (ushto”ga, soft).

Ear (inner part or organ of hearing), No"xi/de.
Top of head, Taxpi’.

Back of head, Tai’.

Face, I'de’.

Forehead, Pe.

Temples, No"tha/deho*ho® (horhon, to throb).
Center of forehead, Peuta/no" (utanon, between).
Eyebrow, I*shta/no®xixe.

Depression between eyebrows, Pau/ckida.
Eye, I*shta.

White of the eye, Inshta’ucka tho".

Pupil, I"shta’ usha betho".

Socket, I"shta/ugtho® (ugthon, to put into a hollow place).
Eyelid, I*shta’ha (ha, skin).

Upper lid, I"shta’ha igabizhe (igabizhe, to wink with).
Eyelashes, I*shta/thehi*.

Hair of head (human), No®zhi’ha or Pahi’.
Hair on forehead, Pehi”.

Hair on body (human or animal), Hi".

Nose, Pa.

Bridge of nose, Paxi‘xe.

Tip of nose, Pashi’zhe.

Nostrils, Pa’xthuge (xthuge, hole).

Wing of nose, Pauga’dazhe (uga’dazhe, base).
Septum, Paushto™ga (shto”ga, soft).

Cheek, The’xo"de.

Cheekbone, I®de’no*hi®.

Mouth, I.

Lips, I’ha.

Corners of mouth, I’thede.

Jaw, The’ba.

Joint of jaw, The’baugthe.

107

108 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

Teeth, Hi.

Molars, Hiu’toga.

Gums, Hizhu/’.

Tongue, The’ce.

Tip of tongue, The¢ge’pa¢i (pagi’, tip).

Base of tongue, Thece’hide (hide, base).
Ridge above teeth and roof of mouth, Ko"btha/de.
Chin, I’ki.

Double chin, The’bazhu.

Neck, Pa/hi.

Chords at side of neck, Nu/’deko".

llollow at base of neck in front, The’shkaxthuah.
Two chords at the back of neck, Tai’ko".
Hollow at nape of neck, Taiu’gthe.

Throat, Nude.

Adam’s apple, Nu/de tashe (tashe, lump).
Windpipe, Nu’dexixibe.

Pharynx, We’no*bthe.

Body, Zhu’ga.

Breast, Mo™ge.

Mamma, Mo*ce’.

Nipples, Mo®¢e’pa.

Collar bone, Mo”ge wahi (mon’ge, breast; wahi, bone).
Sternum, Temo”hin.

Ribs, Thi’ti.

Short ribs, Thi’tiusha/gthe.

Epigastrie region, Mo"hi™be.

Lumbar region, Thie.

Hypogastric region, Tapu’ or Washna’.
Umbilical region, Ni’xa.

Navel, The’tasho*.

Waist, Te’ce.

Spine, No’xahi.

Coceyx, Ci’de ita (inde, tail; ita, end).
Back, No”ka.

Muscles on side of spine, lower end, Taki™de.
Sinew beneath these muscles, Teno’ kako".
Fleshy bunch on back below neck, A’baku.
Shoulder, I"ke’de.

Shoulder blade, Waba/co®.

Arm, A.

Upper arm, Auto”ga (uto”ga, large part).
Lower arm, Au/eni.

Muscles on front of upper arm, A’ko"ta.
Muscles on back upper arm, A’zhuhi.
Armpit, Nugi’.

Elbow, Actu’hi.

Wrist, No*be’usho"sho" (ushoshon, pliable).
Hand, No®be’.

Palm of hand, No"be’utho"da (uthonda, center).
Fingers, No"be’hi or Uca’be.

Thumb, No*be’hi uto"ga (utonga, big).

Index finger, No"be’hi weabacu (weabacu, to point with).

FLETCHER-LA FLHSCHH] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 109

Middle finger, No"be’hiuthigo" (uthecon, middle).

Finger next to little one, No"be’hi uzhiga uthuato" (wthuaton, next to one).
Little finger, No"be’hi uzhi"ga (uzhinga, little).

Tip of finger, No™be’hi itaxe.

Nails, Sha’ge. The same word is applied to claws and hoofs.
Knuckles, No"be’usho"sho®.

Contents of body, the internal organs, U’gaxectha.

Heart, No*de.

Lungs, Tha’xi.

Liver, Pi.

Gall, Pizi’.

Kidney, Tea’¢o*taci.

Bladder, Ne’xe.

Intestines, Shi’be.

Small intestine, Shi’be uzhitga.

Large intestine, Shi/be uto"ga.

Layer of fat covering stomach and internal organs, Hu’xthabe.
Groin, Iti/washko®.

Hips, (itde’hi.

Hip joint, Zhega/ugthe; also U’gaho", where the cut is made in butchering.
Body between hip joint and ribs, ‘‘ticklish place,’’ Shtashta/de.
Legs, Zhi/be or Hi.

Upper leg, thigh, Zhega’uto®ga.

Inner, flat part of thigh, Ke’go".

Upper part of thigh, Cicu’.

Flat part of thigh near buttock, Zhega’ ubthacka.

Buttock, Ni/de.

Knee, whole of knee, Shino™’de.

Kneejoint, Hiu’kite.

Kneecap, Shino” dewashko*.

End of fibula, Hia/xte.

Shin, No™’xpehi.

Calf of leg, Hiuga/gi.

Ankles, Giko”.

Ankle bones, Cita’xe.

Feet, Ci.

Soles, Ciha/to™.

Instep, top, Ciu/no®xixe.

Instep, hollow below, (iu’no"¢kida.

Tendon achilles, Hi’ko®.

Heel, (ithe/de.

Toes, Qipa‘hi.

Great toe, Cipa’hi uto"ga.

Next (second) toe, Gipa’hi uto"ga uthuato" (uthuaton, next to).
Middle toe, Gipa’hi uthico" (uthicon, middle).

Next toe, Gipa’/hi uazhi"ga uthuato".

Little toe, Gipa’hi uzhi"ga (uzhinga, little).

Bones, Wahi’.

Skin, Ha or Xitha’.

Marrow, Wazhi’be.

Veins, Ko".

Skull devoid of flesh, Ni/kapa.

110 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ErH. ANN. 27
Miscettanrous Terms Usrp spy THE OMAHA

NATURAL OBJECTS AND PHENOMENA

Sky, Mo”xe.

Sun, Mi.

Moon, Nio™ba.

Stars, Mika/e.

North Star, Mika’emo"thi"azhi (mikae, star; monthin, walk or move; azhi, not).

Pleiades. This constellation bore the ancient name of Tapa’ (deer’s head), but
this term, which had a religious significance, was not commonly used, the popular
name being Mixaci’zhitga (little duck’s foot).

Great Bear, Wa/baha, the litter.

The Morning or Evening Star, Mika/eto®ga (big star).

Meteor, Mika’e uxpathe (stars fall).

Clouds, Mo*xpi’.

Rain, No®zhi”. ;

Mist, Shu’de mo*ho® (smoke on the earth).

Hail, Ma/ci.

Snow, Ma.

Thunder, I"gthu”huto" (huton, to cry; ingthun implies the idea of a creature simi-
lar to a bird).

Lightning, Thio™ba.

Rainbow, Tushni’ge.

Light, Ugo™ba.

Darkness, Uga’ho"no"pace.

Night, Ho".

Day, Oba.

Dawn, Oba ¢o"tihe (day lies pale).

Morning, Ho®e’go"che.

Noon, Mi’/thumo®shi (sun high),

Dusk, I"de’ho"no"pag¢e (face hidden in darkness).

Evening, Pa/¢e.

Water, Ni.

Ice, Nu’xe.

Wind, Tade’.

Fire, Pe’de.

Smoke, Shu/de.

Charcoal, No*xthe’.

Ashes, Mo®xu/de (gray earth).

Heat, Na’kade.

Cold, U’eni.

Earth, To™de.

Land, Mo®zho®.

Lake, Ne’uthesho®.

River, Ni.

Creek, Wachi/shka,

TASTE
Sweet, (ki/the.
Salt,
Sour, ? (’a’the.
Acid,

Stringent, T’n’xe.

FLETCHHR-LA FLESCHD] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES Nall

Bitter, Pa.
Taste of nuts,
Taste of fat,
Salt, the article, Ni¢ki’/the (sweet water).

No*be.

COLORS
White, (ka.
Pale, Cor.
Black, (a/be.
Green, Tu.
Blue, Tu ¢a/be.
Yellow, (i.
Red, Zhi/‘de.
Gray or Brown, Xu/de.

POINTS OF THE COMPASS

North, Ucni/atathisho® (wen, cold; ata, there; thishor, toward)—toward the cold.

East, Miuia/tathisho" (mi, sun; wi, it comes; ata, there; thishor, toward)—toward
the coming of the sun.

South, Mo*shtea/tathisho" (monshte, heat; ata, there; lhishon, toward)—toward
the heat.

West, Mi/itheatathisho" (mi, sun; ithe, gone; ata, there; thishor, toward)—toward
where the sun has gone.

Up (as when the pipes are pointed upward), Mo” xata (monxa, sky; ta, ata, there).

Down (as when the pipes are pointed downward), To”deata (onde, earth; ata,
there).

DIVISIONS OF TIME

January, HoYga umubthi ike: When the snow drifts into the tents of the Ho™ga.
February, Mi’xa agthi ike: The moon when geese come home (come back).
March, Pe’nishka mieta ike: The little frog moon.

April, Miu’o*thi#ge ke: The moon in which nothing happens.

May, Mi waa’ ike: The moon in which they (the tribe) plant.

June, Tenu’gamigauna ike: The buffalo bulls hunt the cows.

July, Tehu’ta® ike: When the buffalo bellow.

August, U’po*huta® ike: When the elk bellow.

September, Ta/xte ma"no"xa ike: When the deer paw the earth.

October, Ta’/xti kithixa ike: When the deer rut. |

November, Ta’xte hebaxo” ike: When the deer shed the antlers.

December, Waca/be zhitga i/da ike: When the little black bears are born.

The Oto and Iowa tribes use the same names for the months except for January,
which is called ‘‘the raccoon month.”

The general name for month was ‘‘ a moon.”’

The night, or sleeping time, marked the division of days, so a journey might be
spoken of as having taken so many ‘‘sleeps.’”’ In like manner the year was spoken
of as ‘‘a winter.’’ The sun indicated the time of day: Sunrise, mi/etho®be (mi, sun;
ethonbe, to come out); sunset, mi’ethe. (mi, sun; ithe, gone). A motion toward the
zenith meant noon (mi/tho® mo"shi—mi, sun; (hor, round; mo™shi, on high); mid-
way between the zenith and the west, afternoon; and midway toward the east,
forenoon. There were no smaller divisions of time among the Omaha.

iy THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH, ANN. 27
WEATHER SIGNS

The storm which usually precedes the coming of the new moon was called
Mia’no®xthe, ‘‘the hiding of the moon”’ (the act of the storm).

Early in the month of February there is usually a severe storm, often a blizzard.
This storm was called Mi’xa ikino"xthe agthi ike, ‘‘the geese come home hidden
by the storm.”’ It is said that soon after this storm a few geese are seen, which are
shortly followed by the flocks.

A ring around the moon is a sign of rain.

When the horns of the moon are turned upward, it is a sign that cold weather is
coming.

When the fireflies swarm it will rain during the night.

When birds sing in the early morning the day will be clear.

A mist in the morning portends a hot day.

After a long rain, when the horses prick up their ears and play, it is known that
the rain is over.

White spots on the nails betoken the approach of spring. If they come in sum-
mer it is because summer is here; if in winter, they indicate that spring will surely
come, no matter how long or cold the season.

To break a moccasin string is a sign that summer is coming.

SUMMARY

From the evidence afforded by the native names of animals and
trees it would seem that the physical environment of the Omaha has
not greatly varied in the course of the last few centuries; during
that period the tribe does not appear to have experienced conditions
that prevail in the extreme north or far to the southward, or that
are peculiar to the region west of the Rocky Mountains. This seem-
ingly persistent character of the Omaha surroundings made possible
the development of the tribe along limes that led to substantial rather
than to striking results.

During this period both the peaceful and the warlike relations of
the Omaha were for the most part with tribes to which they were
more or less closely related linguistically, tribes which presumably
had many ideas and customs in common. There was, therefore, little
in this contact likely to deflect the Omaha from their natural course
of development. To this, however, their relations with the Arikara
constituted an exception. This tribe belongs to the Caddoan, a
southwestern stock, different from the Omaha in mental character-
istics and in culture. From the Arikara the Omaha adopted the
use of the earth lodge; it may be that contact with this tribe stimu-
lated a general revival of the cultivation of the maize; and the
knowledge of the Wawa" ceremony was probably derived from the
same source. While the Arikara exercised on the Omaha a somewhat
stimulating influence, the contact does not seem to have had any
vital effect on the development of the latter’s tribal organization and
government.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES i118}

The character of the environmental conditions noted above seems
reflected in the Sacred Legend, which preserves in fragmentary form
the story of the people. The value of this Legend is psychic rather
than historic, for little is told in it that is definite as to movements or
localities; it is singularly free from the mythic element; it contains
no marvels, but reveals the mental atmosphere through which the
people beheld their past achievements, and constitutes a narrative
remarkably true to what seems to be the Omaha character, religious,
thoughtful, and practical rather than imaginative and emotional.

The Omaha depended on their powers of observation and thought
as the means by which they could better the conditions of their daily
life and, as will be seen later, they utilized their observation of nature
in forming their ethical code. The character of the people is indi-
cated in their names for living forms and for natural phenomena ;
these show how the Omaha looked on their environment and differ-
entiated what they saw and experienced. The influence of hunting is
detected in the familiarity displayed with the anatomy of the larger
animals, a knowledge which, as has been seen, the Omaha applied to
the human form. Some of the terms, as those designating parts of
the human face, the corners of the mouth, the depression on the fore-
head, indicate close observation. In color perception the Omaha
seem to be of somewhat limited capacity, as is true also of the sensa-
tion of taste, but there is a noteworthy appreciation of the gradation
of light in the coming and the going of the day. The names of the
months and of the points of the compass are not fanciful or sym-
bolic but express the results of practical observations or experiences.
All the names bear out the sober-minded, self-contained character
indicated in the Sacred Legend and add to its value in helping
toward an understanding of the tribe.

The map of the Omaha country (pl. 21) presents the region with
which the people have been familiar from the sixteenth century to
the present, and such historic data have been given as may throw
light on the movements of the tribe during that period. The steady
westward advance of the white settlements from their beginnings on
the Atlantic coast, together with the consequent contentions with
the tribes native to that region, pressed the eastern tribes back on
their western neighbors, creating disturbances whose effects traveled
westward and were felt by all the people dwelling on and beyond the
Lakes and the Mississippi, forcing many tribes through influences
they did not understand or recognize to move westward. The
Omaha could not escape the effect of this general disturbance,
although they did not become embroiled in wars between the Indians
and the white people dwelling to the eastward of them.

83993°—27 ETH—11——8

114 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

The Omaha did not come into contact with the white people as
early as did some of their cognates. They do not seem to have felt
the influence of the Spanish from the southwest, although late indi-
rect effects were transmitted through the Comanche and the Pawnee.
French influence did not reach the Omaha from the south, but came
from the north through Canadian traders. The French were the
first white men to become personally known to the Omaha, but they
did not reach the tribe until well into the eighteenth century. The
English followed the French and exerted a more powerful and dis-
turbing influence on the social life of the people. Finally the Ameri-
can came and remained.

A general view of the Omaha environment during recent centuries
makes apparent certain limitations, and it can hardly be questioned
that these limitations must have exercised an influence not only on
the direction but also on the manner in which the people evolved
their social and religious life. Indeed the Omaha seem to have been
exempt to a remarkable degree from strong foreign control and to
have developed their tribal organization in comparative isolation.
Consequently they were able to preserve their type, a circumstance
which adds to the value and interest of the tribe as a study.

Ill
RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL

INTRODUCTION OF THE OMAHA CHILD TO THE Cosmos

When a child was born it was not regarded as a member of its gens
or of the tribe but simply as a living being coming forth into the
universe, whose advent must be ceremonially announced in order to
assure it an accepted place among the already existing forms. This
ceremonial announcement took the form of an expression of the
Omaha belief in the oneness of the universe through the bond of a
common life-power that pervaded all things in nature animate and
inanimate.

Although in the Te¢i’de and I*shta’¢utda gentes the custom sur-
vived of placing on the child, the fourth day after birth, certain sym-
bols pertaining to the peculiar rites of those gentes, these acts did not
serve the purpose of introducing the child into the teeming life of the
universe. This ceremony of introduction took place on the eighth day
after birth. Unfortunately the full details of the ceremony have been
lost through the death of the priests who had charge of it. The
hereditary right to perform the ceremony belonged in the Washe’to®
subgens of the I*shta’¢uda gens. (See meaning of the term Washe’-
to”, p. 186.)

On the appointed day the priest was sent for. When he arrived
he took his place at the door of the tent in which the child lay and
raising his right hand to the sky, palm outward, he intoned the
following in a loud, ringing voice:

Ho! Ye Sun, Moon, Stars, all ye that move in the heavens,
I bid you hear me!
Into your midst has come a new life.
Consent ye, I implore!
Make its path smooth, that it may reach the brow of the first hill!

Ho! Ye Winds, Clouds, Rain, Mist, all ye that move in the air,
I bid you hear me!
Into your midst has come a new life.
Consent ye, I implore!
Make its path smooth, that it may reach the brow of the second hill!

Ho! Ye Hills, Valleys, Rivers, Lakes, Trees, Grasses, all ye of the earth,
I bid you hear me!
115

116 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Into your midst has come a new life.
Consent ye, I implore!

Make its path smooth, that it may reach the brow of the third hill!

Ho! Ye Birds, great and small, that fly in the air,

Ho! Ye Animals, great and small, that dwell in the forest,

Ho! Ye insects that creep among the grasses and burrow in the ground—
I bid you hear me!

Into your midst has come a new life.
Consent ye, I implore!

Make its path smooth, that it may reach the brow of the fourth hill!

Ho! All ye of the heavens, all ye of the air, all ye of the earth:
I bid you all to hear me!

Into your midst has come a new life.
Consent ye, consent ye all, I implore!

Make its path smooth—then shall it travel beyond the four hills!

This ritual was a supplication to the powers of the heavens, the
air, and the earth for the safety of the child from birth to old age.
In it the life of the infant is pictured as about to travel a rugged
road stretching over four hills, marking the stages of infancy, youth,
manhood, and old age.

The ceremony which finds oral expression in this ritual voices in
no uncertain manner the Omaha belief in man’s relation to the
visible powers of the heavens and in the interdependence of all
forms of life. The appeal bears evidence of its antiquity, breathing
of a time antedating established rites and ceremonies. It expresses
the emotions of the human soul, touched with the love of offspring,
alone with the might of nature, and companioned only by the living
creatures whose friendliness must be sought if life is to be secure on
its journey.

The cognate tribes* had ceremonies similar in purport although
differing in details. Among the Omaha no further ceremony took
place in reference to the child in its relation to the cosmos, to its
gens, or to the tribe, until it was able to walk. When the period
arrived at which the child could walk steadily by itself, the time
was at hand when it must be introduced into the tribe. This was
done ceremonially.

aAmong the Osage, on the birth of a child “‘a man who had talked with the gods” was sent for. On
his arrival he recited to the infant the story of the Creation and of the animals that move on the earth.
Then, after placing the tip of his finger on the mother’s nipple, he pressed that finger on the lips of the
child, after which he passed his hands over the body of the child. Then the infant was allowed to take
nourishment. Later, when the child desired to drink water the same or a like man was sent for. Again
the ritual of the Creation was recited, and the beginning of water was told. The man then dipped the
tip of his finger into water and laid it on the lips of the child and passed his hands over its body from
head to foot. After this ceremony the child could be given water to drink. When the child reached
the age when it needed or desired solid food, the same man or one of his class was again sent for. Once
more the Creation story was recited and the gift of corn and other food was recounted. At the close the
man placed the tip of his finger upon the food prepared for the child and then laid this finger on the lips
of the child, after which he passed his hands over its body. This ceremony prepared the child to receive
solid food. Fees were given to the man who performed these rites.

FLETCHER-—LA FLESCHE] RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL 1a 7¢

INTRODUCTION OF THE CHILD INTO THE TRIBE

CEREMONY OF TURNING THE CHILD

The name of this ceremony was Thiku’wi"xe (thi, a prefix indi-
cating action by the hand; ku’wi"ze, ‘to turn’’). Although the child
is not mentioned, it is understoed as being referred to. The trans-
lation of the term, therefore, would be “turning the child.”

All children, both boys and girls, passed through this ceremony,
which is a survival of that class of ceremonies belonging to the
lowest, or oldest, stratum of tribal rites; it is directly related to the
cosmic forces—the wind, the earth, and the fire. Through this cere-
mony all the children who had reached the period when they could
move about unaided, could direct their own steps, were symbolically
“sent into the midst of the winds’’—that element essential to life
and health; their feet were set upon the stone—emblem of long life
upon the earth and of the wisdom derived from age; while the
“flames,”’ typical of the life-giving power, were invoked to give their
aid toward insuring the capacity for a long, fruitful, and successful
life within the tribe. Through this ceremony the child passed out of
that stage in its life wherein it was hardly distinguished from all
other living forms into its place as distinctively a human being,
a member of its birth gens, and through this to a recognized place in
the tribe. As it went forth its baby name was thrown away, its feet
were clad in new moccasins made after the manner of the tribe, and
its ni’kie name (see p. 136) was proclaimed to all nature and to the
assembled people.

The significance of the new moccasins put on the child will appear
more clearly by the light of the following custom, still observed in
families in which all the old traditions of the tribe are conserved:
When moccasins are made for a little baby, a small hole is cut in
the sole of one. This is done in order that “if a messenger from the
spirit world should come and say to the child, ‘I have come for you,’
the child could answer, ‘I can not go on a journey—my moccasins
are worn out!’” A similar custom obtains in the Oto tribe. A
little hole is cut in the first pair of moccasins made for a child. When
the relatives come to see the little one they examine the moccasins,
arid, seeing the hole, they say: ‘‘Why, he (or she) has worn out his
moccasins: he has traveled over the earth!’’ This is an indirect
prayer that the child may live long. The new (whole) moccasins put
on the child at the close of the ceremony of introducing it into the
tribe constitute an assurance that it is prepared for the journey of
life and that the journey will be a long one.

The ceremony of Turning the Child took place in the spring-
time, after the first thunders had been heard. When the grass was

118 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eru. ANN. 27

well up and the birds were singing, “‘ particularly the meadow lark,”’
the tribal herald proclaimed that the time for these ceremonies had
“come. A tent was set up for the purpose, made xube, or sacred,
and the keeper of these rites, who belonged to the Washe’to™ subgens
of the I*shta’cu"da gens, made himself ready and entered the tent.
Meanwhile the parents whose children had arrived at the proper
age, that is, could walk steadily unassisted, took their little ones
and proceeded to the Sacred Tent. The only requisite for the child
was a pair Of new moccasins, but large fees were given to the priest
for his services.

Only parts of the ritual belonging to this ceremony have been
ebtained. Those whose prerogative it was to conduct the rites are all
dead, and with them knowledge of much of the ceremony passed
away. The preservation of the fragments here given came about thus:
An old and trusted friend of Joseph La Flesche, a former principal
chief of the tribe, was greatly interested when a boy, in the tribal
rites. One of his near kinsmen was a priest of this rite. When the
Sacred Tent was set up this boy more than once succeeded in secreting
himself behind packs within and from his hiding place was able
to observe what took place. Having a retentive memory and a
quick ear for song, he was able to learn and remember the six songs
here given. Subsequent inquiries have added somewhat to the
knowledge secured from this informant, although, so far as the
writers have been able to ascertain, no one seems ever to have
obtained quite so close an inside view of the entire ceremony as this
inquisitive boy. Of course no one who had passed through the cere-
mony could accurately remember it, as the child was generally only
3 or 4 years of age at the time it had a part in the rite.

The tent was always a large one, set facing the east, and open at the
entrance, so that the bystanders, who kept at a respectful distance,
could see something of what was going on within. As the ceremony
was one of tribal interest, many flocked to the Sacred Tent to watch the
proceedings. In the center was a fire. On the east of the fire was
placed a stone. There was also a ball of grass, placed at the west of
the fire-place near its edge. It was the mother who led the child to the
tent. At the door she paused, and addressed the priest within, saying:
“Venerable man! I desire my child to Wear moccasins.’ Then she
dropped the hand of the child, and the little one, carrying his new moc-
casins, entered the tent alone. Hewasmet by the priest, who advanced
to the door to receive the gifts brought by the mother as fees. Here
she again addressed him, saying: ‘‘I desire my child to walk long upon
the earth; [ desire him to be content with the light of many days.
We seek your protection; we hold to you for strength.’ The priest
replied, addressing the child: ‘‘ You shall reach the fourth hill sighing;
you shall be bowed over; you shall have wrinkles; your staff shall

FLETCHDR-LA FLESCHE] RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL 119

”

bend under your weight. I speak to you that you may be strong.
Laying his hand on the shoulder of the child, he added: ‘What you
have brought me shall not be lost to you; you shall live long and en-
joy many possessions; your eyes shall be satisfied with many good
things.” Then, moving with the child toward the fireplace in the
center of the lodge, and speaking in the capacity of the Thunder,
whose priest he was, he uttered these words: ‘‘I am a powerful being;
I breathe from my lips over you.” Then he began to sing the
Invocation addressed to the Winds:

es
a —— is Se

et
Du-ba ha ti no®- zhi® ga She - no® - zhi® Ganccess.
Se
—
= — = =) B Se => SH 3 =k
+ 6 —s oe aa oe
S—— 5 “>
Du - ba - ha (loaacgeseaccohaedae sa TOao0 no® zhi (EB ieorese ios
K
at a eS ees,
Fee — ] SS aa a a 28 |
om = 4 f= J = ca /
She no®- zhi" GA. -eeee She no*-zhi® Gavere ies i

Duba ha ti no™zhi® ga she no®zhi® ga
Duba ha ti no"zhi® ga
She no®zhi" ga! She no"zhi" ga

ete

Literal translation: Duba, four; ha signifies that the number four
refers to groups; ti, from ati, come ye; no"zhi", stand; a, from iga,
word of command given to a number; she, from shethu, a definite
place near by; ga, a command, and end of the sentence; J", the rolling
thunder. The ‘“‘four”’ refers to the four winds, to which the invoca-
tion is addressed by the Thunder priest.

Free translation

Ye four, come hither and stand, near shall ye stand
In four groups shall ye stand
Here shall ye stand, in this place stand

(The Thunder rolls)

The music of this invocation is in the five-toned scale. The voice
dwells on the words ti, “‘come,”’ and she, “near in this place.”’ The roll
of the Thunder is given in the relative minor.

At the close of this ritual song the priest faces the child to the
east, lifting it by the shoulders; its feet are allowed to rest upon
the stone. He then turns the child completely around, from left to
right. If by any chance the child should struggle or move so as to

120 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prn. ANN. 27

turn from right to left the onlookers set up a cry of alarm. It was
considered very disastrous to furn ever so little in the wrong way, so
the priest was most careful to prevent any accident. When the child
had been turned, its feet rested on the stone as it faced the south.
The priest then lifted it by the arms, turned it, and set its feet on the
stone as it faced the west; then he again lifted the child, turned it,
and set its feet on the stone as it faced the north. Lastly the child
was lifted to its feet and placed on the stone as it again faced the east.
During this action the following ritual song was sung:

Sas 2 SS SS SSS SS aS ee
a o- a ———

he ga ku - wi" xe a- ki-the tha She ga-ku - wi"
Soa. 00 geS0
3 ——} 0 __#-__—_# as
_—_————— f ==
=i —a__ —-
xe a - ki-the tha Ba-xu du -
a

senonqsause ba ha te Ta-de ba- co

Ta - de du...... ba ha
She gakuwi"xe akithe tha
She gakuwi*xe akithe tha
Baxu duba ha te tade duba ha te
Tade baco" the akithe tha
Tade duba ha te
yas

Literal translation: She, from shethi", going yonder, implies a person
speaking; ga, to strike by the wind; kuwi"ze, to whirl; tha, oratorical
end of the sentence; baru, ridge or hill; duba, four; ha, groups;
te, descriptive suffix indicating standing; bago", in the midst; the,
goes (third person); akithe, I cause him; tha, end of sentence; tade,
winds; duba, four; ha, groups; te, standing; J”, rolling of the
Thunder.

Free translation

Turned by the winds goes the one I send yonder;
Yonder he goes who is whirled by the winds;
Goes, where the four hills of life and the four winds are standing;
There, in the midst of the winds do I send him,
Into the midst of the winds, standing there.
(The Thunder rolls)

The winds invoked by the priest stand in four groups, and receive
the child, which is whirled by them, and by them enabled ‘to

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL WAL

face in every direction.”’ This action symbolizes that the winds
will come and strengthen him as hereafter he shall traverse the earth
and meet the vicissitudes he must encounter as he passes over the
four hills and completes the circuit of a long life. It was believed
that this ceremony exercised a marked influence on the child, and
enabled it to grow in strength and in the ability to practise self-
control.

The priest now put the new moccasins on the feet of the child, as
the following ritual song was sung. Toward its close the child was
lifted, set on its feet, and made to take four steps typical of its entrance
into a long life.

4 (Sung in octaves)

a ae ___ eee, ——— je _ jeu Ry
eS =a — ee $e ___ are _ a
wae ——I 4 4 = => SSS SS SS SS SS SJ)

0-000 _-0—_5 -5——_ —— _|—_ o—_ o_o _ 0 0-5 5 ——-
= — oe —~e

Shethu te tho" i e wi®-tha ke She-thu te tho" i-e wi®-tha ke

(Gas SSS SS 2S =

a a

de wi®-tha ke eae I-e te wi®-tha- ke

terre ere? * 0 pee _, i.
CER a a — a ee oe |
bid var —— == — = —- iF, : o=

She- thu tetho® i -e wi®-tha-ke He- de wi®-tha ke no%-zhit-ga [* In

Shethu te tho" ie wi"thake

Hede wi"thake no"zhi" ga

Te te wi"thake

Shethu te tho” ie wi"thake

Hede wi"thake no"zhitga

oo
Literal translation: Shethu, a place near, also a time; fe refers to

action or occurrence, in this instance to the ceremony; tho”, round
place, refers both to the lodge and to the hu’thuga; ie, words, declara-
tion; wi"thake, truth (to you) (wi"ke, truth; tha, to you); hede, in
consequence of, therefore, because (old term); no"zhi", arise, stand;
ga, the sign of command; 7”, the rolling of thunder,

Free translation

Here unto you has been spoken the truth;
Because of this truth you shall stand.
Here, declared is the truth.
Here in this piace has been shown you the truth.
Therefore, arise! go forth in its strength!

(The thunder rolls)

The ni’kie name of the child was now announced, after which the
priest cried aloud: “Ye hills, ye grass, ye trees, ye creeping things
both great and small, I bid you hear! This child has thrown away
its baby name. Ho!” (acall to take notice).

122 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27

The priest next instructed the child as to the tabu it must observe,
and what would be the penalty for disobedience. If the child was a
girl, she now passed out of the tent and rejoined her mother.

Up to this point the ceremony of introducing the child into the
tribe was the same for male and female; but in the case of boys there
was a supplemental rite which pertained to them as future warriors.

CONSECRATION OF THE BOY TO THUNDER

This ceremony was called We’bashna, meaning ‘‘to cut the hair.”
According to traditions, this specialized ceremony belonged to the
period in the growth of the political development of the tribe when
efforts were being made to hold the tribe more firmly together by
checking the independence of the warriors and placing them under
control—efforts that finally resulted in the placing of the rites of
war in charge of the We’zhi'shte gens.

In the ceremony of cutting the hair the priest in charge gathered
a tuft from the crown of the boy’s head, tied it, then cut it off and
laid it away in a parfleche case, which was kept as a sacred reposi-
tory, singing as he cut the lock a ritual song explanatory of the
action. The severing of the lock was an act that implied the conse-
cration of the life of the boy to Thunder, the symbol of the power
that controlled the life and death of the warrior—for every man
had to be a warrior in order to defend the home and the tribe. The
ritual song which followed the cutting of the lock imdicated the
acceptance of the offering made; that is, the life of the warrior hence-
forth was under the control of the Thunder to prolong or to cut short
at will.

The Washe’to® subgens, which had charge of this rite of the conse-
cration of the boy to the Thunder as the god of war, camped at
the end of the I*shta’¢u®da division, and formed the northern side
of the entrance into the hu’thuga when the opening faced the east;
while the We’zhi*shte gens, which had charge of the rites pertaining
to war, including the bestowal of honors, formed the southern side
of the entrance. Thus the “door,” through which all must pass
who would enter the hu’thuga (see p. 138), was guarded on each side
by gentes having charge of rites pertaining to Thunder, as the god
of war, the power that could not only hold in check enemies from
without, but which met each man child at his entrance into the tribe
and controlled him even to the hour of his death.

In a community beginning to crystallize into organized social
relations the sphere of the warrior would naturally rise above that of
the mere fighter; and when the belief of the people concerning nature
is taken into consideration it is not surprising that the movement
toward social organization should tend to place the warriors—the.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL 123

men of power—in close relation to those natural manifestations of
power seen in the fury of the storm and heard in the rolling of the
thunder. Moreover, in the efforts toward political unification such
rites as those which were connected with the Thunder would conduce
to the welding of the people by the inculcation of a common depend-
ence upon a powerful god and the sign of consecration to him would
be put upon the head of every male Aaacaipon of the tribe.

The priest took the boy to the space west of the fire ; there, facing
the east, he cut a lock of hair from the crown of the Bow s ee ih as
he sang the following ritual song:

E cn — 5 = 2 4 -—— = —
Ze —~@ =—-* I eal Sil Sener ee |
Ti- go" - ha mo®-shi - a ta ha! Sha- be ti - the
#3 = ee = ——— |
fpf Se ee eee
no®- zhi - a ha! Ti-go"- ha mo®- shi - a ta ha!
: oe = z! =
=a 3 — 7 = es |
: : —
Sha - be ti- the no®-zhi - a She - thu a - ha.
e oy ae
eS = Soe Se
re a —— |
Ti-go"-ha mo"-shi a ta _ ha! Sha-be ti- the no® - zhi-a
ed ° ° o+—o ° es
(ere ———————s —— sas = 2 2 ¥ | — e re |
= = ——_— : = _—- =
Ti - go" - ha mo® - shi - a ta ha! Sha - be ti - the

= a
ee 3— = —9——a—§ -"—__#___# se |? = a soo =

———— ——— os oo
no"-zhi- a ha she-thu a ha Ti- go®- ha mo? - shi -
CS =|
eS a == = ae ere et |

: : cw + F

a ta ha! Sha - be ti - the no® - zhi - a ha!

Tigo"ha mo"shia ta ha

Shabe tithe no®zhia ha
Tigo"ha mo®shia ta ha

Shabe tithe no™zhia shethu aha
Tigo"ha mo®shia ta ha
Shabe tithe no®zhia
Tigo"ha mo®shia ta ha
Shabe tithe no"zhia ha shethu aha
Tigo"ha mo"shia ta ha

Shabe tithe no®zhia ha

124 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ErH. ANN. 27

Literal translation: Tigo"ha, grandfather—a form of respect used
when addressing the person of power; mo"shia, far above, on high;
ta, from shiata, there, used to express an indefinite place; ha, end of
sentence; shabe, dark, like a shadow; tithe, passing before one;
no"zhia, human hair; shethu, there in your direction, as toward the
one addressed; aha, in the midst of.

Free translation

Grandfather! far above on high,

The hair like a shadow passes before you.

Grandfather! far above on high,

Dark like a shadow the hair sweeps before you into the midst of your realm,
Grandfather! there above, on high,

Dark like a shadow the hair passes before you.

Grandfather! dwelling afar on high,

Like a dark shadow the hair sweeps before you into the midst of your realm,
Grandfather! far above on high,

The hair like a shadow passes before you.

From this ritual song we learn that the lock laid away in the
sacred case in care of the Thunder priest symbolically was sent to
the Thunder god dwelling ‘‘far above on high,” who was ceremonially
addressed as “Grandfather’’—the term of highest respect in the lan-
guage. The hair of a person was popularly believed to have a vital
connection with the life of the body, so that anyone becoming pos-
sessed of a lock of hair might work his will on the individual from
whom it came. In ceremonial expressions of grief the throwing of
locks of hair upon the dead was indicative of the vital loss sustained.
In the light of customs that obtained among the people the hair,
under certain conditions, might be said to typify life. Because of
the belief in the continuity of life a part could stand for the whole,
so in this rite by the cutting off of a lock of the boy’s hair and giving
it to the Thunder the life of the child was given into the keeping of
the god. It is to be noted that later, when the hair was suffered to
grow on the boy’s head, a lock on the crown of the head was parted
in a circle from the rest of the hair and kept constantly distinct and
neatly braided. Upon this lock the war honors of the warrior were
worn, and it was this lock that was cut from the head of a slain
enemy and formed the central object in the triumph ceremonies, for
the reason that it preeminently represented the life of the man who
had been slain in battle.

FLETCHDR-LA FLESCHE] RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL 125

In the next ritual song the Thunder god speaks and proclaims his
acceptance of the consecration of the life through the lock of hair
and also declares his control over the life of the warrior.

(Sung in octaves)

ae a — a = is of fa ,
[ea = ras SS SS ee

- os —e — Ss.
= o —o—
She-thu pi-tho® - di he Ni-ka wi? go" - kea - the
$ ae 2
E —— = = | ———— |
——— ee SS
vv. CES pe ee
She- thu pi- tho® - di Ni-ka - wit ” go" ke a-the
2 eee See ee ——
E ee Ee | = =F |
: oe o—e—e
inn fue %
She-thu pi-tho"- di he Ni-ka- wit sha-be ke a- the he
# =~
E — & SS zee =|
eS ae 2 eee
ms) wie TF . wv vw
She thu pi- tho® di Ni-ka- wi" go® - kea-the

ee = San
IG SS ee = === ¥|

4 -. . .
She-thu pi-tho"- di he Ni-ka- wis zhi-de ke a-the he
a4 EN
# ————— a
E == [3 SE |
ee vw. S20 vw wT
She-thu pi-tho® - di Ni-ka- wi" go® - kea-the

Shethu pi thodi he

Nika wi" go"ke athe

Shethu pi tho"di

Nika wi" go"ke athe

Shethu pi tho"di he

Nika wi" shabe ke athe he

Shethu pi thodi

Nika wi" go"ke athe

Shethu pi thodi he

Nika wit zhide ke athe he

Shethu pi tho"di

Nika wi" go"ke athe

Literal translation: Shethu, there; pi, [have been; tho"di, when; he,

end of the sentence and vowel prolongation; nika, man; wi", a or
one; go"ke, a peculiar exclamatory expression indicating the action
of coming suddenly on a fearful or startling object; athe, I cause,
used only in reference to inanimate things and intended here to con-
vey the idea that man has no power to act independently of the

126 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

gods; shabe, dark, like a shadow; ke indicates that the object is long
and is lying down; zhide, red.

Free translation

What time I will, then only then,

A man lies dead, a gruesome thing.
What time I will, then suddenly

A man lies dead, a gruesome thing.
What time I will, then, only then,
Like a shadow dark the man shall lie.
What time I will, then suddenly

A man lies dead, a gruesome thing.
What time I will, then, only then,
Reddened and stark a man lies dead.
What time I will, then suddenly

A man lies dead, a gruesome thing.

The word shabe, dark like a shadow, is used in the preceding song
to describe the lock of hair that was cut from the child’s head as a
symbol that his life was offered to the god; in this song the same
word, shabe, is applied to the man who, “like a shadow dark,’
“shall lie”’ when his life has been taken by the god. The use of this
word bears out the meaning of the rite that accompanied the pre-
ceding song, that by the giving of the lock of hair the life of the per-
son was given to the god. This song shows that the god intends
to do as he wills with that life. There are other songs used in the
tribe which iterate this belief that a man dies only when the gods
decree.

The music is in the five-tone scale, and the phrase which carries
the assertion of the god rises and dwells on the tonic, a movemeat
rare in Omaha songs, the general trend being from higher to lower
tones.

The imperfect account of this ritual makes it impossible to state
whether or not the six songs here given were all that belonged to
this ceremony. It is also uncertain whether or not the invocation
to the winds was sung before the turning of every child; it may
have been sung only once, at the opening of the general ceremony,
there being indications that such was the case. It is probable that
the song given below was also sung but once, at the close of the general
ceremony, but it has been impossible to obtain accurate information
on this point. Only one point is certain—that the following was
the final song of the ceremony:

FLETCHHR-LA FLESCHE] RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL 127

(Sung in octaves)

Ab 32 S Sass oe Soe oe ee a oe Gee ees
4— = rd o-—e—a a |
o ———— =
Ku-the go® di i nax thit ba nax thi ba ha
E js — ss = = 5 = = = s=€|
a a —— ——— = —
Pe- de zhi-de na-ka - de...... nax thi® ba nax thi"ba ha!
- s° EES a
——- — — o-*-—@ =
& = = E 7 2 = ¢ =f c =
-b — 2 a SE iE + 4 4 aoe
Ku- the go®- di 12 .- gibe he nax thin ba
:—— o o o- Oe ee 2 = = My =~
SS =
nax thi? ba ha! Pe - de zhi - de na - ka desicee-e.

E
nax thi® ha nax thi® ba ha! Ku-the go"-di_ i” - gi be......... he

_—~—e—e o Fe ——
== l= ! es = =—|—] a
—— =e v ee oes = Se
~~

Kuthe go" di i"gi be he
Naxthi" ba naxthi® ba ha
Pede zhide nakade
Naxthi® ba naxthi® ba ha
Kuthe go" di itgi be he
Naxthi"® ba naxthi" ba ha
Pede zhide nakade
Naxthi® ba naxthi® ba ha
Kuthe go” di igi be he

Literal translation: Kuwthe, hasten; go", suddenly; di, here, hither;
ingi, to ask help, assistance; be, sign of the plural; nazthi”, flame; ba,
sign of the plural; ha, the end of the sentence; pede, fire; zhide, red;
nakade, hot.

Free translation

Come hither, haste to help me,
Ye flames, ye flames, O come!
O red-hot fire, hasten!

O haste, ye flames, to come.
Come speedily to help me,

Ye flames, ye flames, O come!
O red-hot fire, hasten!

O haste, ye flames, to come!
Come hither, haste, to help me!

As this song was sung the ball of grass to which reference has
already been made was held aloft and then hurled to the ground,
where it mysteriously burst into flames, which were regarded as sym-
bolizing the lightning.

128 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

In this closing song there is a return to the cosmic forces which
were appealed to and represented in the ceremony of Turning the
Child. In early times before this ceremony had been arranged so
as to include the rite of consecrating the boy to the Thunder god,
the song which appears on the preceding page was sung probably
soon after, if not immediately at the conclusion of, the third song
given in this account.

At the conclusion of this tribal ceremony, when the child reached
its home the father cut the hair of his son after the symbolic manner
of his gens;* the hair was thus worn until the second dentition.
Then the hair was allowed to grow, and the scalp lock, the sign of the
warrior to which reference has already been made was parted off and
kept carefully braided, no matter how frowzy and tangled the rest
of the hair might be.

CEREMONIAL INTRODUCTION TO INDIVIDUAL LIFE AND TO THE
SUPERNATURAL

The next stage in the life of the Omaha youth was marked by the
rite known, by the name of No™’zhi®zho". The literal meaning of the
word is “to stand sleeping;” it here implies that during the rite the
person stands as if oblivious of the outward world and conscious
only of what transpires within himself, his own mind. This rite
took place at puberty, when the mind of the child had “become
white.” This characterization was drawn from the passing of night
into day. It should be remembered that in native symbolism night
is the mother of day; so the mind of the new-born child is dark,
like the night of its birth; gradually it begins to discern and remem-
ber things as objects seen in the early dawn; finally it is able to
remember and observe discriminatingly; then its mind is said to be
“white,” as with the clear light of day. At the period when the
youth is at the verge of his conscious individual life, is ‘‘ old
enough to know sorrow,” it was considered time that through the
rite No®zhi"zho" he should enter into personal relations with the
mysterious power that permeates and controls all nature as well as
his own existence.

In the Sacred Legend, which recounts briefly the history of the
people and from which quotations have been made, the origin of this
rite is thus given:

The people felt themselves weak and poor. Then the old men gathered together
and said: ‘‘Let us make our children cry to Wako" da that he may give us strength.”’
So all the parents took their children who were old enough to pray in earnest, put
soft clay on their faces, and sent them forth to lonely places. The old men said to

the youths: ‘‘You shall go forth to cry to Wako™da. When on the hills you shall
not ask for any particular thing. The answer may not come to you as you expect;

a The various styles of cutting the child’s hair to symbolize the tabu of his gens are shown with the
account given of the gentes (pp. 144-188).

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL 129

whatever is good, that may Wako" da give.” Four days upon the hills shall the
youths pray, crying. When they stop, they shall wipe their tears with the palms of
their hands and lift their wet hands to the sky, then lay them to the earth. This was
the people’s first appeal to Wako™da.

The closing statement as to “the first appeal” should not be taken
literally, for the rite thus said to have been introduced is too com-
plex, and embodies beliefs that must have required a long time for
formulation into the dramatic forms observed in this rite.

The old men, when explaining the rite, said ‘It must be observed
by all youths. After the first time, the youth could repeat the rite
until he was old enough to marry and had children; by that time
his life was fixed, and he prayed no more unless he was a priest, then
he would continue to fast and pray.” “In the No™zhi"zho",” it was
further explained, “the appeal was to Wako"'da, the great power.
There were other powers—the sun, the stars, the moon, the earth—
but these were lesser; the prayer was not to them.” -The old men
added: “The appeal was for help throughout life. As the youth
goes forth to fast he thinks of a happy life, good health, success in
hunting; in war he desires to secure spoils and escape the enemy;
if he should be attacked that the weapons of his adversaries might
fail to injure him. Such were the thoughts and hopes of the youth
when he entered upon this fast, although he was forbidden to ask for
any special favor.” The rite No™zhi=zho™ was observed in the
spring; never in the summer or winter. The meaning of putting clay
on the head has been explained in different ways. Some have said
it symbolized humility; others that it referred to the soft clay or
mud brought up by the diving animals, out of which the earth was
created. In the opinion of the writers the latter seems the more
probable explanation.

In preparation the youth was taught the following prayer, which
was to be sung during the ordeal of the fast. It was known to every
youth in the tribe, no matter what his gens.* This prayer must be
accepted, therefore, as voicing a fundamental belief of the entire
Omaha tribe. The music isin keeping with the words, being un-
mistakably an earnest invocation.

avery male was obliged to pass through the rite of No»’zhiszho= when he reached the proper age;
whether he should continue to practise the rite was left to his personal choice. The No»’zhiszhoa
was not obligatory on girls or women but they sometimes went through the fast, for the rite was open
to them

83993°—27 ErH—11——9

130 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

OMAHA PRAYER®@
Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

lon ony lon o~ lon
—? ee eee —— a re a
SS ee ee C eee “nea
the - thu wah- pa- thi" a - to - he
on f~ f~ on f~
er — <=
= = SS= Z— g a
===
ony cont oN
oN > lon
S25 =e —
c E ‘ae 2
-
on [on on oN lo
SS
; ——
the - thu wah- pa - thi? a - to®- he
oN on ony (on Lon
6 SSS SI
o ZB ie oO agit = oS
ont CN

Wako"da thethu wahpathi™ ato™he
Wako"da thethu wahpathi® ato™he

Literal translation: Wako"da, the permeating life of nature and of
man, the great mysterious power; thethu, here; wahpathi", poor, needy ;
ato™he, he stands, and I am he—a form of expression used to indicate
humility. Wako"da! here, needy, he stands, and I am he.

This prayer was called Wako’da giko™ (gigiko", ‘to weep from
loss,’ as that of kindred, the prefix gi indicating possession; giko",
therefore, is to weep from the want of something not possessed, from
conscious insufficiency and the desire for something that could bring
happiness or prosperity). This prayer and the aspect of the suppliant,
standing alone in the solitary place, with clay on his head, tears fall-
ing from his eyes, and his hands lifted in supplication, were based on
anthropomorphic ideas concerning Wako"da. The Omaha con-
ceived that the appeal from one so young and untried, who showed
poverty and the need of help, could not fail to move the power thus
appealed to, even as a man so importuned would render the aid that
was asked. The words of the prayer set forth the belief that Wa-
ko"da was able to understand and to respond to the one who thus
voiced his consciousness of de»endence and his craving for help from
a power higher than himself.

aThe upper line gives the aria ‘as sung; the two lines below translate the aria; so that when played
on an instrument like the piano the meaning and feeling of the song become intelligible to us. This trans-
lation has the approval of the Indians.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHD] RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL 131

Four days and nights the youth was to fast and pray provided he
was physically able to bear so long a strain. No matter how hungry
he became, he was forbidden to use the bow and arrows put into his
hands by his father when he left his home for this solitary test of
endurance. When he fell into a sleep or a trance, if he saw or heard
anything, that thing was to become a special medium through which
the youth could receive supernatural aid. Generally with the sight
of the thing came an accompanying cadence. This cadence was
the song or call by which the man might summon aid in his time of
need. The form, animate or animate, which appeared to the man
was drawn toward him, it was believed, by the feeling of pity. The
term used to express this impelling of the form to ‘the man was
ithaethe, meaning “to have compassion on.” If the youth at this
time saw a buffalo, it would be said: Te <’thaethe, ‘‘ the buffalo had
compassion on him;”’ if he heard the thunder: J"gthu” ithaethe, ‘the
thunder had compassion.’”’ The vision, with its sacred call or song,
was the one thing that the Omaha held as his own, incapable of loss
so long as life and memory lasted. It was his personal connection
with the vast universe, by which he could strengthen his spirit and
his physical powers. He never gave the details of his vision to any-
one, nor was it even casually spoken of; it was too sacred for ordinary
speech.

When going forth to fast, the youth went silently and unobserved.
No one accosted him or gave him counsel or direction. He passed
through his experience alone, and alone he returned to his father’s
lodge. No one asked him of his absence, or even mentioned the fact
that he had been away. For four days he must rest, eat little, and
speak little. After that period he might go to an old and worthy
man who was known to have had a similar vision. After eating and
smoking with the old man, when they were quite alone it was per-
mitted the youth to mention that he had had a vision like that of his
host, of beast, or bird, or whatever it might have been. Should he
speak of his vision before the expiration of the four days, it would
be the same as lost to him. After the youth had spoken to the old
man it became his duty to travel until he should meet the animal or
bird seen in his vision, when he had to slay it, and preserve either the
whole or a part of its body. This trophy became the visible sign of
his vision and the most sacred of his possessions. He might wear it
on his scalp lock or elsewhere on his person during sacred festivals,
when going to war, or on some other important occasions. This
article has been spoken of by some writers as the man’s ‘personal
totem.” When the vision came in the form of a cloud or the sound
of the thunder, these were symbolized by certain objects: or were
typified in designs painted on the man or on his belongings. ~

Some visions were regarded as “lucky,” as giving special and help-
ful advantages to the man. Hawks were “lucky’’—they helped to
success and prowess in war. Bears, being slow and clumsy, were

132 THE OMAHA TRIBE " [wrn. ANN. 27

“not so good,” although possessing great recuperative power. The
elk was fleet. Snakes were “not good,” etc. To dream of the moon
might bring a great calamity. It is said that the moon would appear
to a man having in one hand a burden strap, in the other a bow and
arrows, and the man would be bidden to make a choice. When he
reached for the bow, the moon would cross its hands and try to force
the strap on the man. If he awaked before he took the strap, or
if he succeeded in capturing the bow, he escaped the penalty of the
dream. If, on the other hand, he failed and the strap came into
his hand, he was doomed to forfeit his manhood and become like a
woman, He must speak as a woman, pursue her avocations, adopt
her dress, and’sometimes become subject to gross actions. It is said
that there have been those who, having dreamed of the moon and
having had the burden strap forced on them, have tried to conceal
their ill luck for a time, but that few have succeeded. Instances are
known in which the unfortunate dreamer, even with the help of his
parents, could not ward off the evil influence of the dream, and
resorted to suicide as the only means of escape.

The following stories of Osage men who through dreams became
as women were given by Black Dog in 1898:

Men who become as women are called Mixu’ga (mi, “moon”; xu/ga, “to in-
struct’’—“ instructed by the moon’’). The young men who go to fast sometimes
remain out many days. This is done to secure dreams or visions which will support
them in manly enterprises, in war or in hunting—that is, give them strength. But
sometimes it happens that a young man has dreams or sees visions which make him
imagine that he is a woman. From that time he takes upon himself the dress and
occupations of a woman. He lets his hair grow, paris it in the middle, and wears
braids. From days beyond the memory of man the Osage men shaved the head,
leaving a roach on the top. Only the women wore the hair long and parted it in the
middle. Now many of the Osage men wear the hair long and parted in the middle,
in imitation of the Ponca, who, I think, took the fashion from the Sioux.

Once a young man went to fast, and was gone many days. He started home, not
having had any dreams or visions, and on his way home he met a matronly woman
who addressed him as “‘daughter.’’ She said to the young man: “ You are my daugh-
ter, and you shall be aslam. Igivetoyouthishoe. With it you shall cultivate the
ground, raise corn, beans, and squash, and you shall be skillful in braiding buffalo
hair and in embroidering moccasins, leggings, and robes.’’ In speaking to the woman
the young man discovered that he had been unconsciously using the feminine ter-
minals of speech. He tried to recover himself and use the speech of man, but he
failed. On his return to his people he dressed himself as a woman, and took upon
himself the avocations of a woman.

A young man went to fast, and was gone many days. On his way home he came
to an earth lodge and entered. There were four men in the lodge, who greeted him
very cordially and assigned to him the usual place of a guest. The young man looked
about the lodge and saw hung upon the posts bows and arrows, shields and spears.
Food was prepared for him, and. he ate with the strangers. When he had finished
his visit he thanked these people and started to go out. As he was about to pass
the doorway he was halted and his attention was directed to two objects which hung
one on each side of the door. One was a spear and the other a battle-ax. The young
man was told to take his choice. He was long in choosing. The battle-ax is consid-
ered the manliest of weapons. This the young man remembered, and he finally

FLETCHER-LA FLUSCHH] RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL 133

chose that weapon, took it down, and departed. On his way to his village he planned
in his mind war excursions, and thought how he would conduct himself in battles.
When he was nearing the village he desired to look once more at his battle-ax. He
did so, and, behold, it had turned into a hoe! When he arrived home he became as
a woman.

There was a young man who had been out to fast many times. He had dreams
which he thought were the kind that would make of him a man of valor. He went
on the warpath and took with him a number of followers. They found the enemy,
defeated them, and returned with many trophies. On the way home he got up a
dance one night in honor of his victory. As he was dancing, brandishing his weapons
and praising himself, an owl hooted near-by in the woods, and after each hooting the
owl would say: ‘“‘The leader is a mixu’ga!’’ The people listened in amazement, and
at last the leader cried: ‘‘I have done that which a miru’ga could never do!’’ How-
ever, on reaching his home the young leader dressed as a woman and spoke as a woman.
He married and had children. He was successful as a warrior, but when about to
go to war he discarded his woman’s clothing and dressed himself as a man.

Among the Omaha, as well as their cognates, there were societies
whose membership was made up of men who had had visions of the
same object. It has already been mentioned that the object seen in
the vision was said to have had compassion on the man when it
appeared to him. It was also thought that because the same form
could come to certain men and be seen by them there was something
in common in the nature of these men—that a sort of brotherhood
existed among them. Out of this belief societies grew up based on
the members having had similar visions, and the ceremonies of these
societies, quasi religious in character, dealt with the special gifts
vouchsafed by Wako®’da through the particular form or the animal.
The article which was the symbol of a man’s dream, as a feather
from a bird, a tuft of hair from an animal, or a black stone or trans-
lucent pebble representing the thunder or the water, was never an
object of worship. It was a memento of the vision, a sort of cre-
dential that served to connect its possessor with the potentiality of
the species or class represented by the form seen in the vision, through
which the man’s strength or faculties could be reenforced by virtue of
the continuity of life throughout the universe because of the ever-
present power of Wako?’da.

In the sequence of rites just detailed, which began at birth with
the announcement to all created things that a new life had come
into their midst, and later, when the child had acquired ability to
move about of its own volition, its feet were set in the path of life,
and it entered into membership in the tribe, are represented pro-
gressive steps in the life of the individual from a mere living form to
a being with a recognized place. The entrance into manhood re-
quired a voluntary effort by which, through the rite of fasting and
prayer, the man came into direct and personal relations with the
supernatural and realized within himself the forceful power of the
union of the seen with the unseen.

IV
TRIBAL ORGANIZATION
Bastc PRINCIPLES

The tribal organization of the Omaha was based on certain funda-
mental religious ideas, cosmic in significance; these had reference to
conceptions as to how the visible universe came into being and how
it is maintained.

An invisible and continuous life was believed to permeate all things,
seen and unseen. This life manifests itself in two ways: First, by
causing to move—all motion, all actions of mind or body are because
of this invisible life; second, by causing permanency of structure and
form, as in the rock, the physical features of the landscape, mountains,
plains, streams, rivers, lakes, the animals and man. This invisible
life was also conceived of as being similar to the will power of which
man is conscious within himself—a power by which things are brought
to pass. Through this mysterious life and power all things are
related to one another and to man, the seen to the unseen, the
dead to the living, a fragment of anything to its entirety. This
invisible life and power was called Wako®’da (see p. 597). While it
was a vague entity, yet there was an anthropomorphic coloring to the
conception, as is shown in the prayers offered and the manner in
which appeals for compassion and help were made, also in the ethical
quality attributed to certain natural phenomena—the regularity of
night following day, of summer winter (these were recognized as
emphasizing truthfulness as a dependable quality and set forth for
man’s guidance)—and in the approval by Wako? ’da of certain ethical
actions on the part of mankind.

Human conditions were projected upon nature, and male and female
forces recognized. The Above was regarded as masculine, the Below
feminine; so the sky was father, the earth, mother. The heavenly
bodies were conceived of as having sex; the sun was masculine, the
moon feminine, consequently day was male and night female. The
union of these two forces was regarded as necessary to the perpetuation
of all living forms, and to man’s life by maintaining his food supply.
This order or method for the continuation of life was believed to have
been arranged by Wako®’da and had to be obeyed if the race was to
continue to exist. In order to keep this belief alive in the minds of
the people, it was symbolized in religious rites and in social usages and

134

FLETCHER-LA FLESCH] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 135

organization. Consonant with this manner of enforcing these cosmic
and religious ideas, the tribe was composed of two grand divisions,
one representing the Sky people, or the Ishta’¢u"da; the other, the
Earth people, or the Ho"’gashenu. Within each of these divisions
there were five gentes. While each gens had its designation, its rites,
its place, its tabu and its personal names, all these distinctive marks
were subordinate to the two grand divisions and membership in the
gens became merged in membership in one of these divisions, the
I*shta’eu"da or the Ho®’gashenu.

These divisions were not phratries, as they were not based on ties
of blood but on mythic ideas as to how creation came about and how
life must be continued on the earth. Myths relate that human
beings were born of a union between the Sky people and the Earth
people; and, in accordance with this belief, the union of the Sky peo-
ple and the Earth people was conceived to be necessary to the existence
of the tribe. There was a teaching preserved among the old men that
the division of the tribe into Ishta’gu"da and Ho®’gashenu was for
marital purposes—a teaching which bears out the mythic symbolism
of these two divisions. It is possible that this symbolic arrangement
throws light on the force which made possible the artificial practice of
exogamy. In this connection it is interesting to note that of the mar-
riages in existence among the Omaha twenty-five years ago, a good
majority represented the union between members of gentes belonging
to the two rather than to one of these grand divisions. And it is also
important that, amid the wreckage of the ancient tribal organization
at the present time, the practice of exogamy is still observed. In
short, all the conditions seem to show that the custom is based on
fundamental religious ideas.

The duality in the tribal organization was further represented by
two principal chiefs, one standing for the I"shta’gu da and the other
for the Ho®’gashenu. There were also two tribal pipes, which were
always kept together and were never separated in any ceremonial
use. Both had flat stems; one was ornamented with porcupine-quill
work, and had fastened on it the head of a pileated woodpecker, with
the upper mandible turned back over the crest of the bird. The
stem of the other pipe was plain, but had bound in a row along its
length seven woodpeckers’ heads, the mandibles turned back as just
described. It is not improbable that these pipes pertained to the
fundamental ideas on which the two grand divisions of the tribe
were based; but which pipe belonged to the Sky people and was
masculine, and which to the Earth people and was feminine, the
writers have been unable to learn.

The gens @ was called in the Omaha tongue, to” wogtho", “village.”’
The same term was applied to the village in which all the tribe dwelt.

a This term is used to indicate that the kinship group traced descent in the paternal rather than the
maternal line.

136 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ern. ANN. 27

When the Omaha visited the towns and cities of the white people,
they applied to these settlements the same designation. St. Louis
and Washington were spoken of as to” wo"gtho". To distinguish the
village signifying the gens, from the village in which the tribe dwelt
the name of the stream on which the latter was situated was men-
tioned. When the gens was spoken of, to the term to”’worgtho” was
added uba’no", which means a group of a kind in a given place.
While the idea of relationship is not directly stated, the word uba’no”
added to the term for “village” is understood to indicate a village of
people who are kindred, of one kind, between whom marriage is
prohibited.

The question “To what gens do you belong?”’ put into Omaha and
literally translated, would be, “In which of the various (many)
villag’s (of the tribe) are you there (have you a place)?” If the
questioner belonged to the Omaha or the Ponca tribe, he would know
the names of the gentes, so the reply would be: “Tapa’, there I am;”
that is, ‘I belong to the Tapa’ gens.”’ But if the question were asked
by a stranger, a member of a different tribe, to whom the names
of the Omaha gentes were unknown, then the reply would indicate
the symbol of the religious rite (the tabu) of the gens of the person
questioned, and he might say: “I am a buffalo person” or an ‘elk
person.”” The reply would not be understood to mean that the
man thought of himself as a buffalo or an elk, or as descended from
one, but as belonging to a group which had charge of rites in which
that animal was used as a symbol. The rites thus spoken of were
designated as Ni’kie,* and in them all the people had a claim, although
those who officiated at a rite were confined to the particular gens
which had charge of the rite.

It was the duty of a gens having charge of a Ni’kie rite to take
care of the symbols and paraphernalia of the rite, and act as its priests,
so to speak; but the claim to take part in the ceremony was not
confined to the gens having charge of the rite, for the people of the
tribe had a voice in it and a share in its benefits.

Each gens had its distinctive name. Some of the names, as has
been already pointed out, occur in more than one of the tribes that
are close cognates of the Omaha. These duplicated names may have
been names of gentes in the parent organization, and when the
Omaha and their cognates organized as distinct tribes the remnants
of the former gens may have clung together and kept their old rites
and name. An Omaha gens, however, was not a simple but a com-

a Ni’kie is compounded from ni’k (from ni’kashiga, ‘‘ people’’; ie, ‘‘ words or speech’’). From ni’ka-
shiga is also derived ni’kagahi, ‘‘chief’’ (ga’he, ‘‘thrown upon’’)—literally, ‘‘those upon whom the
people are thrown”’ or ‘‘who carry the people.’ Ni’kie signifies a declaration by the people or their
chiefs of consent to a certain proposition.

FLETCHDPR-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION UB

posite group, made up of subgentes or subdivisions which were some-
times called to” wo"gtho" zhirga, “little villages,” or to” wogtho” uga’ ene,
uga’ ene meaning “that whichissplit,” andimplying that thesubdivision
had been split off, although it still kept with the main body. Each of
the subgentes had its name, its rite, which was of the Ni‘kie class,
its set of personal names, its tabu, and its place when the gens camped
with the tribe in ceremonial order. A subdivision differed from asub-
gens in not having a distinctive rite, although it had a particular office
in the rite belonging to the gens. A subdivision might have its tabu,
which would refer to its duties in the rite, and its set of personal
names, but it was bound to the gens by a common rite and observed
the tabu of the gens. The number of subgentes or subdivisions in a
gens does not seem to have been uniform. The common bond be-
tween the subgentes of a gens was that of kinship, traced solely
through the father. Marriage between the members of the subgentes
or subdivisions of a gens was forbidden. When.a person was asked
where he belonged, he did not give the name of the subgens into
which he was born, but the name of the gens of which his birth group
was a part. If more definite information was desired, then he would
gtve the name of his subgens or subdivision. The gens was regarded
as paramount to the subgentes or to the subdivisions, as it contained
them all, even as the tribe embraced all the gentes and stood as one
body.

There were ten gentes in the tribe. The meaning of the Omaha
word for tribe, wki’/te, has already been discussed (p. 35). This word
is distinct in meaning from hu’thuga, the term used to designate the
form or order in which the tribal organization ceremonially camped,
in which each one of the villages, or gens, had its definite place.
Hu'thuga is an old term and carries the idea of a dwelling. The
order of camping expressed by huw’thuga was used when the tribe
was away from its village on the annual buffalo hunt. This hunt
was a serious occasion, when all the people united in a common effort
to secure a supply of meat and pelts, food and clothing, for them-
selves and for their children; therefore it was initiated and conducted
with religious ceremonies. The people were placed under the con-
trol of men who through elaborate and sacred rites were appointed
for the direction ef the hunt, and to these appointed men all persons,
including the chiefs, had to render obedience. It was while on this
hunt that the great tribal ceremonies took place, at which time the
people camped according to their gentes in the form known as

hu'thuga.
This form was circular, with an opening to the east, which
represented the door of a dwelling. ‘“Througk it,” the old men

said, ‘the people went forth in quest of the game, and through it

138 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

they returned with their supply of food, as one enters the door of
one’s home. The warriors passed hence to defend the tribe from its
foes, and here they were welcomed when they came back.” The
entrance was therefore the door through which one entered into
the dwelling place of the tribe, in which each gens had its place as had
each member of the family within the lodge. There are indications
that the hu’thuga embodies the idea of the union of the forces rep-
resented in the fundamental concept upon which the two grand divi-
sions of the tribe were based. The opening or door of the hu’thuga
was always symbolically to the east, and the five gentes which
composed the I*shta’¢u%da division (Sky people) always, theoret-
ically, formed the northern half, while the five gentes that formed
the Ho™gashenu division (Earth people) in theory made the south-
ern half. The literal fact is that the opening was actually toward
the east only when the tribal ceremonies took place; at all other
times it faced the direction toward which the tribe happened
to be traveling, but the order of the gentes was always as it would
have been had opening faced the east. This was effected by turn-
ing the tribal circle as on a hinge placed opposite the eastern opening,
so that no matter in which direction the opening actually was, the
T*shta’¢u"da and Ho®’gashenu divisions were always as they would
have been had opening faced the east. This interesting fact, of the
carrying out of a symbolism in the manner of pitching the tents
of the tribe on the wide unbroken prairie, indicates how deeply
rooted in the minds of the people was the importance of the funda-
mental ideas represented in the hw’thuga—the two grand divisions
and the orientation of the dwelling. In view of these and kindred
ideas connected with the hu’thuga, it seems probable that in this
form we are dealing with a symbol rather than with an arrange-
ment for convenience and safety, as has been stated by some writers.
That the idea of safety was involved in the form of the huw’thuga is
probably true, but the dependence for safety was placed in the help
to be derived through the recognition of cosmic forces and religious
observances rather than in an advantageous arrangement of tents
made in order to protect ponies and camp equipage.

When an orator addressed the people of the tribe he did not say:
Ho! Omaha! but Ho! Ishta’gurda, Ho" gashenu ti agtho”kahon! Ti
agtho™kaho” means “both sides of the house.’’ This was the only
form of speech by which the people of the tribe could be addressed
collectively. It bears out the meaning of the hu’thuga as given by
the old men.

The hu’thuga regarded as the dwelling of the entire tribe presented
the type that was to be reproduced in the dwelling of each member
of the tribe, wherein were to be united the masculine and feminine
forces drawn from two distinct groups or regions, a union symbolized

PLETCHPR-LA FLESCHB] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 139

in the hu/thuga by the union of the Earth people and the Sky people.
The rending of the natural family by exogamy seems to have been
demanded in order to typify what was believed to be a cosmic regula-
tion. In this way it became possible to interweave the split parts so

Fic. 19. Family group. ‘The parents represent both sides of the hu thuga.

as to bind together by the natural tie of kinship the different gentes
composing the tribe. This tie came through the mothers in the tribe.
Descent in the gens was traced solely through the father. The
fathers held the gens together and distinct from every other gens.

140 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ErH. ANN. 27

Through the father the child inherited his name, his place, and his
share in the rites of his gens; but it was through his mother that
his kinship relations were extended beyond his birth gens and that he
thus became conscious of being a part of a great kinship community.
(Fig. 19.)

The Ponca tribe does not present a clear picture of those ideas
which seem to have been fundamental to the tribal organization of
their kindred, the Omaha; and yet these ideas appear to have been
present in the mind of the people when they organized as a distinct
tribe. This imperfect form may have given rise to the custom of
the Omaha of designating the Ponca as ‘‘ orphans.”

The Ponca camped in a circle with the opening to the east when
the gentes were in ceremonial order, and gave to this form the same
name as that used by the Omaha, hu’thuga (see p. 42). Each gens
of the Ponca had its ni’kie rites and its ni’kie names; the latter were
bestowed during ceremonies similar to those observed among the
Omaha.

In the Ponca tribal circle the gentes seem to be grouped according to
their duties: Those to the south, or left, of the eastern opening, were
charged with the care of rites connected with the Thunder and with
warfare. The next group to the left administered the rites and
ceremonies which pertained to the government of the people and to
the securing of food and clothing by means of the annual hunt. The
group to the north, or right of the entrance, controlled the rites
relating to ice or hail (both of which are symbolically connected
with the upper world) and to the serpent, generally symbolic of the
lightning. In this order, as in a shattered mirror, one can discern
the outlines of the symbolic picture which the Omaha organization
also so distinctly presents. From the Ponca tribe taken by itself
it would be difficult to discern the presence of those ideas which we
have seen definitely expressed in the Omaha tribe; but turning from
the contemplation of the Omaha to that of the Ponca, one is able to
recognize these ideas in the fragmentary order which obtained among
the latter.

The Ponca as well as the Omaha regarded all life and the preser-
vation of all forms as the result of the union of the sky and the earth
forces, and believed the combining of these two opposite and differen-
tiated cosmic powers symbolically set forth to man a law he must
obey, a course he must follow, if he would secure the continuation of
his own life and the perpetuation of his tribe—a law which made
exogamy a practical expression of this belief.

In the Osage tribe, which seems to be an agglomeration, we find
the same ideas fundamental to the tribal organization, but certain
conditions have tended to modify their expression.

The Osage were divided into two great divisions. One of these
was composed of three kinship groups which shifted their relative
positions in accordance with the rite or duties to be performed. The

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHD] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 141

other division was made up of two kinship groups which never
changed their positions with respect to each other or to the other
division of the tribal circle (see p. 58). These two unchangeable
groups camped on the north, or to the right of the eastern entrance.
They represented the ideas which were symbolized in the Omaha
I*shta’cutda half, the Sky people; while the other three, which
camped to the left of the eastern entrance, in both position and
duties resembled the Ho" gashenu division of the Omaha tribe, and
were the Earth people, on whom devolved the care of the material
welfare of the tribe. Here, again, we find the tribal order standing
for the union of sky and earth, the masculine and feminine forces
from whose union all living things arise.

The Kansa and Quapaw tribes also were divided into two parts
each, and from the fragmentary information obtainable they seem
to have embodied the same ideas as those found among their kin-
dred tribes; so that it would appear to be fairly well established
that the ideas and beliefs which a study of the Omaha tribe shows
were fundamental to the organization of that tribe were basic also
in their close cognates, the Ponca, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw; and
further research may show that these ideas were a common and
formative power in other tribes of the Siouan linguistic stock.

THe Hu’rauGaA—tTHE OMAHA TRIBAL FORM

Fig. 20. Diagram of Omaha hu’thuga (tribal circle).

A. INsara’guNpa Division. B. HoN’GasHENU D1vision. 1. We/zHINsHTe. Subgens: None.
2. INkn/gABE. Subgentes: (a) Nini’baton; (b) Wathi’gizhe. 3. HoN’ca. Subgentes: (a) Wax-
the’xeto»; (b) Washa’beton. 4, THA’rapA. Subdivisions: (a’) Xu’ka; (@) Waga’be itazhi; (b) Was
zhie’ga itazhi; (c) Ke’is; (d) Te’pa itazhi. 5. KoN’or. Subgentes: (a) Tade’tada; (b) Nini’batos.
6. MoN’THINKaGAXE. Subdivisions: (a) Xu’be; (b) Mi’kaci; (c) Mi’xacon; (d) Nini’bato».
7. TegiN’pr. Subdivisions: (a) Tecin’de; (b) Nini’batos, 8. Tapa’. Subdivisions: (a) Tapa’xte;
(6) Thunder rites; (c) Starrites; (d) Nini’batos. 9. INerur’zHmE. Nosubdivisions. 10. INsHTa’
cuNpa. Subgens: (a) Lost gens; (b) Nini’bato»; (c) Washe’tor. 11. Sacred Tent of War. 12. Tent
of Sacred Pole. 13. Tent of Sacred White Buffalo Hide.

142 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

GENTES OF THE OMAHA TRIBE
HON GASHENU DIVISION (A)@
We’zHINSHTE GENS (1)4@

The We’zhi"shte gens camped on the left of the entrance into the
hu'thuga. The name is descriptive, being composed of we, “by
whom,” and zhi*shte, an abbreviation of wazhi”’shte, “to become
angry.’ The meaning of the term We’zhi"shte may be defined as
those through whom the tribe made known its displeasure or anger,
because of some injurious act by another tribe. The Sacred Tent of
War(11)was set in front of the line of tents belonging tothe We’zhi"shte
gens and was in the keeping of this gens, together with the parapher-
nalia of the rites pertaining to war and to Thunder. When any ques-
tion arose as to the policy to be pursued in dealing with another tribe
the members of which had committed acts of hostility, such as killing
Omaha or stealing their horses or carrying away by force women of
the tribe, it was the duty of the keeper of the Tent of War to call the
Seven Chiefs and the leading men of the gens to a council. At this
council the We’zhi"shte presided. The Sacred Pipe of the Tent of War
was filled by the keeper of the Tent and when, after due deliberation
on the action to be taken, a decision was reached, the Seven Chiefs
smoked this Pipe. This was a religious act and through it the
decision became sanctified. Then the herald of the We’zhi"shte pro-
claimed to the tribe the decision of the chiefs. If war was deter-
mined upon, the organization of volunteer war parties generally
followed this authorization.

The keeper of the Tent of War and the leaders of this gens officiated
at the ceremony of Wate’gictu, when certain prescribed honors were
publicly bestowed on successful warriors for acts performed in
authorized offensive warfare or in battles fought in defense of the
camp or permanent village. It was also the duty of this gens when
the tribe was on its annual buffalo hunt, to organize in response to an
order from the Seven Chiefs a corps of scouts to spy the country on
the discovery of signs of danger.

Rites pertaining to Thunder were also in charge of this gens.
These were observed when the first thunder was heard in the spring.
This thunder-peal was regarded as a signal of the awakening of
certain life-giving forces after the sleep of the winter. In former days
a ceremony took place at this time with song and ritual in which the
Waca’be itazhi (black bear) subgens of the Tha’tada gens joined
with the We’zhi*shte gens. It has been impossible to obtain a trust-
worthy account of this ancient ceremony, owing to the death of the

a This and similar references throughout this section are to be read in connection with figure 20.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 143

men who knew the rites. During severe thunder storms, when life
and property were in danger from lightning, sometimes a song said
to have been connected with this lost ceremony was sung by one
who had a right to do so.

The following act of the keeper of the Tent of War (see fig. 22) may
have been a part of this lost ceremony: When the first thunder
sounded, he at once took a small pipe and ascended a hill near by,
where he offered smoke to Wako” da. He then planted a small wand
(fig. 21) on the hill so as to point toward the east. To this wand
were bound with human hair four small bunches of tobacco inclosed
in bits of bladder. The combination of tobacco, bladder, and human

Fic. 21. Wand used in ceremony when first thunder was heard in the spring. (Native drawing. )

hair on the wand seems to indicate that this act and lost ceremony
probably related to Thunder as the arbiter of life and death, as is
shown in the ceremony of cutting the lock of hair from the head of the
boy. (Seep. 122.)

The tabu of the We’zhi"shte was the male elk, and the gens was
sometimes spoken of as the Elk gens; this form of speech with refer-
ence to the tabu of a gens has already been explained (see p. 136).
Concerning the connection of the male elk with the rites of the gens
the following story is handed down:

When the pipes and the other articles belonging to the rites pertaining to war were
made, the people sought for some skin to be used as a covering in which to keep and
protect these things which were regarded as waxube, or sacred; but none could be
found save that of the male elk. The fact that at that particular time only the skin
of the male elk was obtainable was regarded as an indication that the male elk came
to their aid by direction of Wako”da. Therefore, in memory of this act of the male
elk, this animal became tabu to the gens.

144 THE OMAHA TRIBE [erH. ANN. 27

No member of the We’zhi"shte gens would eat the flesh of the
male elk or wear moccasins made of its skin, such acts being con-
sidered sacrilegious on account of the service believed to have
been rendered the people by that animal. At death moccasins made
of the skin of the male elk were put on the feet of the departed
We’zhi'shte, that he might be recognized by his gentile relatives in
the other world. The boy name Nuga’xti, “the real male,’ refers
directly to the tabu of the gens.

Fic. 22. Mo»’hinthisge, last keeper of the Tent of War, and his daughter.

Any violation of the tabu of a gens was regarded by the people as
a sacrilegious act, the punishment of which took the form of the
appearance of sores or white spots on the body of the offender or of
the hair turning white.

There were no subdivisions in this gens.

The following are the names belonging to the We’zhi"shte gens.
They are classified as ni’/kie, ‘dream,’ “fanciful,’’ and ‘“ borrowed”
names, and nicknames. The word ni’kie has been already translated
and explained (see p. 136); as stated, a ni’kie name always referred
to the rites and tabu of the gens. These names were bestowed on
the child at the time the rite of initiation into the tribe was per-
formed. (See p. 121.) The name then given generally clung more or
less closely to a man, although later in his career he might take
another name, either a ni’kie Name or one commemorative of a
dream, a deed, or an event, or he might have a nickname bestowed

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 24

NUGA’XTI

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 145

on him. All female names were of the ni/kie class and were never
dropped or changed, nor did a woman ever have more than one name.

Fic. 23. Cut of hair, We’-
zhisshte gens.

the nape of the neck (fig. 23).

After the performance of the initiatory rite and
bestowal of the nz’kie name, thefather cut his child’s
hair in the manner which symbolized the tabu of
his gens. This cutting of the hair was repeated
every year until the child was about 7 years old,

when it was abandoned, never to be resumed.

In the We’zhi'shte gens, the symbolic cut of the

child’s hair was as follows: All the hair on the boy’s
head was cut close or shaved except a bunch or

tuft at the forehead and a long, thick lock left at
The tuft represented the head of the

elk; the lock, its tail.

PERSONAL NAMES IN THE WE/ZHINSHTE GENS (1)

LNG oy lation he oe Soe

Bitcestigthe:_— =. =. -

IBtho Stites... some cence

@efcotgnedes- 2. 5.--. -
Gidedo"par eer nr ss <1

Heer kere ems

He/Ca™to menses so

He‘shabe. 3:2 .2<¢ .<% <2
eishiononer <8. vee

I’ gthu*ho"gasha

doth thasscess se --<</-.5

Ki/baxthagthitho®. ...

Kortkaiwi®ke:-.oacse

nt witxamas-82. 522.
Mo™geshabe.........-

Mom™hi"thitge (fig. 22). .
No®mo"™mo"tha........

Nuga/xti (pl. 24)......

Onipot eee nos

Ni’kie names

Ane’, success; go” tha, desire.

Bince’, sound of the elk’s voice; tigthe, heard at a distance.

- Bthon, smell, scent; ti, comes. Scent borne by wind, dis-

covering game. (In Nuw’xe, Ponca.)

- (econ, from ¢e’caga, trot; gnede, long. Refers to elk.

(inde, tail; donpa, blunt, short. (In Monkor’ subdivision,
Pon’caxti, Ponca.) Refers to the elk.

He’¢i, yellow horn or antler; thinke, sitting. Refers to the
yellowish color of the velvety skin of the new growth of
the antlers of the elk. (In Ni’kapashna, Ponca.)

. He, antler; co”, white; tov, standing. Refers to the tower-

ing antlers of an elk.

. He, antler; shabe, dark.

- He, horn, or antlers; shtonga, soft. Two of this name.

Refers to the new growth of the antlers of the elk.

- In’gthun, thunder; ho, night; agasha, to travel. Refers to
Sacred Pipe of War.

In’gthun, thunder; tha, from the, to go.
of War.

. Ki’baxtha, to face; gthi, return; thon, suddenly; to turn and
face suddenly (elk). The elk suddenly brought to bay
by the hunter.

Turning round and round. Refers to a bewildered elk when
surprised.

Turning round in bewilderment (elk).

- Mon’ge, breast; shabe, dark. Refers to the dark coloring of
the breast of the animal.

Molin, stone knife; thinge, none.

Non, action with the feet; monatha, walking with the head
thrown back. The repetition of mo” signifies that the
action is repeated. Refers to the peculiar manner in
which the elk holds its head in walking.

- Nuga’, male; xti, real, virile. (In Po”caxti, Ponca.)

Elk.

Refers to Sacred Pipe

83993°—27 erH—11——10

146 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27

O™potc¢ka........------ Onpon, elk; ¢ka, white. The Ponca have O”’poncabe.
(F’cada gens.)

O™potno*zhitsee see s= On’pon, elk; nonzhin, standing. The Ponca use the Dakota
form.

O™portowrae ss ssaae On pon, elk; tonga, big. Appears in Omaha treaties of 1815,
1826, 1830, 1836. (In Thi/xida, Ponca.)

OM potznit rae eee Young elk. (In Pov’caxti, Ponca.)

Shif/beko 22s sepseees-e= Shi’be, intestines; kon, a string. Refers to the intestine of
the wolf used as a string in the Honor Pack, Tent of War.

Tahe/zhotkaie. soaca5-- Ta refers to deer; he, horn; zho”ka, forked.

Wako t/darics: = eneecer A mythical being; a monster.

Xaga/mo*thi2----- =. Xaga’, rough; monthir, walking. Refers to the jagged out-

line of a herd of elk, their antlers rising like tree branches.
Borrowed names

Hexa/gato"ga........-- Big male elk. Archaic with Omaha; used by Dakota.
i(dahaseessecs- eases = Meaning unknown.

Fanciful names

[shta;moz cess see eee Metal eye.
Wa/bado"do"........... Meaning uncertain.
We’btho™ajic- 2. ----.-- Not satisfied although he has many things.

Valor name
We’zhi*shtewashushe.. Brave We’zhi"shte.

Female names

Ace/xube!: ga2003--55- Age’, paint; wube, sacred. Three of this name. Refers to
the paint used atsacred ceremonies. (In Wazha/zhe, Ponca.)

Cimdewit asses eae (inde, tail; wit, feminine term. Three of this name.

Ma/zhotwit.s-e- ease Ma/zho, fox; wi”, feminine term.

Mi/dasho=thite = se5 == The moon moving.

Mifcasho*thit aaeeeee ae The moon moving. (In Washa’be, Ponca.)

Ni¢d site Ni/da, mysterious animal; feminine term, win. Three of
this name.

Notcei¢es. a--ee ase Meaning uncertain. (In Wazha’zhe, Thi‘xida, and Hi’cada,
Ponca.)

O™potmipalpecse== =e Female elk.

Pahii7ci! eee Pahi’, hair on the head (elk); ¢i, yellow.

Tacatbewits: 2.55: -5-5- Ta, deer; gabe, black; wim, feminine term. Five of this
name. (In Wa’zhazhe, Ponca.)

Wihe’to"ga............. Wihe, younger sister; tonga, big. (In Washa’be and Wazha’-
zhe, Ponca.)

Zho™i“wathe..--....-- Zhomn, carry wood; wathe, tocause. Twoofthisname. (In

Hi/cada and Por cgaxti, Ponca.)
INKE’GABE GENS (2)

The I*ke’cabe camped next to the We’zhi"shte on the left. "ke’-
cabe is an archaic word of doubtful meaning. It may refer to the
black shoulder of the buffalo (i"ke, an abbreviation of ike'de,
“shoulder;’’ gabe, black’). From the myths and traditions it would
seem that the leadership accorded to this gens during certain move-
ments of the people when engaged in the actual pursuit of the buffalo
on the annual tribal hunt began at an early period when the people
took up the custom of following the buffalo. The particular authority

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 25

INSHTA’THABI, THE LAST WATHON

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 147

~and leadership vested in this gens were regarded not only as sacred

butras absolutely necessary, so much so that it was said: ‘‘Tf the last
T*ke’¢abe was an infant in its mother’s arms it would be carried to
lead the people in the wano”¢e”’ (the surround of the herd). This
ancient and hereditary office came to an end at the last buffalo hunt
in the winter of 1875-76, with I*shta’thabi, “He who is eyes” (for
the people). At that time he served as director or leader of the sur-
round, and was the last watho”’ of the wano™¢e. (Pl. 25.)

The following legend is said to have given rise to a series of names
in this gens:

The buffalo were underground. A young bull browsing about found his way tothe
surface of the earth. [This is a figurative expression referring to the birth of the
species buffalo from mother earth.] The herd followed him. As they went they came
toariver. The water looked shallow, but it was deep. As the buffalo jumped in,
the water splashed and looked gray inthe air. The herd swam on and over the stream,
where on the other side they found good pasture and remained on the earth.

The name Niga’xude refers to this experience of the new-born
buffalo; the word is compounded of ni, ‘“water;’’ ga, ‘“‘tostrike;’ rude,
“oray.’’ Niga’xude was the name given to the first born son. The
second son could be called either Heba’zhu, “knob horns,’’ referring
to the protuberances on the head of the calf, or Gthadi™’gthitho®,
“the hungry calf running crosswise in front of its mother and stop-
ping her progress.’’ The third son could be named (iko"’xega,
“brown ankles,”’ the color of the ankles of the buffalo calf. When
these boys became adults, the eldest could take the name Pe’tho"ba,
“seven ;’’ the second could have Mo"’getotga, “big chest;’’ the third,
No*zhi‘hatoga, “big hair.’’ When these men became old, they
could take the following names: The eldest, He’ubagthode, ‘worn
horns of the old buffalo bull;’’ the next, Mo"e’gahi, “arrow chief ;”
and the youngest, Mo*zho" wakithe, ‘land of the buffalo.”’

The I*ke’gabe had two subgentes, Nini’bato™ and Wathi‘gizhe.

(a) Nini’bato” (nini’ba, “pipe;’’ to”, “to possess or keep”). The
following fragmentary legend is connected with this subgens and its
tabu, the red ear of corn:

The I*ke’cabe were the first of the Omaha to exist. There were one man and one
woman. They lived together and children were born to them. The woman went
out one day and found little mounds on the ground. In a few days she went again,
and saw that out of the mounds plants were growing not known to her, From time to
time she went to look at these plants. They grew tall, and by and by ears grew on
them. These she gathered and took to her husband and children. They roasted the
ears by the fire and ate them. These were the people to whom the corn was sacred;
so to this day they do not eat the red ear of corn.

Tt was the duty of this subgens to provide the ears of red corn,
which were considered the sacred corn, and to give them to the
Hogaxti division of the Washa’beto" subgens of the Hoga.
When the time for planting arrived, the ceremonial distribution of this
sacred corn took place. The Ho®’gaxti sang the ritual of the maize

148 THE OMAHA TRIBE [erH. ANN. 27

and then gave the sacred kernels to this subgens, who acted as servers
and distributed four of the kernels to each family in the tribe.

To a family within this subgens was given the hereditary charge of
the Sacred Tribal Pipes. In this connection it is noteworthy that the
custodianship of these Sacred Pipes was bestowed on those to whom
belonged rites in connection with the cultivation of the maize, whose
tabu was the sacred corn. This indicates that the group who con-
trolled the rites of the maize were regarded as the proper persons to
have the care of the symbol of tribal authority because of their con-
nection with ancient sacred rites which secured food for the people.

The symbolic cut of the hair of the children of this subgens was
peculiar. All hair was cut off the head except two small bunches,
one on each side of the crown (fig. 24). This style was observed in all
the Nini’bato® subdivisions of the other gentes of the tribe. These
two little tufts of hair may refer to the little mounds, spoken of in
the legend, from which the corn grew.

There were twosubdivisions of the Nini’/bato® subgens, the No®xthe’-
bitube and the I’ekithe. To the first was given the hereditary right
to prepare the paint for the decoration of the pole
used in the He’dewachi ceremony. The name No?-
xthe’bitube was descriptive of their duty (no®zthe,
“charred box elder wood;”’ bitu’be, “to pulverize
by rubbing’’). This group not only observed the
tabu of their subgens, the red ear of corn, but had
an additional tabu, the charcoal, which referred to
their office of painting the Pole and preparing the
Fig.24. Cutofhair,Nini’- paint for the ceremony. As the painting on the

ugg ee Pole was symbolic, it was religious in character.

l’ekithe signifies ““he who speaks or proclaims.’”’ The hereditary
office of tribal herald belonged to this subdivision. The herald had to
have a strong, clear voice, as his duty was to proclaim the decisions
of the chiefs and to give out orders to the people when the tribe was
on its annual hunt. If by any chance the official herald was inca-
pacitated, his substitute had to be chosen from the same subdivision.
The I’ekithe observed the tabu of the subgens to which they belonged,
the red ear of corn.

(b) Wathi’gizhe. The name of this subgens was also the name of the
hoop used in a ceremonial game which, it is said, was formerly played
by the chiefs alone, and was connected with the following story, which
belongs to the class designated hi’go", a word meaning ‘‘the story
is not literally true:”’

The people were without food, and no game could be found to keep the people from
starving. Outside the village lived an orphan boy with his grandmother, and these
two consulted together as to how they could help the people to procure food. At
last they agreed upon a plan, and the boy set to work and madea hoop. After it was
made he gave it to his grandmother, and according to their plan she took it to the top

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 149

of a hill near by while the boy stationed himself halfway up the hill. When all was
ready, the grandmother started the hoop down the hill. As it began to roll she
called out: ‘‘There goes a young bull with straight horns!” The hoop rolled on and
when it reached the place where the boy stood it suddenly turned into a buffalo,
which the boy shot and killed. He butchered the animal and gave the flesh to the
people to eat. A second time the grandmother took the hoop to the top of the hill and
rolled it down and called out to her grandson what kind of buffalo was coming. He
was at his station halfway down the hill, and there the hoop turned into a buftalo,
which he shot and gave to the people for food. A third and a fourth time the grand-
mother and the orphan played this game, and after the fourth time great herds ot
buffalo came and the people had plenty of food. As a mark of their gratitude they
made the orphan a Chief.

The office of watho™’, director of the wano”’¢e, the surround of the
herd, was hereditary in a family of this subgens. The custody of
the songs belonging to the He’dewachi ceremony and the singers
in this tribal ceremony were taken from this subgens. The bearers of
the Sacred Tribal Pipes used on that occasion were of the Nini’bato®
subgens.

The tabu of the Wathi’gizhe was the tongue and head of the buffalo.

The Wathi’gizhe cut off all the hair from the
child’s head except a tuft over the forehead, one
on each side of the crown, and a short lock at the
nape of the neck, to represent respectively the
head, horns, and tail of the buffalo (fig. 25).

In the hu’thuga, the Nini’bato" subgens camped
next to the We’zhi"shte. The left part of the line
of the Nini’bato™ was occupied by the subdivi- [¢
sion of the No*xthe’bitube families. On their Fic.25. Cut of hair, Wa-
left camped the Wathi’gizhe subgens, and left of | ™”#17hesubsens
these and next the Ho?’ga the subdivision of I’ekithe pitched their
tents.

PERSONAL NAMES IN THE INKE/GABE GENS (2)
Nini/bato” subgens (a)

Ni’kie names

Athu’hagemo"thi®...... Athu’hage, last; monthin, walking. Refers to buffalo.

Cho™niniba............ Cho”, said to be tonthimnonba and to refer to the pipe-
bearer at the He’dewachi ceremony; niniba, pipe.

Cibi<dubaen=-s--- eae Cihi’, feet; duba, four.

Bdisvino27Z nit. sess Edi, there; ai an act; the name given the last ceremonial
pause when approaching a herd; nonzhin, standing.

Hdi/to®................ From that place; referring to the place of the pipes.

Gahi’ge................ Chief. (In Waga’be, Hi’/gada subdivision, Ponca.)

Gahi’gecnede .....---. Tall chief.

Gahi/pextis.-- 2-222. Real chief.

Gahi/gezhi*ga........... Young chief. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

Gaxa‘tano"zhi®......... Gaxa’ta, apart from (the herd); nonzhin, stands.

Gimomauihe sas. 25-25 -- Gi, again; novxthe, black, like charcoal. Refers to the new

hair of the buffalo after shedding.
Gro cethitze...-.- 5... Gion’¢e, to teach; thinge, none. None to teach him.

150 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

Gthadi™gthitho®....... Gthadin’, cross; gthi, returns; thon, suddenly. The hungry
calf runs in front of its mother and stops her progress.

He/akathi"ge.../.-..... Meaning uncertain.

Heba‘zbulcen-eesee sae He, horns; ba’zhu, little knobs.

He/benikac << <2 -2-s5.-.,- He’be, a portion; nika, a person.

He’ubagtho"de........- The worn horns of an old buffalo.

T*shta’pede............. Inshta’, eyes; pede, fire. (Also in I’ekithe subdivision.)

MAS eee ana oe T, from ie, speech; ’uhe, obey. Refers to the performance

by the people of the commands of the chiefs, or the sub- _
mission to their authority.

(Kako2to2alane seen ae Curlew. (Numenius longirostris. Hudsonian.)

Mo@e‘pahite.-ecenceses Mone, arrow; gahi, from gahi’ge, chief. (In Waga’be, Hi’cada
subdivision, Ponca.)

Mocetot¢a=s--c-s--4-- Mon’ge, breast; torga, big.

Mo"zho™gabtho®....... Monzhon’, land; gabthon, scent remains.

Mo"zho™ wakithe -..... Land of the buffalo.

Na/gu.......-.--.-.--.- Meaning uncertain.

INiaahiipa ne oa. ae= A person. Refers to those who were chiefs in the organiza-
tion of the tribal government.

Niga’xudel=-5-------1 Ni, water; ga, to strike; rude, gray. Refers to animals stirring
up the water.

Niu’bathide..........-- Ni, water; u/bathide, overrun, swarm. Refers to masses of
buffalo swimming. :

No*ba/t’ewathe ....-.-. Nonba’, two; t’e, dead; wathe, to cause.

IN OMIKCAE pe emeeee eens Swaying motion, as made by buffalo walking.

No”kaetho"be.-.......- Non’ca, back; ethonbe, appears.

No®zhi/hato*ga ........ ' Nonzhi’ha, hair; torga, great.

Paho™gamo"thi®....... Pahon’ga, first; monthin, walking. (In Waga’be, Ponca.)

PeGihosbalkesseseeecet Seven. Refers to the seven original chiefs.

Sha/geno"ba...-..--...- Sha’ge, hoofs; nonba, two: cloven hoofs.

She’thugthito™.......-.. She’thu, there; gihi, returns; to”, stands.

Moanheshe eee ts Meaning lost.

TecoMho"a. ose -saescee Tecor’, white buffalo; horga, leader; used also in the Dakota.

Teco“ mothize sees ‘eco, white buffalo; mo"thin, walking.

Tenua/xano*zhi"......- Te, buffalo; nu, from nuga, bull; axa, from gaxa’ta, apart
from; nonzhin, stand.

‘Ti’zhebegtho™.......--- Door flap. In Omaha treaty of 1825.

‘To“thi"no"ba ..---..-- The two who run.

Uga/e.....---.-------.. Spread out, (The herd as it runs spreads out.)

Wethi(to2 ns secs se Refers to handling the pipes when making them ready for use.

1UPAcN VASE) oF oR epee Meaning uncertain.

Utha/xado"gthe.-.-..-.- Meaning uncertain.

Uthi/sho™mo*thi® . ....- Walking around.

Wada/thitga....-...-..- Refers to the peaceful office of the chief. (In Thi’vida,
Ponca).

Wiaki(dersceccer sc cea. - Wa, action; ki’de, to shoot. One who shoots.

Wazhimtexi:..-----.-- Wazhin’, will, disposition; teri, difficult. Refers to office of

the chiefs. Anger is made difficult because of the Seven
Chiefs, who must enforce peace in the tribe.

Ma tha“walttisesseee seer Xitha’, eagle; wahi, bone. Refers to pipe. Not liked, as
children of this name are apt to die.

Borrowed names

eh“kada bis. sssss sees Borrowed from the Kansa gens in the eighteenth century.
Pude/thaiss-ss seas ee Meaning unknown. (In Nw’xe, Ponca.)

FLETCHDR-LA FLESCHD]

Maat Riese ents = See
Bowcaconeasaensn ose
RG Wann seems cle

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 151

Fanciful names

Taxi, knocking sound; wathe, to cause; zhinga, little.
Empty lodge, or country.
Ukona‘di, separate, alone; gthon, from gthi, sits.

Female names
New moon.
Pale Ponca.
Te, buffalo; wa’u, woman.
New moon coming.

Cici’kazhi2ga..........
Gashka/wotgthe........ :
MalefZhitoa seers series

IBACO™ NOM fe. =-.22-- 2-6
GikoMxera- ---2 = 2.

Du’‘bamo"thi" (fig. 26).
Gino” zhi"wathe. ......

Gthedo”mo*thi® __._..

Fic, 26. Du’bamorthir.

Nonathe’ bitube subdivision
Male names

Little turkey.
Meaning uncertain.
Little buffalo horns.

Wathi’gizhe subgens (b)
Ni'kie names

Baco, in the midst of bushes or people; no®ge, to run.

Cikon, ankles; wega, yellowish brown. Refers to the buffalo
calf. (In Ni/kapashna, Ponca). Two of this name.

Du’ba, four; monthir, walking. (In Nu’xe, Ponca)

Gi, again; nonzhin, to rise, tostand; wathe, causes them. He
causes them to rise or stand.

Gthedow, hawk; monthin, walking.

152

Hite’zhitga 2222-2 e= =
IHG-xepal recor
J@defibthitl ese
T@shtagthabigee-se sess

Mo*no™kueels 22: 22. -
5

IMo“shiti4o" cale=ss2 see

Nilo? bathit ees easeee es
INoxkesnabeee ss eee

INomshiki/pthe sees
No™zhithhiais see eee
Niipate 2 wr: Seto eee e
Pa/xehashuga .-.-...-.-
Tadettal: = 245. ese

Tewa’ko™no"zhi®. .....
Mhe’cecabe==:s-<-22- =~

Ti/zhebegtho® .........
Uthi/sho™mo"thi®. .....
Withixidet: 55 sere

Wano"™gewathe.........
t=}

Wiashi(shes-eceeeeeseer
Wate sxe... Seyscsacienet=
Wi/thucthozeees-seee es

Tewa’ko"no"zhi®. .....

Ho”™mo*thi®zhiga.....

Gi akal-2 dacs crass
Mo"the’gahi_........---
Mow aiiiihieeee eee = 2

Wa/xupagtho™.........
Hiaiwaltessen-= es eee

Mnikashabie oesseeecee

Mi’gthedo"wi?. ...--.-

THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Hin, hair; ¢i, yellow; zhinga, little (child’s name).

Hin, hair; xega, yellowish brown. Refers to the buffalo.

Inde’, face; ubthin, twisted.

Inshta’, eye; tha, cause; bi, he is. Appointed eyes. Refers
to the appointed leader of the chase. This name belonged
to one who was hereditary leader of the chase.

Mon, from monthinka, ground; no”, action of the foot; kuge;
hollow sound, like a drum. This name refers to the
rumbling sound made by the herds of buffalo with their
hoofs when fleeing from the hunters.

Monshtin’, from monshtin’ge, rabbit; oga, swift. Refers to
the use of rabbit hair on the pipes.

Ni, water; o”ba, day; thiv, from mo”thiv, walk, or travel.

No” implies action with the foot; kena, an old word signifying
good.

Tracks of buffalo calf (child’s name).

Nonzhin, to rise; thia, to fail. Unable to rise.

Male, bull. (In Pow caxti, Morko subdivision, Ponca.)

Thick skin of buffalo neck.

Modified from to”thinton; refers to the running of the pipe
bearers in the He’dewachi ceremony. Two of this name.

Sacred buffalo. (Dakota also.)

T he’ce, tongue; gabe, black. Refers to the tip of the buffalo’s
tongue. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

Tent door flap. In Omaha treaty, 1826.

To walk around. F

To look around. Probably refers to the runners. Two of
this name. (In Nu’xe, Ponca.)

Wa, action with purpose; norge, to run; wathe, one who causes.
Causes them to run, or to stampede.

Brave. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

Wa, action with purpose; texe, difficult '

Meaning uncertain.

Borrowed names
Te, buffalo; wakon, the Dakota waka”, mysterious; no™zhin,
standing. Said to be borrowed from the Dakota; equiva-
lent therein to ‘‘medicine cow.”
Dream names
Little night walk.
Fanciful names

Meaning unknown.
Refers to arrow.
Refers to arrow.

Nicknames
Wa’xe, white man; pa, head; ugthon, to put in.
Female names

Refers to the child, Hon’ga, in Wa’wa" ceremony.

Refers to tribal pipes—objects by which the tribe is identi-
fied as a people.

Moon hawk, feminine. (In Ni/kapashna, Washa’be, and
Thi’/xida, Ponca.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 26

MI’GTHITO“I! AND GRANDCHILD

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 15333

Mi’gthito™i™ (pl. 26)... Moon returning.

Mighucaes Jee actenste = Loud voice moon. Two of this name.

Mitte: S202 a4 ecg Meaning uncertain.

Mi’mo*shihathi"....... Moon moving on high.

IMigtemtts. Soo es ee Sacred moon.

Te’mitexi.............. Te’mi, buffalo cow; texi, sacred. Two of this name.

Mozieothiheyesssee ee Sudden apparition of the new moon. (In Wazha’zhe; also in
Waga’be, Hi’cada subgens, Ponca.)

Wretotna esas sj. =a Meaning uncertain. (In Nu’xe, Ponca.)

T’ekithe subdivision

Ni'kie names

GikoM xeon ee es. = ae CGikow, ankles; xega, brown. Three of this name. (In
Ni’‘kapashna, Ponca.)

Grdemurxa ee pose (inde, tail; muxa, cluster.

Gthadi”egthitho®...... Gthadin’, cross; gthi, return; thon, suddenly. A wounded

buffalo turns sideways on his hunter. Child’sname. Re-
fers to a hungry calf crossing its mother’s path to nurse.

Heba/zhu.............. He, horns; bazhu, alittle lump or knob. Three of this name.
(Also in Nini/baton subgens. )
LED ay CA nthe an ti ITin, hair; tom, possess; zhinga, little.
I*shta/pede ............ Inshta, eyes; pede, fire. (Also in Nini/bato subgens.)
Mo~4watzhierase see ses Tov wan, village; zhinga, small.
Wa/baktuteas. fesse. --- Wa, action; ba, push; kunga, jostling. Buffaloes crowding
and pushing each other.
Wiazbie4io sees a First of birds. Refers to the eagle down put on the head of
Hoga in Wa/wan ceremony.
pxeiiha (pallies ana Xitha’, eagle; pahi, neck.
Dream names
EXC ALE ee eas eee Badger
Nicknames
Mavthacapacese-ceee coe Wood tick.
Female names
PA COS RMI Bee enyas ice Ace, paint; cube, sacred.
Mifcasho thie. 22 5-- <2 Traveling or moving moon. (In Waga’beand Thi’xida, Ponca.)
Micounaer i essences Moon returning.
Mato thitom =e ees. =. Return of the new moon.
Mi“oPbathia= see. The moon that travels by day.
Metmitexiaee coe -eee Te/mi, buffalo cow; teri, sacred.

Ho’’ca GENS (3)

The Hoga gens camped next to the I"ke’gabe on the left. Hoga
means “ leader,”’ or ‘‘first,’’ and implies the idea of ancient, or first,
people; those who led. The probability of Ho"’ga being the ancient
designation of the tribe has been discussed. (See p. 40.) This
probability suggests a possible reason for the position of this gens and
the duties devolving upon it. The gens occupied the center of the
southern half (Ho™gashenu division) of the hu’thuga. The place of
the Hoga corresponded to that set apart for the father of the family
within the tent and the Hoga filled a directive position toward the
gentes within the hu’thuga, or dwelling of the tribe, somewhat similar
to that of the father toward the members of the family under his care.

154 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

Upon the Hoga devolved the leadership in the governing power of
the tribe (see p. 201) and in the rites connected with the quest for food.

There were two subgentes, the Waxthe’xeto"® and the Washa’beto®.
These had charge of the two Sacred Tents, their contents, and the
ceremonies pertaining to the objects kept in them. The tents were
pitched in front of the place where the two subgentes came together,
and were set about 30 feet in front of the line, toward the center of
the hu’thuga, about 25 feet apart.

The two tents represented ‘‘both sides of the house,’’ the hu’thuga.
From the rites connected with the White Buffalo Hide, lodged in the
tent (13) set in front of the Washa’beto" subgens, it is probable that
this tent represented the Ho®’gashenu division, to which were commit-
ted the physical welfare of the people, the rites pertaining to the quest
of food, and the control of warfare. The tent (12) pitched in front of
the Waxthe’xeto" subgens contained the Sacred Pole, which was allied
to Thunder and the supernatural Powers, and symbolized the authority
of the chiefs—an authority believed to be derived from Wako?’da.
This tent probably represented the Sky people, the I"shta’¢u da
division, which had charge of the rites pertaining to the people’s rela-
tion to the supernatural.

Waxthe’xeton subgens (a)

Waxthe’xe (wazthe’xe, ‘‘mottled, as by shadows,” “a mottled
object””—the name of the Sacred Pole (see pl. 38); to”, ‘‘to possess
or have charge of’’) implied that the object thus described had the
power to confer distinction, as the xthe’xe, “the mark of honor.’’ The
tabu of this subgens was a double one, the tezhw’ and the crane. The
tezhu’ was a particular cut of meat from the side of the buffalo (see
p. 273), that was brought as an offering to the Sacred Pole at the great
tribal ceremony when the Pole was anointed. The feathers of the
crane were used on the divining arrows that had a part in this same
ceremony.

A group of families belonging to the Waxthe’xeto" subgens was set
apart as servers; these were ‘called wathi'to” (from thito™, “to work’’),
“workers”. Their duties were connected with ceremonies pertaining
to the Sacred Pole. They prepared and distributed the meat brought
as offerings by the people at the anointing rites. The tabu of this
group was the same as that of the subgens of which they were a
part—the tezhu’ and the crane. This group camped next to the
Vekithe of the I"ke’cabe gens, and at their left camped the remainder
of the Waxthe’xeto" subgens.

Washa’beton subgens (b)

The Washa’beto" (washa’be, ‘‘a dark object,’’ the word ‘‘dark”’
referring not to color, but to the general appearance of an object at
a distance—the name of a peculiar staff (fig. 27) belonging to the

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 27

SACRED TENT OF THE WHITE BUFFALO HIDE

FLETCHER-LA FLESCH] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION

155

leader of the people when on the annual tribal hunt; fo”, to
“nossess’’) had the official duty of making and decorating this staff,
though it did not belong to this subgens to provide the materials
required for the staff. The Washa’beto" had charge of the Te¢o™ha

(te, ‘‘ buffalo;” go”, ‘‘pale”’ or ‘“white;”’
ha, ‘‘skin”’ or “hide’’)—White Buffalo
Hide, and its tent. (Pl. 27.) The tabu was
the buffalo tongues which were brought to
the sacred feast. A subdivision of this
subgens, called Ho" gaxti (at2, ‘original,’
as a parent stock) had charge of the
ceremonies connected with the maize.
They preserved the sacred corn, chanted
its ritual, and fixed the time for planting.
Their tabu was the hatu’ (the word hatu’
is from ha, ‘‘skin,’ and tu, ‘‘green,’’
referring to the outer husk of the ear of
corn). In this connection the decora-
tion painted on the Sacred Tent in charge
of the Washa’be subgens, which was the
full grown stalk of corn, becomes signifi-
cant. It is probable that the Ho" gaxti
was the original subgens, but when the
people came into the buffalo country,
the rites relating to hunting the buffalo
overshadowed those pertaining to the
maize; hence the subdivision that had
charge of the hunt became the more
important body, the group who pos-
sessed the rites of the corn the subor-
dinate. This probability bears out a
tradition of the tribe that the people in

Fic. 27. Washa’be.

the course of their migrations west and northwest became more strictly
a hunting people and that the cultivation of the maize fell into

abeyance or was temporarily abandoned.

The Washa’beto™ subgens camped to the left
of the Waxthe’xeto" subgens.

The symbolic cut of the hair of children belong-
ing to the Ho'’ga gens consisted in cutting off all
the hair close to the head except a ridge which
stood up from the forehead to the nape of the
neck (fig. 28). This is said to represent the line

Fig. 28. Cutofhair, of the buffalo’s back as seen against the sky, but

Ho’ga gens.

ing corn viewed in the same way.

it is equally applicable to the appearance of grow-

156

AM ged aameee aes

Bishu’deki. .-. - - aN
idi*topaeseeeeee ==

Kaxeqmotbaznasseerees=

Miuxastotsccoscaeet ee

Morahnichasesseeeeers =
Mo®chu/’no®tide. .. -

Mo"chu/pa--ss---s

Moz4pezhireaneee

Mo”™umizhe.......-
Neka/hanotge. .... .
Nia‘dishtagabi-...-.

Nadks 0m he sees
ING=/ca7 hiss eee
No™kaetho"be ....
Nudo”hotga. .....

Sha’beno"zhi®.....

Showper nasa ee
Shu/’denagi_........

Shu’kamo"thi®. .. -

Teba’gizhe.--.....

Teho™mo"thi®.....
Methutotbiass. sn

Tehu’xthabe. .....
Ten! Case osccesee ee

THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN, 27,

PERSONAL NAMES IN THE HON’GA GENS (3)

Waxthe’xeton subgens (a)

Ni'kie names

...- From every direction. (See Ritual of Sacred Buffalo Hide,

p. 294.) Two of this name.

..-- Refers to the dust made by the herds as they move.

.... Edi’, there; to”, stands. Refers to Sacred Pole.

.... To appear repeatedly. (In Washa’be, Ponca.)

..-- Ineffectual striking.

.... Kaze, crow; giu”, to fly. Flying crow. Two of this name.

The crow is used as one of the symbols in making the
washa’be. (See Ritual of Sacred Buffalo Hide, p. 300.)
Kaze, crows; notba, two. (In Thi/rvida, Ponca.) (See
Ritual of Sacred Buffalo Hide.)

Mixa, swan; to”, standing. Refers to the down on the
Sacred Pole.

Grizzly-bear skin. In Omaha treaty, 1836.

.... Monchu, grizzly bear; no”, action with the feet; tide, rum-

bling sound.

...- Monchu, grizzly bear; pa, head.
.... Mon, arrow; pezhi, bad. Refers to the divining arrows used

in the ceremony of the Sacred Pole. (See Ritual of
Sacred Pole, p. 242.)

...- On Omaha treaty of 1826.
..- Neka’ha, edge of a lake; novge, running.
..-- Ni, water; adi, there; shta, from inshta, eye; gabtha, to open.

(See Legend of Sacred Pole, p. 70), where the name
appears without elision.

Nik’ umizhe, resting on a human being. Probably refers to
the resting of the Sacred Pole on a scalp.

.... Noga, to run; zhi, abbreviated form, not. Not able to run.
.... Nowka, back; ethorbe, to appear.

..-- Leader, principal. (In Washa’be, Ponca.)

.... Shabe, dark, as an object; no”zhin, to stand. Refers to the

Sacred Pole. (In Nu/xe, Ponca.)

...- Horse. Old name for wolf.
.--- Shu’de, smoke; na, action by fire; gi, yellow. Refers to the

smoke stain of the Sacred Pole.

...- Shu’ka, groups; mo”thin, to walk. Walking in groups. Ref-

erence uncertain. (In Washa’be, Hi’cada subdivision,
Ponca.)

.... Te, buffalo; bagizhe, crooked, uneven. Refers to the uneven

line of a herd of buffalo as seen against the horizon.

..-- Te, buffalo; hon, night; monthin, walking.
..-- Te, buffalo; hutonbi, bellowing. Two of this name. (See

ritual, p. 298.)

.... Te, buffalo; hu’xthabe, the leaf fat.

Buffalo bull. (In Washa’be, Ponca.)

Tenu’gano"pewathe.... Tenu’ga, buffalo bull; no”pewathe, fear inspiring. Fear-

inspiring buffalo bull.

Tenu’gawazhi"pezhi... Tenu’ga, buffalo bull; wazhi, powerful in will, angry; pezhi,

bad.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 157

sRezheypthOerece kes = 1-1 Tezhe’, buffalo dung; btho”, smell.

Thigpo™bi ............ To feel of. Refers to corn. (See ritual, p. 266.)

ERO CO. <ciess fs) = = sess The sound made by corn husks when pulled apart. (See
ritual, p. 266.)

Ushko™bitega.......-- Ushkon, wallow; bitega, making anew or afresh.

UWithu/shino2zhi==-.-- 2. Uthu/shi, at the front; nonzhin,tostand. Refers tothe Sacred
Pole.

Wano™shekithabi.... - - One who is made soldier.

Wrashia7uneeemerer ae) Refers to the selection of fat for the anointing of the Pole.

Watbititeece eecsccnc oe Braided ears of corn.

We'kushto™: (222-22 2-5. We’ku, to give feasts; shtom, frequent. Appears in Omaha
treaty of 1830.

xcthy/Gaxey sot cso To blossom. Refers to corn. (See ritual, p. 266).

ZNOMCOM 8 Seas is tase White wood.

Fanciful names

Mo*chu’no"ba........-. Two grizzly bears.
pS Ha Ae yoreretatatscrerela clclalate Name by which Dakota are designated.

Female names

I"shta’mo"¢ewi"........ Inshta, eye; morce, metal, iron; wit, female term. Two of
this name.

Mi’gasho"thi™.........- The traveling moon. Four of this name.

Mifo tito sien aneeereee Return of the new moon.

Mi’mite................ Meaning uncertain. Four of this name.

Mi’mo"shihathi®.....-. Moon moving on high.

Miwa cols ce otis ne The white moon. Threeofthisname. (In Poncaxti, Hi/cada
subdivision, Ponca.)

Notzhe’gito™.--.-...-.--- Meaning uncertain. Two of this name. (In Thi/xida and
in Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

OMI a sa5apseces New moon moving. Three of this name. (In Thi/vxida,
Ponca.)

We to" bethitieec cnn = One whogiveshope. (From uto”bethe, to hope or to wish for.)

(In Tapa’ gens also.)

Wathi’ton (hereditary servers) subdivision

Ni’kie names

Cri Bacsencecanneaas Appearance of buffalo running against wind. (In Wazha’zhe,
Ponca.)

15 NG S19 Ree aee eee Name of the first man, mythical.

Ho”gaxti.............. Xti, real. Real or original Ho™ga.

Ta tapahe=:22.2 ee acls ar Meaning uncertain.

[Karel 7neale ese ooe Kage’, younger brother; zhinga, little. Child’s name.

INIGkad athe -arctemcia= ci Ni’ka, man; dathin, crazy.

NoMshtoMazhis= a. === No®shto”, to stop; azhi, not. He does not stop.

sho peho"ga......-..- Horse leader. Old meaning, Wolf leader.

Uthu’shino"zhi®........ Uthushi, in front; nonzhin, stands. Refers to the Sacred
Pole.

Fanciful names

T°cho”gatha.........-. Meaning uncertain.

158

No®zhe’gito™...........-
We’co"kithe_...........

THE OMAHA TRIBE [erH. ANN. 27

Female names

Mi, moon; akonda, part of Wakonda.

Moon moving on high. Three of this name.

Two of thisname. (In Wazha’zhe and Thi/xida, Ponca.)

To come together in an order, as a society or brotherhood.

T"sh’a/gewahitha....._.
I*shta/bagude--.-....

MoZEhticy cena ener
OW gedait. c=. rs seme

Fic. 29. Mo»xe’wathe.

Washa’beton subgens (b)
Ni'kie names

Insh’a’ge, old man, venerable; wahitha’, lame. Refers to the

herald, who leans on a staff as he shouts his message.
Inshta, eyes; bacgude, to shed. Refers to the shedding of

the hair about the eyes of the suffalo. (In Nu/ze, Ponca.)
Rabbit.
From every direction. (See ritual, p. 294.)

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 159

Pai’ ckar..2= acesyescene = Pa, head; hi, hair; ¢ka, white. Refers to the appearance
of the shoulder of the buffalo when the hair is shed.

Menuieackaesscs.--2=- 55 Tenu’ga, buffalo bull; gka, white.

We nmotxitha,J22---.-)-\-= Meaning uncertain.

Borrowed names

Tenu’gagthi"thi"ke .... Sitting buffalo bull. Said to be Dakota name.
Wako=motthi2ss----.2- Mysterious walking. Said to be Dakota name.

Female names

ACO RWwites. Sees. a Meaning uncertain. (In Waga’be, Ponca.)

Midmitetes cases sesis 8 Meaning uncertain. Four of this name.

Mittenaeescs. 2 eae nice Meaning uncertain. (In Wazha’zhe, and Po™caxti, Hi/cada
subdivision, Ponca.)

Tecomdabes -2-ca--=-.4- White buffalo. (In Wagca’be, Ponca.) Refers to the Sacred
White Buffalo Hide.

MecoM wile ss 2 eh: Te, buffalo; cov, white; wim, feminine term. Two of this

name. (In Wag¢a’be, Ponca.) Refers to the Sacred White
Buffalo Hide.
Whiheizhiava se ee ees y= Wihe’, younger sister; zhinga, little.

Honga’xti subdivision

ot parila aes ee see oer Original Ho” ga.
Mo*xe’wathe (fig. 29) .. Victorious.

Tua’/tapA GENS (4)

The Tha’tada presents points of difference from all other gentes in
the tribe. It has no common rite or symbol. The rites of three of
its subgentes were connected with the growth and care of the maize;
the Waca’be shared in rites observed at the awakening of spring; the
Wazhi’ ga assisted in the protection of crops from devastation by
birds; the Ke’i" rites were connected with rain. While there was
this general association in the purpose of the respective rites of
these subgentes, their symbols or tabus and their ni’kie names were
different. The Te’pa was the Nini’bato™ subgens of the Tha’tada;
this subgens seems to indicate the change that had taken place in the
principal food supply of the tribe, in a manner somewhat similar to
that noted in the case of the Washa’beto" subgens of the Hoga, but
reversed. The tabu and the name of the Te’pa subgens refer to the
head of the buffalo, but the symbolic cut of the hair and the ni’kie
names refer to the eagle, which was probably prominent in rites
that were superseded by the buffalo when the people became estab-
lished in the buffalo country. The choice of this subgens for the
Nini/bato® division and the duty assigned it in connection with the
ceremonial use of the Sacred Tribal Pipes seem to indicate that this
subgens held an important place in the tribe and its ceremonies
prior to the present arrangement of gentes, and that this impor-
tance was recognized by the “two old men”’ of the Sacred Legend.

160 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. aN. 27

The Tha’tada gens camped on the left of the Hoga. The word
Tha'tada is probably a contraction of the phrase tha’ta tathisho"-
thoka (tha’ta, “left hand ;’’ tathisho", ‘“‘toward;’’ thoka, ‘‘ those
sitting ’’)—that is, ‘‘those whose place in the hu’thuga was to the left
of the Ho™ga.”’ The name is not an ancient one, probably having
been given when the tribe was organized in its present form.

There were four subgentes in the Tha’tada: Waga/be itazhi,
Wazhi’ga itazhi, Kei", and Te’pa itazhi.

Waca’be itazhi subgens (a)

(Waca’be, “black bear;’’ itazhi, ‘‘do not touch.’’) The rites con-
nected with the black bear, which were formerly observed in this
subgens, have been lost. Only the memory remains that this sub-
gens used to join with the We’zhi"shte gens in rites observed when
the first thunder was heard in the spring.

Xwka subdivision (a’)

Xu’ka means teacher or instructor in mystic rites. The name was
given to a group of families who were designated to act as hereditary
prompters to the Hoga gens during the singing of the rituals per-
taining to the White Buffalo Hide and to the Sacred Pole, to insure
against mistakes when the sacred ritual songs
were given.

In the hu’thuga the Xu’ka subdivision camped
next to the Ho®’ga on the left, and on tue left
of the Xu’ka camped the remainder of the
Waca’be subgens.

The tabu of the Waca’be subgens was the
black bear. Its flesh could not be eaten nor its

Fic. 30. Cut of hair, skin touched.

abi a The symbolic cut of the hair of the children
of this subgens consisted in the removal of all except a broad lock
over the forehead, to represent the head of the bear (fig. 30).

Wazhir’ga itazhi subgens (b)

The name of this subgens is derived from wazhi" ga, “‘bird;”’ itazha,
“do not touch.’”’ The rites that once were practised by the subgens
pertained to the protection of the crops from the depredation of
the birds. These rites have long been disused and are traditional
only. It was said that one of the acts was to scatter partially mas-
ticated corn over the fields—a symbolic appeal to Wako®’da to
prevent the small birds from attacking the corn and thus depriving
the people of food. The rites of this subgens evidently referred to

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 161

the period when the people depended more on the cultivation of the
maize than they did after they entered the buffalo country.

The tabu was all small birds. Even the boys of this subgens, in
their games, while they would shoot their arrows or strike with sticks
at the birds would never touch one with their hands.

The symbolic cut of the child’s hair consisted in the shaving of
the head, leaving a fringe of hair around the base of the skull, a
short lock in front, and a broad lock behind (fig.
31). The fringe represented the feathered outline
of the bird’s body, the front lock its head, and
the broad lock behind, its tail.

The Wazhi"’ga itazhi camped next on the left of
the Waca’be itazhi.

Ke/in subgens (c)

The name Ke’i" is compounded of ke, ‘‘turtle;’’ — rie. 31. Cut of hair,
a, “to carry’’—'‘the turtle carriers or bearers.”’ BS ea hen
The rites that were once in the keeping of this ~
subgens have long since fallen into disuse and are known only by
tradition. It is said that the form of the turtle was outlined on
the ground and the sod cut out so as to make an intaglio of the
animal, and that ceremonies were connected with this figure which
pertained to the securing of rain and also to the
dispelling of storms. The rites of the Turtle-bear-
ers may have been associated with those that be-
longed to their neighboring subgens, the Wazhi"’ga
itazhi, and became obsolete for the same reason,
the superseding of agriculture by hunting.

The tabu was the flesh of the turtle, which could
not be eaten.

Fic. 32. Cut of hair, The symbolic cut of the hair consisted in shav-

pei ers ing off all but a short fringe around the head, one
small tuft over the forehead, two on each side, and a small lock at
the nape of the neck (fig. 32). The short fringe outlined the shell of
the turtle, the tuft over the forehead represented its head, the two on
each side its feet, and the lock at the nape its tail.

The Ke’i" camped on the left of the Wazhi"’ga itazhi.

Te’ pa itazhi subgens (d)

The derivation of the name of this subgens is: fe, ‘‘buffalo;’’ pa,
‘head;’’ itazhi, ‘‘do not touch.’’ The rites pertaining tothe buffalo
head, which once belonged to this subgens, have been lost and
there remains no trustworthy tradition concerning them. <A pipe
was given to this subgens to insure to it, as representative of its gens,

83993°—27 rrH—l11——11

162 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

a place in the tribal Council of Seven Chiefs, when that body was
instituted. The names in this subgens which refer to the eagle refer
also to this ceremonial pipe. The head of the subgens had an official
position as one of the bearers of the Sacred Tribal Pipes when they
were ceremonially smoked.

The tabu was the head of the buffalo. No member of this subgens
would touch a spoon made from the horn of the buffalo.

The symbolic cut of the hair of children of this
subgens did not refer to the tabu of the gens, but
to the eagle, which was connected with the pipe.
The hair was cut close to the head except a square
tuft over the forehead, a similar one at the nape
of the neck, and a broad lock over each ear (fig.
33). The head, tail, and two wings of the eagle
were thus represented.
tenn The pipes used in the Wa’wa" ceremony could

’ be painted on the tents of members of this gens,
one on each side of the entrance and one at the back of the tent.

This subgens camped next on the left of the Ke’i".

PERSONAL NAMES IN THE THA’‘TADA GENS (4)
Waca’be itazhi subgens (a)

Ni‘kie names

Cidaamo™thit =e eeeee aoe Meaning uncertain.

Gadakas ese. sss: Meaning uncertain.

Gulba7z bine eae eee Probable meaning: Unkempt.

Gitthiko=bigese = eee He to whom a place is yielded.

T@shta/dubasss ease Inshta, eyes; duba, four. (In Waga’be, Ponca.)

Kaxe’katithe............. Kaze’, crow; ka, sound made by the crow; tithe, passing.

Ku’wi"xegthitho"™........ Whirling around.

Mom shikaaxa snes paneer Mow shka, crawfish; ava, to cry for. (In Ni’kapashna,
Ponca.)

Mo"thi/uke............... The digger of the ground. (Real name of Xa/debano".)

INOMkaxude 2-2-1. 22 = Norka, back; xude, gray.

INGM4pabisece eee nc One who is feared. (In Hi/cada, Ponca.)

Piteithitee: ss... -- ==" Pci, gall; thinge, without, none. Appears in Omaha
treaties of 1815, 1836.

SHUINa ye tie eee cist Meaning uncertain. (In Waga’be, Ponca.)

Repawuthixagase |------= = Meaning uncertain.

MeGibvitie ee aati a Buffalo ribs. In Omaha treaties of 1826, 1845.

Mio*palCaxe@ssee = ace -.. Pretentions to greatness, self-importance.

Usxthetegoni ca ses2s = Meaning uncertain,

Waca/apalicseo- 2 ee ce Meaning uncertain. (In Nu’xe, Ponca.)

Wacabete- =: 2 iter ee Black bear.

Waca’bezhi®ea......--.-. Black bear; zhiv’ga, young, little. (In Waga’be, Ponca.)

Wawe' xa. 5-2 e eee To laugh at. He who laughs.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 28

HU’PETHA

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 163

Dream names

Nadal OMe ee o= fore snes Nida, mythical being or animal (see note on this name;
p- 194); hon, night.

Fanciful names

Hu’petha (pl. 28).......- Meaning uncertain.
Nui sashuder:2--.22--5.- Ni, water; w’gashude, to make turbid. Refers to bears
pawing in the water.

Valor names

A’ gahawasnusne.....---. ys ana D: om, as si ea crowa, washushe, brave.
A’oah hus A’gaha, apart from, as outside a 1 hushe, |
Distinguished for bravery. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)
AMM nOs pag ies. 2 ase a’ thi : : fear; zhi, not. Fears not Pawnee.
Pa/thi"no"pazhi Pa’thin, Pawnee; no pa, fear; zhi, not. Fear nd ef

(In Thi’xida, Ponca.)
Nicknames
Wafdebsno2 sess <5 2-12 Bunch grass.

Female names

DO Mabie esc oceaee Meaning uncertain. Two of this name.

Dowamasene nee e ee Meaning uncertain.

Marcotte cen ae see Ma/zho”, mazhorha, fox; wit, feminine term. Two of this
name.

Mab thwarts ee sco 2 Meaning uncertain. (In Pocaxti, Morkow subdivision,
Ponca.)

Mithiiperthit sss... ss5.- Meaning uncertain.

Mino 20a biee eee aes se= The only sun.

Mivo@bathit see. eee cree. Moon that travels by day.

WN Iti (OEP a Sere es ence New moon returning.

ING dl onwitiaee sen eae oS Nida, mythical being; i”, feminine term.

No"¢e’i"ce .............-- Meaning uncertain.

Po matonmay srs 2 asics Refers to the new moon. Three of this name.

Waite wit eee oot ee yes Victory woman.

WietLO™Na se ese Meaning uncertain.

Xwka (hereditary prompters) subgens (a’)

Ni'kie names

A’eahamo*thi®........--- A’gaha, apart from, outside a crowd; monthin, moving,
traveling, walking.

Gitideme ese es cc ncen eo (%, feet; xude, gray.

P2rthorxepa a ae- sess Wild cat undersized.

IKaexepaes cna Sccee sews Ka’ze, crow; pa, head.

Keo™hazhi............. Ke, turtle; o”ha, to flee; zhi, not. (In Pon’carti, Ponca.)

Ke’to"gai"shage.........- Ketonga, great turtle; inshage, venerable, also old man.

Mottreznidessnree see 25. Motge, breast; zhide, red. Refers to the breast of the
turtle.

Motxpiaxapae es conc. Morzpi, clouds; xaga, rough.

164

Na/“citimo2thi2 ss esses.

Pahe‘taperesseeeeeee
Sha/gecka-.-...-.-5...
Watha/’wajigthe ......-

Tenu’ga zho"thi™ ke

Mie into Si ers sees
Mi/hupagthi®........-
IMitiohitoe=: ase sc--see
Dhatadawi" o----- <2
GEE ee emeesoscae

A’bthuzhide.....-...-

ANTEX bal rey okie a
Adz 7nd ee eee
Aisi abaleee ea esses
@ifmikagieeessssee eee
Citxudente eeee eee
Gano xpieeeeee eee

Giohabisese ee eee
Gthedo™no®zhi®......

Gthedo™xude ......--
Gthedo™zhitga........
shits ickas-ase- cee
IRe{Lo2pa cnet aceon

Ma‘azhi@oar tess: == sntesee

Mitke’shage..........-
Mozshtimckay ep eenie.-
Ni/kuthibtho®.........
No"ba/mo"thi®. ......

No®be’duba.........-
No™no"deees sense
No pewathe ......---
No®zhi™mo"thi®:--- ==

IPi¢dsecas =. cae
Shi hitoaeeeees awe

THE OMAHA TRIBE TerH. ANN. 27

Ni’cgtu, backwards; monthin, walking. (In Waca’be,
Ponca.)

... Seeking the hills.

Sha’ge, claws; ¢ka, white.

... Watha’wa, count; ji, then; gthe, sits. Refers to the office

of prompter, holding the counting sticks of the songs.
Dream names
Sleeping buffalo bull.
Female names

Return of the new moon.

Meaning uncertain.

Returning new moon.

Tha’tada, name of gens; wi", feminine termination.
New moon moving.

Wazhi’ga itazhi subgens (b)
Ni'kie names

A’bthu, wing, an old word; zhide, red. Refers to the red-
winged blackbird.

A’hin, wings; wega, brown. ‘Two of this name.

A’hin, wings; zhide, red—red-winged blackbird.

Meaning uncertain.

(i, feet; mikagi, wolf, coyote.

(%, feet; rude, gray.

Ga, to strike; mo™rpi, clouds. The wind strikes the
clouds until it rains. (In Waga’be, Ponca.)

... Gi, from him; o7ha, to flee; bi, who is. One who is fled

from.

Gthedon, hawk; nonzhin, standing. (In Ni/kapashna, Pon-
ca.) In Omaha treaty, 1854, 1865.

Gthedon, hawk; xude, gray. (In Ni’kapashna, Ponca.)

Little hawk.

Inshta’, eyes; cka, white. Refers to blackbirds.

Ke, turtle; torga, big. (In Xwka; also in Waca’be,
Hi/cada subdivision, Ponca.)

Ma’a, cottonwood; zhinga, little, young. (In Xwu’ka; also
in Thi/xida, Ponca.)

Minke may be mika, raccoon; shage, claw.

Rabbit; eka, white. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

Smelling human being.

..- Nonba’, two; monthin, walking. (In Waca’be, Ponca.) In

Omaha treaty, 1830.
Norbe, hands; duba, four. Refers to the bear (?).
Non, mature; nonde, heart.
One who is feared. (In Wazha/zhe, Ponca.) ‘

... Nonzhin, rain; morthin, walking. Refers to the sand

martins which do not retreat before the rain.

... Meaning unknown. Old name.

Little prairie chicken.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

EOC OD s Nos seer

Whwethhatessess ces ee

\WEM ape ltiis 82h oa eeae
Washko”’mo"thi®.........

Watthidaxe: 2 -2.2-e es

Watoaeeseesnee sts. cst
Wazbi™ pas i. pe.ot tek nee:
AliCdoshakhneeee sere eee

LEON a OF socmcenaseeae re
Menu/pagahi.:.2..2..t226
Menu/caywazhis 22s

Pe/decahi. 2 sckseee ces

Umo™ho"to"worgtho®. . ..

tage OO eee see
Wabthu(pat.-c-scee-eoeee

Gixpe‘axascseeseee scence
Mi/akotdsi-= sie aseeseenes

aD EabaAd a Watts ccc ew aces
eDatteiweGo sees s< cee
Mo™imethihe-< 2/22 a585<-
Wie to sia exes ay eeaes

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 165

Meaning uncertain.

Te, buffalo; got, white. In Omaha treaties of 1830,
1836, 1865. (In Hi’¢ada, Ponca.)

Uho", cook, one who prepares a ceremonial repast;
nonba, two. (In Washa’be, Ponca.)

U’we, field; thate, eats. Refers to eating of the corn by
blackbirds.

Meaning uncertain.

Washkon, strength; morthin, walking. In Omaha treaties
of 1815, 1826, 1836, 1865. (In Washa’be, Ponca.)

Sound as of tearing with claws, as when a bear claws a
hollow tree to get at honey. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

Conspicuous, plainly visible.

Bird. (In Waga’be, Hi’cada subdivision, Ponca.)

He who moves in the dew.

Dream names

Hon, night; akipa, to meet.

Tenuga, male buffalo; gahi, chief. (In Nu/zxe, Ponca.)
Angry buffalo—male.

Meaning uncertain.

Bird chief. (In Waca’be gens, Ponca.)

Fanciful names

Fire chief. (In Waga’be, Ponca.) In Omaha treaty of
1865.
Omaha village.
Nicknames

Medals worn on the neck.

Hominy.

Female names

Meaning uncertain.

Moon power.

Refers to the moon.

Moon travels by day. Four of this name.

Refers to the sun.

Moving on high. Six of this name.

Nida, a mysterious or fabulous being; win, feminine ter-
mination.

Tha’tada; win, feminine termination.

White Tha’tada woman.

Sudden return of new moon.

Meaning uncertain.

. Big younger sister.

Kein subgens (c)
Ni’kie names

Ezhnon, alone; zhugthe, with; wa, them.
Buzzard.

- Meaning uncertain.

166 THE OMAHA TRIBE (Brn. ANN. 27

Hetkathonee-aeesaeaees He, horns; kathom, rattle, clatter, as the horns strike the
brush, (In Wazhin’ga subdivision.)

Tokon(shipe == seen seme se Meaning uncertain.

Keichie eee ere Ke, turtle; chun, plenty. Two of this name. (Doubtful if
ni’ hie.)

IKe(care ec ec aaa Ke, turtle; gave, to make. Refers to the drawing of the

figure of a turtle on the ground in the ceremony pertaining
to the turtle.

Kegthe’cei"shtazhide.. Ke, turtle; gthece, spotted; inshta, eye; zhide,red. The sand-
hill turtle. ,

Kiethotoaes-csee--a-52 Ke, turtle; honga, leader, or ancient.

Kiewiizhi tanec no.ee Little Ke” in. ‘

dGiilohid Wie ee ae ee eee Ke, turtle; thihi, to scare animals. Two of this name.

Kezhi’ga.............. Ke, turtle; zhin’ga, little. (In Ni’kapashna, Ponca.)

Miéxabaku=soecessesce Miva, goose; buku, bent, crooked. (In Ni’kapashna, Ponca).

MGMCe C2 eee see Meaning uncertain.

Wa/etiho"be=.on-=-<s-scc Na, by heat; ethorbe, appear. Refers to the hot days when
the turtles.rise to the top of the water.

INTSAiibamo 2 ae= ses mee Ni, water; a, for; kibano”, torun, asinarace. Refers to the
flight of the turtle to the water.

Nia’tagigthe SR es. b Ni, water; a, for; ta, towards; gigthe, goes home.

Nitha(shtaceseeee=- eee Ni, water; tha, action with mouth; shtage, tepid.

INo™notd e2a-8 ere. ae Non, mature; nonde, heart.

No’pewathe........-- Non’pe, afraid; wa, on; the, to be. One who is feared. (In
Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

Shko*shko™ tithe....... Shkonshkon, to move with the body; tithe, suddenly.

NSA 7 ng ae eee eee Prairie chicken.

Tenicawazhite= ose Tenu’ga, butialo bull; wazhi7, means here, anger.

Wiradhaiiih ces eee Ugaha, to float; tithe, by.

Umamotihi See eee U’na, to borrow; monthin, walking.

Wano! cab Grease eee The scratcher. This refers to the scratches inflicted by the
turtle in his struggles to escape when caught.

DES law Soe ee Xae, rustling sound; monthiz, moving, walking. Refers to

sounds made by birds.

Dream names

Wathi’shnatigthe. ..._. Wathi’shna, plain to the sight; tigthe, suddenly.
Valor names
Reasxebabieescs Sees: Ka’ve, crow; baha, to exhibit. Refers to the badge of
bravery.
Wiattomnot7hit sees = a Wa‘tor, upon; nonzhin, to stand.
Nicknames
TticoAnot pats =o. =e. Tti’go, grandfather; nomp'in, to wear around the neck.

Refers to wearing medals.

Female names

Do™ama.........-.---- Meaning uncertain. Five of this name.
Mi’ako"da.............. Moon power.
Mifcashouthi2 eee eee The moon that travels. Four of this name. (In Washa’be

and Thi’xida, Ponca.)
Mi’ethedo"wi2.......... Mi, moon; gthedon, hawk; wiv, feminine. Two of this name.
(In Washa’be and Thi/xida, Ponca.)
Mi’mo?shihathi*®....... Moon moving on high. Two of this name. (In Por’cazti,
Morkov subdivision, Ponca.)

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]
Mistenas-t asso 2 eee
INTIME Baal OSE coe ee a en es

ING8GEUIMCE Se eee Se

Monitoththe:s:.= -. 2.5.
Wis teste es ee es

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 167

tefers to the moon. Seven of this name. (In Washa’be,
Hi’cada subdivision, and Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

Ni‘da, imps, mysterious little beings; wiv, feminine. Seven
of this name. (See footnote, p. 194.)

Meaning uncertain. Eight of this name. (In Wazha/zhe,
Thi’xida, and Washa’be, Hi’cada subdivision, Ponca.)

Sudden apparition of the new moon.

Wate, victory. Three of thisname. (In Thi/vida, Ponca.)

Arthimduba ........-
AGhIMGka ss tee eo oe

ASHIMenede =. 22-2
A’zhido"to"

Cha/¢athi"ge (fig. 34) ..

CHANCES es 8 ete ee
Ezhno™hotza -.

Fic. 34. Cha’cathi»ge
Te’ pa itazhi subgens (d)

Ni'kie names

Fourteen.

A’hin, wings; gka, white. In Omaha treaty of 1830. (In
Washa’be, Ponca.)

A’hin, wings; enede, lone. Refers to the eagle.

A’zhidon, bedewed; ton, stands. Refers to the eagle upon
which the dew has fallen.

Cha’ca, unkempt, ruffled; thinge, not. Refers to an un-
usual appearance of the tidy eagle.

Yellow feet.

Soles.

Big feet.

Ezhnon, only; honga, leader.

168 THE OMAHA ‘TRIBE [ErH. ANN. 27

Gaha/pthi™ pee--ceereee Refers to eagle sitting on tree. Appears in Omaha treaty of
1815.

Gahi/ge............-... Chief. (In Waga’be, Hi’gada subdivision, Ponca.)

Galku4wixereeanaceries Ga, action by striking;.ku/wimre, to turn. Refers to the

soaring of the eagle. (See ritual of hair cutting.) (In
Wazha’zhe and Thi/xida, Ponca.)

Gapio™/ditho® esse -—-5 Eagles jar the branch when alighting.

Hi™’xpeagacnede .....-. Hinxpe, downy feather; aga, drooping; gnede, long. Refers
to the downy feather taken from the eagle and used as a
symbol in the pipe ceremony.

eachizhekceeeseosaee== T, with; gachizhe, to fall with a crash on dry leaves or limbs.
Refers to the lighting of the eagle.

LPO eae oe ome ge ee Wild cat. (Also in Xu/ka.)

Mom cepulbezseasse ee ee Meaning uncertain.

Mo 2g eG15 een. eee a Monge’, breast; ¢i, yellow.

Mo®ethi’xta............ Blackbird.

Nini aseeeesoaeene see Pipe. (In Waga’be, Ponca.)

Nini/bai"sh’age ......-- Nini’ba, pipe; i”sh’age, old, venerable.

Noo motdesssas-ccs=s-— No, mature; no’de, heart.

No2zhi’mo"thi*. ------ Nonzhin, rain; monthin, walking.

(Pacol/ Se Saco- eee Pa, head; go", white or whitish. Bald-headed eagle,

Paco’/no*zhitse sa. 5 . Paco’, bald-headed eagle; no”zhi”, standing.

Pethitxtel.. Sassen et cee Tuit on the head of the eagle.

Pifdaepareessssener saa Meaning uncertain.

Sho™to"c¢abees--- se Black wolf.

Mia/eitot ee aes eee cee Ti, house; a’gi, his own; to”, stands. Refers to eagle stand-
ing on his nest.

Waca/apar io.a2-6-- Meaning uncertain.

Wale“ pare = -emeee eee Old name for the tribal herald.

Wa/thishnade (pl. 29) .. One who grasps. Refers to the eagle.

Mitha“i2sh ace eeseeessn= Xitha’, eagle; insh’age, old, aged.

ithe Gwahiseeeee eee Xitha’, eagle; wahi, bone. Probably refers to the eagle-bone
whistle used in ceremonies with the pipes.

ka thae ca). - eae ee NXitha’, eagle; xega, the color of dried grass, yellowish brown.

Xitha/xti............... Xitha’, eagle; «ti, real. Two of this name.

Natha/z7hi eal eeeeeeee Nitha’, eagle; zhinga, little, young. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

Dream names

Gaki’/emo"thi®.......... Gaki/e, scattered; monthin, traveling. Refers to flocks of
birds.
Female names
Gixpelaxal. 5.2 23s =~ Meaning uncertain. Eight of this name.
Mince tees nice ee aia siete Meaning uncertain; probably mi, moon; pi, good.
Moshibathi ==... .=2-= Moving on high. Refers to theeagle. Nine of this name.
INU/ daiwa ese eeece ees Meaning uncertain. Three of this name.
No®¢eatthe: a. 2 222 -- Meaning uncertain. Three of this name.
Tha/tadawi"............ Tha’tada; wim, feminine termination.
Tha/tawico"...........- Tha’ta, tha‘tada; wi, wim, feminine termination; ¢o”, white or
pale.
To”ingthihe............ Sudden apparition of the new moon. Seven of this name.
Wetto na ese sescecer es Meaning uncertain. Bight of this name.

Wihe’totga ............. Wihe’, younger sister; toga, big.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 29

WA’THISHNADE (WAJE’PA)

PLETCHDR-LA FLUSCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 169
Ko’’¢r Gens (5)

The name of this gens is an ancient and untranslatable word.
It belongs to one of the tribes (Kansa) of the cognate group of which
the Omaha is a member. From this tribe the State of Kansas takes
its name.

Tn the hu’thuga the Ko™¢e gens camped on the left of the Tha’tada.

There were two subdivisions in the gens: (a) Tade’ata (tade,
“wind;”’ ata, “in the direction of’’—‘“in the direction of the wind’’) ;
the name is said to refer to the clouds. Rites connected with the
wind were formerly in charge of this subgens, but they have been
lost. In memory of the connection cf these people with the wind
was the following jesting action: when the mosquitoes were thick, a
Ko"’¢e man was beaten with robes; this would call up a breeze to
drive away the pests. (6) Nini’bato®.

The tabu of the entire gens, as well as of its subgentes, was ver-
digris, which the people were forbidden to touch.

The symbolic cut of the children’s hair represents a design which
it is said used to be cut upon the earth after the sod had been
removed when the ancient rites relating to the wind were practised.
All the hair was cut off except a tuft over the forehead, one
at the nape of the neck, and one on each side over
the ear. From each of these four tufts, represent-
ing the four points of the compass, a narrow line
of hair extended upward, terminating in a round
tuft on the top of the head (fig. 35).

When the Hethu’shka society formerly was led
around the tribal circle by the Ko" ¢e the act may
have been in recognition of the power of the wind
to befriend the warriors, as certain customs prac- Fic. 35. Cut of hair,
tised during warfare suggest. (See p. 39.) The Sra ae
Kor’ce also had the office of starting the ball game which was played
by the two grand divisions of the hu’thuga. (See p. 197.)

The Tade’ata subgens camped on the left of the Te’pa itazhi of the
Tha’tada, and on the left of the Tade’ata was the Nini/bato®
subdivision.

PERSONAL NAMES IN THE KON’GE GENS (5)
Tade’ata subgens (a)
Ni’kie names
Da/do"thi"ge........--. Da‘don, possessions; thitge, not, nothing. He has nothing.
Refers to the invisible nature of the air or wind. (In
Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)
Ko>/cedathin se. sesese.~ dathin, crazy—Crazy Ko ce.
NSC os ces en a Sere alate The sound made by a drum.

170

Ma/axude:-s..-c-eence

Mu’xano®zhi® (pl. 30)

Nifkagahi:---2-2-- +2 -=
No®xtha’demo"thi". ...
Ta cithas pene
Tade’umo"thi"...... .-
Mhixthivcazhie ee
Wa’cicitde: 222222252."
@hor*cho®xepas 2-2. =-
Mifchaxpeseenes see
Waba’hizhi"ga........
ZADOLGICMOrO eee eee
Agetospasesstan nae eee
Mitakotdaeen ss ase-
Mi’mo®shihathi®-...-.
Mittexi (25 s-stesges 2:
Mistoti@oes ase sei
Mifxube: tet. - cece =
Mo”shathi"ke ....-..--
Tadelwanessacees seen S
To™anthin las <2 eee
Mar degi sass. -taens soe
Ezhno"’githabi ....-..

Gahi’zhitga (pl. 31)..-..
Micha/xpezhitga......
Mo™shewakude.....-.
Mo"zho™hathi" .......

Mo”™zho®kide.......-..
Pagid bases eee

Wanmlt!@e e-cseseeceer
Ae bezhivea=ssee mee

Ko "¢ewil2 == -2--sceeoer

THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Ma’’a, cottonwood; rude, gray.

. Refers to the clouds.

Chief.

The creeping sensation of a bug crawling.

Old name, meaning uncertain.

Tade’, wind; u, in; monthin, walking. (See ritual of hair
cutting.) (In Wazha’zhe and Ni’/kapashna, Ponca.)

Thixthiga, old; zhi, not (abbreviated) never old. Two of
this name.

Flapping with a quivering motion, as when the wind blows
the tent flaps.

Borrowed names
Dakota.
Omaha.

Dream names

Waba’hi, to graze; zhinga, little—little nibbler. (In Wazha’zhe,
Ponca. )
Zhon, wood; ¢i, yellow; motde, bow.

Female names

Meaning uncertain. (In Por’carti, Monkon’ subdivision,
Ponca.)

Mi, moon; akotda, power.

Moon moving on high.

Sacred moon.

New moon returning.

Mi, moon; xrube, sacred.

Mon’sha, on high; thinke, sitting (moon).

Tade, wind; win, feminine term.

New moon moving. .

Xu’de, gray; gi, returning. Refers to the mist blown by the
wind.

Nini/baton subdivision (b)

Ni kie names

Ezhnov’,

tha, favored; bi, who is.
Gahi’, gahi’ge, chiel; zhinga, little.
Little star—old name.

only; githabi, who is favored—gi, possessive sign;
The favored son (?)
(In Ni’kapashna, Ponca.)

. Meaning uncertain; probably, old man who shoots an arrow.

Monzhov, the earth; ha, over; thin, from monthin, to walk or
travel. Travels over the earth. Refers to the wind. The
bearer of this name was a herald.

Watches over the land. Refers to wind.
Appears in treaties of 1815 and 1826.

Four buffaloes. (In Washa’be, Ponca.)

Blood. (In Thi‘vida, Ponca.)

(In Osage.)

. Zha’be, beaver; zhinga, little.

Female names

Kone; wit, feminine termination. Five of this name.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 30

MU’XANO*%ZHI*

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 81

GAHI’ZHINGA (LITTLE CHIEF)

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION iN(al!

Names unclassified as to subgentes

Ni'kie names

Hebs/dizho* ss ==... 46 Heba’di, half: zhon,sleep. Sleeps halfway.
“iKovcerahipe se -8 5-2-1 Konge, Kansa chief.

(Rom cezhibeaaeee cee Little kon’ce.

No™dethitge.........-. Nonde, heart; thimge, not any.
leaviad seve vet Sees oe cor Good hair.

JET AN HNO y acme Sees Arte Owl.

Madettar so see sas ae 6 To the wind. Also in J”ke’cabe ritual of hair cutting.
Made UPea is. aeacssseees Tade’, wind; unga, swilt.
Waba/shetho"........-.- Meaning uncertain.
Wate’wahi............. Meaning uncertain.
Mace’wathe:......--.-- One who causes weeping.
Zhega/no™ba......----. Zhega, legs; nonba, two.

Female names

Tade’wahage........... Meaning uncertain.

INSHTA’/CUNDA DIVISION, REPRESENTING THE SKY PEOPLE (A)
Mo*’THINKAGAXE GENS (6)

The significance of this name (mo"thi"ka, “earth;”’ gaze, “to make’’)

is somewhat obscure, but the rites committed to this gens seem to
have been connected with the rock or stone and with the gray wolf.
What these rites were is not now known. They have long since fallen
into disuse and become lost. In myths that deal with the creation of
the earth, with the contention of managainst strange monsters that con-
trolled the animals, with the interdependence of various forms of life,
and with the persistent mystery of death we find the idea of perma-
nence, of length of days, of wisdom acquired by age, to be symbolized
by the rock or stone; while man’s restlessness, his questionings of fate,
his destructiveness, are frequently symbolized by the wolf. These
two, the rock or stone and the gray wolf, are in myths represented as
brothers and in the ancient rites belonging to this gens they were
symbolically united, in some way now unknown, a fact that makes it
not unlikely that the name of the gens, ‘‘earth makers,” preserves the
purpose of the rites once committed to these people—tites that not
only dramatized the myth of Creation, but were believed to insure
the continuance of that which had been created.

According to tradition there were formerly im the keeping of this
gens four sacred stones, which were painted, respectively, white,
black, red, and green or blue. These stones were ceremonially placed
in a circular hole made in the ground, and over them was spread the
down of the swan (Cygnusamericanus). As lateas the last century one
of these stones was in existence, in charge of To" wotgaxe. It is
said that at the meetings of the Pebble society he would “place it on
the ground and make it walk.” There is a tradition that in the

2 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ErH. ANN. 27

ancient rites pertaining to the stones water or rain was represented.
This tradition is borne out by the use of the down of the swan, a water
bird, to cover ceremonially the stones. The connection with water
rites is probably also indicated by the statement that the old keeper
of the stones could take them to the Pebble society, whose rites per-
tained to the element water. All four stones are now lost. The last
one was probably buried with To" wotgaxe. The connection of the
stones with the water adds to the probability that the lost rites of
this gens dealt with the Creation.

There are no subgentes in this gens. Within the last century the
groups of families to whom were formerly assigned certain duties
connected with the ancient rites have taken names referring to
their ancient hereditary office, and as a result these groups have
been mistaken for subgentes. The Xu’be (sacred) group had direct
charge of the sacred stones. Another group, whose office pertained
to that part of the rites which related to the wolf, called themselves
the Mi’‘kaci (wolf). Still another, to whom belonged the duties
relating to the water and the swan, called themselves Mi’xaco®
(swan).

All of the above-mentioned groups had the same tabus as the gens,
namely: The swan, the clay used for making the colors with which to
paint the stones, and the soot from the kettle em-
ployed in preparing the black paint used on the
stones.

The cut of the hair of the children of these groups
was peculiar. The hair on the right side of the
head was shaved off, while that on the left side was
| allowed to grow (fig. 36). It has been impossible
e 4] to obtain a general explanation of this symbolic
Fig.36. Cutofhair,Mo’- style of cutting the hair. Some have said it rep-

pearie gees resented the bare rock and the falling rain.

At the organization of the tribe in its present form a group of
families was set apart in the gens as Nini’bato", keepers of the pipes,
and a chief from this group was given a place in the Council of Seven
Chiefs. In this group occurs a name found nowhere else in the tribe:
Niniushi, filler of the pipes; this may refer in some way to the
rites which once belonged to this gens, and which, as they probably
pertained to the Creation, may have had a significance in the Council
of Seven Chiefs, that ruled the tribe.

The cut of the hair of the children belonging to the Nini’bato®
group was the same as that used by the other Nini’bato" subdivisions
in the gentes of the tribe.

In camping, the Xu’be (a) pitched their tents immediately on the
left of the Ko™’¢e; then came the Mi’ka¢i (6); next, the Mi’xa¢o" (¢) ;
and on their left the Nini’bato® subdivision (d).

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 32

SHO”’GECKA (WHITE HORSE)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 33

TON’ WONXGAXEZHINGA (LITTLE VILLAGE MAKER)

FLETCHER-LA FLESCH] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 173}

PERSONAL NAMES IN THE MO’THINKAGAXE GENS (6)
Xw/be subdivision (a)

Ni’kie names

A/’xabazhi.............. A’xa, to cry for; ba, they; zhi, not. One who is not cried for.

Gachi-zhiiho™== =-----— Gachi’zhi, to fall with a crash; tho”, contraction of ithon,
suddenly. Refers to the noise made by the eagle when
alighting.

Ng pea OS Sem eset =o Wanderers; refers to wolf. Two of this name.

TOM iht tomes eee re = Standing up suddenly. Refers to a little animal that
suddenly rises to an upright position.

No™”gemo"thi"........ Non’ge, to run; monthin, walks or travels. Travels running.
(In Waga’be, Ponca.)

Nowzhimo thr =.=. - Nonzhin’, rain; monthin, travels. (In Washa’be, Ponca.)

Sho gecka (pl. 32).... Shon’ge, horse (old name for wolf); gka, white. Appears
in treaties of 1826, 1830, 1836, 1854. (See Sho®ge’cabe,
Tapa’ gens.) (In Nu’xe, Ponca and Osage.)

Uga’/sho"zhitga.......- Uga’shon, traveler; zhinga, little. (In Washa’be, Ponca.)

Wiibacbicie S225 25.....< Waba’hi, to graze; gi, yellow. Yellow object grazing; refers
to yellow wolf. (In Por’caxti, Monkon’ subdivision,
Ponca. )

Wahu‘thabi: 2-2. -<-- 2. One of whom permission isasked. Appears in treaty of 1815.

Dream names

Qigthe’no"pabi......... Cigthe, footprints; nopabi, to fear. One whose footprints,

even, are feared. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)
Waca’beto"ga ........-- Waga’be, black bear; tonga, big. (In Thi’xida, Ponca.)
Warde... aon =r Old dream name. Two of this name.
Wralhethe: fe 3260-57 Easy to break, tender to the touch.
EDV} 40 Eee ras eae Power. Refers to sacred stones. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)
Wako" daukie .......-.-. Talks to Wako™da.
Washi/shka............. Shell. (In Thi/xida, Ponca.)
Borrowed names
Hexa‘pano™zhi>_-...... Hexa’ga, elk (Dakota); nonzhin, to stand. (In Washa‘be,
Ponca.) :
omicehotpay ca. .- a. .= Kon’ce, name of gens and tribe, Kansa; honga, leader. (In
Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)
Mixatckales.-s6e.-222-s White swan.
Wazhi”gacabe.......-.. Wazhin’ga, bird; gabe, black. (In Waca’be, Ponca.)
Fanciful names
mMonwwotraxe:...-.=25-/. Tov won, village; gaze, maker.
To™”worgaxezhiga (pl. Zhinga, little. Little village maker.
33.)
Wegihishku.. 2.2.6.2. We, to do something for another; thishku, from thishkuda, to
dig with the fingers.
Valor names
Mo'ga/azhi............. Mo”, arrow; ga’azhi, not afraid. (In Waga’be, Ponca.)
WMeace-athim. 65.2.2 2. Wage’, paint; athin, have. Refers to war parties.
Washi’/bino*hi®......... Washi’bi, to ask one to work; no”hi” from inorhi", willing.

Willing to serve.

174

Mitmitevasesese = eee
Mi/mo®shihathi®......
Mittexte: 22.
IMi4to S182 oer
No"zhe’gito®. ......--

PoMcacot-2- scans

Po cawits esse eee es
Mo2-atoimasaee ee eee
Wedewinn sacce cesar

Cefcethitke ms. -eas22-
Gidezbitpares eer
Gahi’gewadathi*ga.....

Gthedo™no"pabi. - -.-
1Gthedo™wi™.......---
Gu(dalhieee eae

Ttke/paxe: 5 so - = scr
Tazhivdesccee once ase
Mi’gthedo"wi"......-.--.
Mixatckat eae sa

Mot oihnitho sess

Ni‘ka¢tuwathe.......

Nini4ushWae = a2 = =
Sho™to"gacka......---
Sho™to®gamo®shiadi - - -
Sho=orpandemes sees
Sho” to"gawathihuga-. -
Sho™to®zhi"ga.......-
Thata/xitigthe.......-
The’dewathatha.......-

(eacr no Seer ee
Uga’sho®no®zhi®.....-
Wga/sho"toz-se2ea-
U/shkadazhie22e=5---—

Uitha/eabis sees =e ae

THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Female names

The new moon. Four of this name.

Moon moving on high.

Mi, moon; texi, sacred. Two of this name.

New moon. Two of this name.

Meaning uncertain. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.) Two of this
name,

White Ponka. (In Po” cazti, Morko’ subdivision, Ponca.)
Three of this name.

Ponca feminine. (In Waga’be, Ponca.)

New moon returning. Three of this name.

Meaning uncertain. Five of this name.

Nini/baton subdivision (a)
Unclassified names

The trotter; indicating the characteristic gait of the wolf.

Little tail.

Refers to the peaceful office of the chiefs. This name
appears among the Osage, and is sometimes misleadingly
translated as Saucy Chief or Crazy Chief.

Hawk who is feared. ;

Gthedon, hawk, wit, feminine termination. Twoof thisname.

There-he-goes!) An exclamation of hunters who scare up a
coyote.

Voice heard at a distance. Refers to wolves.

White rock. Refers to the sacred stones.

Refers to pipes.

Red rock. Refers to the sacred stones.

Mi, moon; gthedo", hawk; wi”, feminine termination.

Mixa, swan; cka, white. (In Thi’xida, Ponca.) Two of this
name.

Mongthe, to stand; ithon, suddenly. The last vowel in mor-
gthi is dropped. Refers to sudden action of gray wolf.
Two of this name.

The gatherer. Refers to the Sacred Tribal Pipes and their
unification of the people into one social body.

Nini’, pipe; ushi, to present. Refers to ceremony of pipes.

The white gray wolf.

The tall gray wolf.

The blue gray wolf.

The mad gray wolf.

Shonton, gray wolf; zhinga, little or young.

Crunching of bones. Refers to wolf.

Refers to the frequent cautious looking backward of the
wolf as he trots along.

The peeper. Refers to the coyote.

The wanderer. The restless habit of the coyote.

The wanderer. The restlessness of the wolf.

Dauntless, rushing into battle without hesitation. (In
Nu’‘ve, Ponca.)

Refers to wolf.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 75)
Walpawi"xe.- 3.5.2.6. The soarer. Refers to the eagle.
Wathigtho"thitge ...... No mind.
Borrowed names

Ki/shtawagu.......-... Said to be Pawnee. (In Waga’be gens, Ponca.)
Waxua/tai%ge........... Said to be Oto.

Dream names
o™hemo=thize.-ces = - Night walker.
Mo®chu’wako"da....... Bear god.

Valor names
Ike’washushe......... Brave soldier.

Nicknames
We shtifthitkes <n. <<-- Name of a mythical mischievous being.

Female names

INGE’ XD Oyen iciea cis sjeini='=- Age’, from wace, paint; wube, sacred.
Gixpe’axa...........-.. Meaning lost. Old name. Two of this name.
Mi’ashteshto*.......... Meaning uncertain. Three of this name.

TEGL’DE GENS (7)

The name of this gens has reference to the buffalo (te, ‘“‘buffalo;’
gitde, ‘‘tail’’). There areno subgentes.

The rites anciently committed to the people of this gens have been
lost. Nothing but atradition remains, which states that the ceremony
pertained to the crow. In certain myths that speak of the Creation
it is said that human beings were at first without bodies; they dwelt
in the upper world, in the air, and the crow was instrumental in
helping the people to secure bodies so that they could live on the
earth and become as men and women.

The tabu of the gens favors the tradition that the rites under its
charge referred to the birth of the people in bodily form. They were
forbidden to touch the unborn young of an animal.
In later days the tabu applied especially to the
buffalo young, and also to the lowest rib adher-
ing to the backbone, as the head of the fetus was
said to rest against this part of the animal; con-
sequently the meat from this rib could not be
eaten.

The symbolic cut of the hair referred to the
young of the buffalo. All the hair was cut off — Fic.37. Cut ofhair,
except two small tufts on the side of the crown, Ngee
indicating the coming horns, and a lock at the nape of the neck
representing the tail of the calf (fig. 37).

When the tribe was organized in its present form, a Nini’bato™
group of families was chosen in this gens and the leader of the group
was given a place in the tribal Council of Seven Chiefs.

176 THE OMAHA TRIBE [pri. ANN, 27

The tabu of this subdivision was the same as that of the gens itself.
The symbolic cut of the hair was like that of all the children belonging
to Nini’bato® subdivisions.

The Tecit’de (a) camped on the left of the Mo®’thi*kagaxe, the
Nini’bato® subdivision (b) being at the extreme left of the gens.

PERSONAL NAMES IN THE TEGI’DE GENS (7)
Tecin’de subdivision (a)

Ni'kie names

Heba/zhu............ He, horns; bazhu, knobby.

He’xude............. He, horns; rude, gray.

PEA GI¢anit ae sees ae Hin, hair, of an animal; ¢i, yellow; zhinga, little. Refers to
the young buffalo. (In Washa’be, Ponca; also in Inke’cabe.)

Wshibazhive=--<---/-e The name of an old hero whose deeds are preserved in song
and story.

Ka/xenumpi® - ...-.- Crow necklace.

Kigtha/zho"zho"....- Kigtha, himself; zhonzho”, to shake—shakes himself. Refers to
a buffalo. (In Po” caxti, Monkon’ subdivision, Ponca. )

PRAMNOEeKap area = Ta, a corruption of te, buffalo; mo”, arrows; zaga, bristling.
Two of this name.

Uma salen acta Cut into pieces and spread (scattered?).

Waho thitge (pl. 34). Wa, a prefix by which a condition is generalized and expressed
as a noun; ho”, from eho”, mother (general term); thinge,
none. Hence, waho”’thinge, orphan. The loss of the mother
makes an orphan, according to the Omaha idea. (In Wa-
sha’be, Ponca.)

Female names

Mivakotdaeecesseseees Mi, moon; akonda, wakonda. Fourofthisname. (In Pon’caxti,
Morkowv subdivision, Ponca.)

Mig ethin toma Mi, moon; gthi, return; fom”, new. Thenewmoonreturns. (In
Inshta/gunda gens.)

iMiGcUbe see se eee Mi, moon; wxube, sacred.

MRECOL wiles ae White buffalo, feminine term. ‘Three of this name.

MoM pies See ae Ton’in, new moon, gi, coming. (In Inshta/yunda gens.)

Umo"”agthi®....-..- Meaning uncertain.

Uthe’amo"thi". ..... Three of this name.

Uzhogeagthi®. .._.. Uzhow ge, trail; agthiv, to sit on. Refers to buffalo sitting in
the buffalo path. i

Wihe’gthedo®....... Wihe’, younger sister; gthedon, hawk. Two of this name.

Nini/bato” subdivision (b)

Ni‘kie names

@iedethwhot sees. (inde, tail; thihom, to lift. The father (now dead) bore same
name. (In Nw/xe, Ponca.)

T2shta/shabemmese-ee Inshta’, eye; shabe, black. Two of this name. (In Waca’be,
Ponea.)

Mora(xara area ee eee Mo”, arrow; a’xaga, bristling—bristling with arrows.

Mo™shotho'ga ...-.-. Refers to feathers on the pipe leaders.

No™dewahi -.....--- Bone heart.

No™pethia/<.22-/---- Non’ge, to run; thi’a, not able. Probably refers to the new-

born calf. (In Nu/xe, Ponca.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 34

WAHON’T HINGE

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION ieee

INoPO™M bis scl ccc ses Novo”, to hear; bi, whois. One whois heard. (In Wazha‘zhe,
Ponca.)

Pe/zhexuta......--. Wild sage (artemisia).

Shu/degina.......... Shu’de, smoke; gina, coming. Refers to the smoke-like

appearance of the cloud of dust raised by the herds of buffalo
as they approach.

Matmothass:2secss-- Ta, deer; mo”, movge, breast; ha, skin.

Tato” gashkade....... Tato”ga, tatatka, Dakota for buffalo; shkade, to play—Dakota,
ska’ta. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

Tenu’gazhi"ga......- Tenu’ga, buffalo bull; zhivga, little. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

Texe’uno"zhi®....... Texe, marsh; u, in; norzhi", to stand. Standing in buffalo
wallow.

Mhrxa/bazivesseeeoeee Thixa’, to chase; ba, they; zhi, not. Two ofthisname. Refers
to the calf that no one chases.

iWizhna/eaxe. = os. ---- Uzhna’, clear space; gahe, tomake. Referstothe wallow. (In
Nu/’xe, Ponca.)

Wralbaixen 2 os once The many layers. Refers to the fat about the stomach of the
buffalo. Two pf this name.

Zhu/gthethinge ....-- Zhugthe, companion; thirge, none.

Female names

MiKCebe2s a-5- 2s Mi, moon; ¢ebe, dark or shadowy. May refer to the shadowy
part of the moon seen when the moon is new. ‘Two of this
name.

Mido fhito si See. Mi, moon; gthi, return; tori, new, applied to the new moon.

: Three of this name.

Mo"’cepewi"....-..- Ax; win, feminine termination.

RECOM WA ec ae cle White buffalo, wim, feminine termination. (In Ingthe’zhide.)
Six of thisname. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

Uthe’amo"thi®...... Uthe, a route usually taken; a, over; monthin, walking. May

refer to the migrations of the buffalo. Six of this name.

Unclassified names

Heba/chage .......-- He, horns; ba’chage, crumpled.
No"he’gazhi......... Running hard.

No Mikapali cs ss. = Nowka, back; pai, sharp.
Shu/kagthi™. ........ Shu’ka, a group; gthin, agthin, to sit.

Nicknames
Wau’xtawathe........ Admirer of women.
Fanciful names

Mo ¢epeto"ga_...... Mon’cepe, ax; torga, big.
Tapa’ GENS (8)

Tapa’, “head of the deer,’ is the name given to the Pleiades.
The rites formerly in charge of this gens are lost, but there are tradi-
tions that point to the strong probability that they related to the
stars and the night skies. These rites seem to have been connected
with myths dealing with the Creation. In them the wild-cat skin and
the fawn skin were used, their spotted appearance having a symbolic
reference to the heavens at night. The thunder and zigzag lightning

83993°—27 Era—11——12

178 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

were also typified, and were connected with the ceremonies pertaining
to the cutting of the child’shair, ceremonies in which this gens formerly
took part, and represented the father, the sky. Of the ancient rites
only a few vestiges now remain, such as the painting of spots on the
child along the sides of its spme, when a few days after birth the child
received its baby name. This was done by an old man of the gens,
who dipped three fingers into the paint and with them made the
symbolic spots on the child. These spots had the double significance
of the fawn—the young or newborn of the deer—and the constella-
tion known by the name of ‘“‘the deer’s head.’ Names in the gens
refer to the lightning, and it is said that red lines were sometimes
painted on the child’s arms, typical of it.

There were no subgentes in the Tapa’ gens, but formerly there were
groups in charge of certain duties connected with the ancient rites.
These groups continued to cling together, although their duties became
obsolete with the loss of the rites. They still exist and are known as
the group under Mike’nitha or (i"’dexo"xo". The members of this
group sometimes speak of themselves as Tapa’xti (‘‘the real or original
Tapa’’’); the group under Pa’/thi"gahige seems to have had charge of
that part of the ancient ceremonies which referred to the thunder;
to the group under Zhi"ga’gahige seems to have been committed
the symbolic fawn skin. Pa’thitgahige and Zhitga’gahige were not
chiefs but leading men. These groups have sometimes been mistaken
for subgentes.

Tabu: charcoal and verdigris could not be touched by this gens.
The verdigris by its color was said to symbolize the sky, and the
association of charcoal with the verdigris would in-
dicate that the dark, or night, sky was symbolized
in the tabu.

The symbolic cut of the hair consisted in shaving
the head, leaving only a tuft over the forehead and
a thin lock at the nape of the neck. The signifi-
cance of this style is uncertain (fig. 38).

At the organization of the tribe in its present
Fic. 38. Cut of hair, form a group of families became the Nini’‘bato®

Tapal eens: subdivision, and its leader had a seat in the tribal
Council of Seven Chiefs. The Nini/bato" observed the tabu of the
gens, but the hair of the children was cut in the style of all the
Nini’bato" subdivisions in the tribe.

This gens affords another instance of the change that takes place
in the general significance of the name of a gens when the rites
intrusted to it have become obsolete and lost. The star cult rites of
the gens being no longer practised, the deer’s head ceased to be
regarded merely as symbolic and took on a literal interpretation.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 179

This is evidenced in the personal names where the stellar significance
has been largely lost sight of.

In the hu’thuga the group under (i"’dexo™xo" (a), or Mike’nitha,
camped on the left of the Te¢in’de people; next was the group under
Pa’thitgahige (6); on their left the group under Zhitga’gahige (ec);
and at the left end of the Tapa’ was the Nini’bato" subdivision (d).

PERSONAL NAMES IN THE TAPA’ GENS (8)
Group under C'in’deronxon ( Mike’nitha) (a)

Ni'kie names

Bachi/zhithes-2.--.-- Bachizhi, to rush in in spite of obstacles; the, to go—as the deer
rushing into the bushes. (In Wazha/zhe, Ponca.)

Cigthu’no"ge .......- Cigthu, trail in; no”ge, running.

COnzidecksr.ee sens = (inde, tail; gka, white. (In Por’caxti, Morkon’ subdivision,
Ponca.)

Ci’deco"tigthe__.... (inde, tail; go", pale; tigthe, sudden. Refers to the sudden

flash of the white tail of the deer as the animal leaps into
the cover. Four of this name.

Cimdegabizhe ._.... (ide, tail; gabizhe, wagging. Two of this name.

(i2/dexo"xo" (fig. 39)_ (inde, tail; xonxon, glittering.

Hethi“axe la... <---5 - He, horn; thiaxe, rattling. Refers to the rattling sound of the
antlers against the bushes as the deer plunges into a thicket.

Hexa’gazhi"ga...... He, horn; xa’ga, rough; zhinga, little.

Hiezbattans cs. -s<05- He, horn; zhata, forked. Two of this name. (In Thi/xida,
Ponca.)

Arai ee oye eicia te I’inga, rejected; bi, who is.

Rebathasens sca. =ca6< Ke, turtle; baha, to show—turtle showing himself. (In Thi/-
aida, Ponca.)

Mikka/Xace occ cic- = Mika, raccoon; xage, to cry—crying raccoon. (In Po”’caxti,
Morkor’ subdivision, Ponca.)

Mike’nitha .....-.... Old name; meaning uncertain. Four of this name.

Moro xaxalen---ee ec Mo”, earth; no”, action by the feet; xara, to scrape, to tear up.
Refers to the rutting of the deer.

No™Mconmdazhi. 22... Now ¢onda, to dodge; zhi, from o”kazhi, not. (In Washa’be,
Ponca.)

Womkaberaisa....c-c Norka, back; hega, brown. ' (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

(0) 11 Bepeaeaoeete On’ha, to flee; zhi, from oWkazhi, not. Makes no attempt to
escape.

PANIC ae Sates <.2155 <2 Pa, head; hi, hair; ¢ka, white.

Shage’duba......... Shage’, hoofs; duba, four. (In Waca’be, Ponca.)

Sha/gezhi"ga........ Sha’ge, hoofs; zhinga, little. Two of this name.

Shko™shko*"tithe.... Shkon, to move; shkotshkon, continually moving; tithe, sud-
denly. Two of this name.

Tato’gamo"thi2....- Ta, deer; torga, big; monrthin, walking. (In Ni’kapashna,
Ponca.)

TNS nis hi oe ae eos Ta’cxti, original deer; duba, four.

Mee O 2 asec wer/s/em Te, buffalo; he, horn; go”, like. Refers to the stage of growth

when the antler resembles the horn of the butfalo. Two of
this name.
mbtGDUhOM 22 <<. Bounding up.

180

Tide’mo"thi". ...
Uwo' ¢itithe - .-.
Wa/xano®zhi". _..
Waxpe’sha.......

mitha/nika- . 2-2.

ANIGeton ase 2

Gthedo™shtewi"

Hi™xudewi". ...
Mi’cthedo"wi"......

Mi’mo*shihathi"

Mo™cepewi" = -.2.5-

THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

.-- Tide, noise, rumbling; mo”thin, walking, moving.

---- Uwor’ci, to jump up; lithe, suddenly.
... Wa’xa, in advance; norzhin, standing. (In Po cazti, Monrkow

subdivision, Ponca.)

.--- Old name, meaning lost. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.) Appears in
treaty of 1830.

..-. Xitha’, eagle; nika, from nikashiga, person. (In Wazha’zhe,
Ponca.)

.... Zhide, red; tom, stands.

Fic. 39. Qie’dexaqyxo" (Mike*nitha)

‘ Female names

Meaning uncertain. Nine of this name.

Hin, hair; xude, brown; wi”, feminine termination.

Mi, moon; gthedo”, hawk; wi, feminine termination. Seven
of this name.

Mi, moon; moving on high.

Mow cepe, axe; wit, feminine termination. Three of this name.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 181

INotged™ ces er.-= sa Meaning uncertain. Four of this name.

Pom cCacotes saee oe ... Pale or white Ponca. Nine of this name.

(RoAzGawiltse ssa Ponca woman.

MecoMwities s.ec00s! Te, buffalo; gor, white; wit, feminine. Belongs also to

Ingthe’zhide gens.

Group under Pa’ thingahige (b)

He‘co"thimke.2-2--..- He, horn; co", white; thivke, to sit. Refers to the. deer when
sitting in the grass so that only his white horns are visible.

SZ HOM Kalas eiaayscteee ie FTe, horn; zhovka, forked.

shiney Ane ooo ea koeee Meaning uncertain, (In Washa’be, Ponca.) \

ee be etc lca ese Inchuga, weasel; ¢ka, white. (In Ni/kapashna, Ponca.)

I*shta’basho"sho".... Ishta’, eyes; bashonshon, zigzag.

axe’ cabe@=a2 242 2<05< Kaxe, crow; gabe, black. (In Ni’kapashna, Ponca.)

No’kagthezhe...... Notka, back; gthezhe, spotted. Refers to the fawn. Two of
this name.

Ta‘shkahiagtho™. .... Refers to the oak struck by lightning.

Wapa‘de.:-2t.:-2..-- One who cuts up the carcass. (In Washa’be, Ponca.)

Wecopithe--..-...-- Old name, an organizer. Name of Pa’thi"gahige.

Borrowed names

A’shkamo"thi® ..-..- A’shka, near; monthin, walking. Dakota name.
Pa/thi"gahige........ Pathin, Pawnee; gahige, chief. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

Female names,

Ezhno”mothe....... Ezhnon, lone, solitary; mothe, one who is dwelling in another’s
house. Five of this name.

Gthedo™shtewi®....- Refers to hawk difficult to handle. Three of this name.

Gthedo™ wi"texi-.... Gthedo”, hawk; wi”, feminine term; tex, sacred. Tour of this
name.

WIA KEES So Sale seaees Meaning uncertain. (In J”shta’gunda gens.)

LHC ONS eames See Pale Ponea. Six of this name.

We’to"bethi*......... Two of this name.
Group under Zhinga’gahige (c)

Ni’kie names

(CULT os ee eee ae (i, feet; ha, skin. Soles. (In Waga’be, Ponca.)

Tefcehi™cabe-.-....- Tece, belly; hin, hair; gabe, black. (In Washa’be, Ponca.)

Tenu’gano"ba-....-- Te, buffalo; nuga, bull; novba, two. Two of this name. (In
Thi’xida, Ponca.)

Thae’githabi......... Thae, from thaethe, liked or beloved; gi, passive; bi, who is.
Refers to a calf that is caressed by its mother. (In Po” cazti,
Ponca.)

Female names

He’wegaca....-.---- He, horn; we, with; gaga, cut.
Maveratthe es ..2.s<: - Mi, moon; giu™, to fly; the, to go.
IBOBACRGOM aes Ses ac Pale or white Ponca. Three of this name
o=asethihe:--o..--- Meaning uncertain.

Wmovapthia <2. Meaning uncertain.

182 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. :

Nini’baton subdivision (d)
Ni’kie names

A’kidagahige .....---- A’kida, to watch over: gahige, chief. Chief who watches. (In
Ni’kapashna, Ponea.)

Fic. 40. Ilethi kuwi»xe (son of Sho» gevabe).

Hethi/kuwi"xe (fig. 40). He, horn; thi’kuwitzxe, turning around. Refers to the twisting
of the antlers before shedding.

Hexa/ Palen aeee He, horn; xaga, rough. Refers to the rough antlers of the deer.
Two of thisname. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 183

Shage’dubazhi"ga.... Shage’, hoois; duba, four; zhinga, little. (It is said that zhinga
has been recently added to distinguish this name.)
Sho™gecabe (see fig. Shonge, horse; gabe, black. (It is said that this name was
40). originally Shage¢abe (*‘ black hoofs’’) and that it has been
changed since the introduction of horses.) (In Waga’be,
Ponca. )

ABET Nal (2) mesa oR ite Great Male Deer; old name. (In Thi’vida, Ponca.)

WazhiKkide\. < -.-.=- Wazhin, will power, anger; kide, to shoot. Refers to a chal-

; lenging male animal.

DUCKY see a Spal Xitha’, eagle; ¢ka, white. (In Thi’xida, Ponca.)

Xitha’gahige........ NXitha’, eagle; gahige, chief. Twoofthisname. (In Por’caxti,
Monkow subdivision, Ponca. )

2G Nada pido Beane ae Nitha’, eagle; gave, maker. Threeofthisname. (In Porcaxti,

Morkon subdivision, Ponca.)
Borrowed names
SNS PLUM h ee ere ee Nitha’, eagle; gium, to fly. Flying eagle. Dakota name.
Female names
Gthedo™ wi"texi....- Gthedon, hawk; win, feminine termination; teri, sacred. live
of this name. (In Waca’be and in Po caxti, Morkon’ sub-
division, Ponca.)

Mocepewit..--- =. - Mo/"¢epe, axe; wit, feminine term. Seven of this name.

BOsGacoReer <2 5. a 2- (on, pale. Pale or white Ponea. Twelve of this name.
§

Werto"beci:o...-2=2- (In /on’ga gens.) Six of this name.

Fancy names

Wrannistawaxae == --2- > Lion. (This name was given by a government official in
s ) g
Washington City when the bearer and other Indians were on
a Visit.)
Unclassified names

Gthedo™thihi. .....- Gthedom, hawk; thihi, to scare by approaching, the bird.
Hexa/gacka .......-- Hexaga, heraka, Dakota for elk; ¢ka, white.
Hezho™kato"ga.....- He, horns; zhotka, forked; torga, big.

Tknbabis- ee oes: T, is; kuhe, fear of the unknown; 67, whois. One who is feared.
hatdaibam nes sn =~ Kida, to shoot; bazhi, they not. They do not shoot him.
Mo™cebaha:..----.-- Mon’ ce, metal; baha, to show.

WMomoecka ns. -2c2c-- Mon’ge, breast; ¢ka, white. Refers to the deer.

No™zhi tithe: 2. -.-- Nonzhin, to rise; tithe, suddenly.

PAgibUeWwAGH-).- 522-12. Meaning uncertain.

SIRO RZD T ta eee Ta, deer; no”’zhiv, to stand.

Wa/bagthazhi.....-- Wa’bagtha, bashful, timid; 27, not, from otkazhi.
Wadu’kishke. ....-.- Meaning uncertain.

Wrathihie 2224-28 To startle game.

Xu’bego"tha......... Xw’be, holy, sacred; govtha, want, desire.

Dream names
Machurceckse 22-75 <1 Tachu’ge, antelope; cha, white.
Maextidathi. 7.22. =. Ta’xti, deer; dathin, crazy.
? ? .
DGTHE’/ZHIDE GENS (9)

The name of this gens refers to the reddish excrement of the newly
born calf. The rites committed to the keeping of the gens have been
lost. Traditions speak of these having been connected with the
procreation of the race to insure its continuance through the medium
of the sky powers.

184 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BrH. ANN. 27

The name I*gthe’zhide has given rise to considerable speculation
by white observers, and stories are told to account for it,* but these
stories and explanations are not corroborated by the old and trusty
men of the tribe, nor do they accord with what is known of the
functions of the gentes of the tribe and the fundamental ideas of the
tribal organization.

Tabu: The fetus of an animal must not be touched. As the buffalo
was most commonly met with, the tabu came to
be confined to the unborn young of the buffalo.

The symbolic cut of the hair consisted in shaving
the head, all except a small lock in front, one behind,
and one on each side of the head, to represent the
head and the tail of the young animal, and the
knobs where the horns would grow (fig. 41).

There were no subgentes and no subdivisions or
Fic. 41. Cut of hair, groups, nor was there a representative from this
Ingthe’zhide gens. : : 5
gens in the Council of Seven Chiefs.

The I*¢the’zhide camped on the left of the Nini’/bato® subdivision

of the Tapa’.

PERSONAL NAMES IN THE INGTHE’ZHIDE GENS (9)

Ni’kie names

A/hi®™weti2........... A’hin, wings; wetin, to strike.

Cizdecieniere= ee =— Cinde, tail; cignu, to drag.

Gi’ wano"zhi2 ==. -- - Meaning uncertain.

Cnitithore ee eaeae Cni, cold; tithon, to come.

ThoMugine: - -~-.---- Thor’, mother (spoken of); uwgine, seeks for his. Refers to buf-
falo calf after the slaughter of its mother.

Kaxe’axube......-.-- Kaxe/a, crow; rube, sacred. Refers to the symbolic use of the
bird.

KoMcepiaesceer a] Konce, name of one of the Omahagentes; pa,head. Oldname.

Mika/’ezhitga.......- Mika’e, star; zhinga, little.

Sha/nugahi.......--- Meaning uncertain. (In Thi/xida, Ponca.)

Mefmor thas sees = Te, buffalo; monthin, walking, traveling. (In Pon’caxti, Monkow
subdivision, Ponca.)

Te pezhiey ees. 2-252 Te, buffalo; pezhi, from piazhi, bad.

Meznie rae ees Te, buffalo; zhit’ga, little. (In Washa’be, Ponca.)

UbYsloviisthb. Osea oes Tishi, tent poles; muxa, to spread out. (In Washa’be, Ponca.)

Uho”gemo*thi®..... Uhowge, at the end of a single file; monthin, walking. (In

Nu/xe, Ponca.)
Uho”geno®zhi"(pl.35) Uhonge, at the end of asingle file; nozhin, standing. (In Nu/ze,

Ponca.)
Wiki(pato2 eee emer Rolling himself. Two of this name. (In Powcazxti, Monkow
subdivision, Ponca.)

Wa/backaha........-. Meaning uncertain. Two of this name.

a Asin Long, Expedition to the Rocky Mountains, 1, 327, Philadelphia, 1823.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 35

UHO’GENO*2ZHI"

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 185

Wa/ino®zhi®.......- Wa’i, over them; no”zhin, standing. Probably refers to the last
halt of the hunters as they ceremonially approach the herd of
buffalo. Two of thisname. (In Washa’be, Ponca.)

Wakorthanesscsce Meaning uncertain. Two of this name.

Walospazhine se Wanow pa, fear; zhi, from ovkazhi, not. Having no fear. Two
of thisname. (In Ni’kapashna, Ponca.)

Wati’thakuge........ Meaning uncertain.

Wazhi”gthedo®.... Wazhin’, will power; gthedon, hawk. Sometimes translated as
Angry Hawk.

Dream names

Mo%a/zhitga.......-- Mona’, bank; zhinga, little. (In Thi/xida, Ponca.)

MoMcedon. co. a---< - Monge, metal; do”, to possess. Twoofthisname. (In Washa‘be,
Ponca.)

Morsho"¢kae-- = --- = Mow sho, feather; gka, white. (In Ni‘/kapashna, Ponca.)

INO Mists Jcmcere soe Nowka, back; tu, blue. Refers to the sparrow hawk. (In Ni/-
kapashna, Ponca.)

NUT o> ace Waar’, tosing. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

Female names

Gi/do"abe........... Meaning uncertain.

Mi’gthedo®wi*...... Mi, moon; gthedo, hawk; wit, feminine. Six of this name.

Migetibttosit= sees. Mi, moon; gthi, toreturn; tom, new. Return of the new moon,
or the moon returns new.

Wathewatescoscsec Mi, moon; hewin, the new moon lies horizontal, like a canoe.

Mi/hezhi"ga........ Little moon. Two of this name.

Mo™shihathi®...... Moving on high. Refers to the eagle.

No” gthece........-- No”, action by the foot; gthege, impressions on the ground in
lines. Refers to the tracks of buffalo calves. Two of this
name.

Teco”wi®........... Te, buffalo; go”, pale or white; win, feminine. Refers to the
Sacred White Buffalo Hide.

Ugi/nemo"thi*...... Ugi’ne, seeks for his; monthin, walking. Wanders seeking for

his mother. The feminine counterpart of IhoWugine.
TNsura/gu*pa Gens (10)

The name of this gens is an ancient term that may be translated
as follows: i"shta’, “eyes;” eu'da, “flashing.’’ The word refers to
the lightning, and the rites committed to this gens were connected
with the thunder and lightning as manifestations of the sky forces
which represented the power of Wako"da in controlling man’s
life and death. The name of this gens was applied to one-half of the
hu’thuga—the half that represented the Sky people who, in union
with the Earth people, gave birth to the human race. (See p. 135.)

At present there are in this gens but one subgens and the Nini’bato"

.subdivision. Formerly there was another subgens, but the cere-

monies of which it had charge have long since been lost and the
subgens disintegrated. An example of how such disintegration can
come about may be seen to-day in the Nini’bato" subdivision. During
the last century the Nini’bato"™ became reduced to one family; of this

186 THE OMAHA TRIBE [rH. ANN. 27

family there is at the present time but one survivor, who has an only
son; if this son should be childless, on his death the subdivision would
be extinct. In the past when a subgens lost its distinctive rites and
became depleted through death the survivors seem to have joined the
nearest related group within the gens. That such a change has taken
place in the I*shta’¢uda gens is evidenced by the names. Formerly
there seems to have been a clear line of demarcation between the
subgentes as well as the gentes of the tribe, and each had its set of
names that referred directly to the rites belonging to the gens or
subgens. Laxity in the use of subgentes’ names, owing probably to
disintegration, had already set in by 1883, when the names as here
given were collected, although each gens still clung with tenacity to
its distinctive ni’kie names.

Of the two subgentes formerly existing in the I*shta’gu"da gens
one referred to the earth and the other to the sky. At first glance
these two rites appear unrelated, but in fact they were allied and
formed an epitome of the basal idea expressed in the tribal organiza-
tion. The rites which pertained to the earth subgens as well as its
name have been lost, and the people who composed this subgens have
mingled with the surviving subgens. From the meaning of the name
of the latter and the significance of its rites it is possible to identily
not only those names which originally belonged to it but also those
names which were formerly associated with the rites of the lost earth
subgens. In this connection it is interesting to note that the present
tabu of the entire gens (worms, insects, etc.) relates to the lost rites of
the lost subgens rather than to the rites of the surviving subgens, a
fact that throws light on the relation which existed between the rites
of the two subgentes. The subgens which survives and the rites which
it controls pertain to the sky, to the power which descends to fructify
the earth. This power is typified by the rain which falls from the
storm clouds, with their thunder and lightning, and causes the earth
to bring forth. The response of the earth is typified by the abound-
ing life as seen in the worms, insects, and small burrowing creatures
living in the earth. These were the sign, or symbol, of the result of
the fructifying power from above. Tradition says that one of the
symbols used in the rites of the lost subgens was a mole, painted red
(the life color).

The surviving subgens is called Washe’to". The prefix wa denotes
action with a purpose; she is from shie, a generic terny for children (as,
shie’ athi"kithe, “to beget children,’ and shie’ githe, “to adopt chil-
dren’’); to” means “‘to possess” or ‘‘become possessed of.’? The word
washe'to” therefore means ‘‘the act of possessing children.” Through
the rites pertaining to this subgens the child’s life was consecrated to
the life-giving power symbolized by the thunder and lightning, and

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 187
passed out of the simple relation it bore to its parents and was reborn,
so to speak, as a memberof the tribe. A detailed account of this cere-
mony in connection with the consecration of the child and its entrance
into the tribe has been given (p. 117).

On the fourth day after the birth of a child a baby name was given
to it, and if it was a boy, a belt ornamented with the claws of the
wild-cat was put about its body. The significance and use of the skin
of the wild-cat and the skin of the fawn in reference to the stars and
the newly born were mentioned in connection with the lost stellar
rites of the Tapa’ gens which referred to the sky, the masculine
(father) element. If the child was a girl, a girdle of mussel shells
strung on a string was put around her. Here, again, is to be noted
the connection of the shell with water and of water as the medium
for transmitting power from the Above to the mother earth. The
placing of these symbolic emblems on the infant constituted a prayer
for the preservation of the tribe and for the continuation of life
through children.

There is a curious tradition concerning the formation of the Nini’-
bato® subdivision in this gens. At the time of the organization of
the tribe in its present form, when this group of families was selected
and the pipe was offered them, they refused, their chief saying: ‘I
am not worthy to keep this pipe that represents all that is good. I
am a wanderer, a bloody man. I might stain this sacred article with
blood. Takeit back.’’ Three times was the pipe offered and rejected;
the fourth time the pipe was left with them and the old men who
brought it turned away; but the families returned the pipe, accom-
panied with many gifts, because they feared to accept the responsi-
bility put upon them by the reception of the pipe. But again they
were remonstrated with, and finally the pipe and the duties connected
with it were fully accepted. These duties consisted in not only fur-
nishing a member of the Council of Seven Chiefs, which governed the
tribe, but in the preservation and recital of a ritual to be used when
the two Sacred Pipes belonging to the tribe were filled for ceremonial
purposes, as at the inauguration of chiefs or some other equally impor-
tant tribal event. The recitation of this ritual was essential when
the tobacco was placed in the pipes to make them ready for smoking.
This ritual is now irrevocably lost. Its last keeper was Mo*hi*¢i.
He died about 1850 without imparting the knowledge of the ritual
to anyone.

altis said that he withheld it from his son because of the latter's nervous, energetic temperament.
He thought that, with added years, the young man would be able to become the quiet, sedate person
to whom so important an office might be safely trusted; but death overtook the old man before he was
satisfied that he ought to put his sacred charge into the keeping of his son. Since his death the Sacred
Tribal Pipes have never been ceremonially filled. The son developed into a fine, trustworthy man,
with a remarkably well-poised mind but with a great fund of humor,

188 THE OMAHA TRIBE (ELH. ANN. 27

It has been impossible to learn the exact nature of this ritual, but
from the little information that could be gleaned it would seem to
have been a history of the development of the Sacred Pipes and
their ceremonies. The old chiefs who had heard it regarded it as
too sacred to talk about.

The Nini’bato® subdivision bids fair soon to follow the lost ritual,
as only one person survives.

When the growing corn was infested by grasshoppers or other
destructive insects the owner of the troubled field applied to the
I'shta’eu"da gens for help. A feast was made, to which those were
invited who had the hereditary right to make the ceremonial appeal
for the preservation of the crop. A young man was dispatched to
the threatened field of corn with instructions to catch one of the
grasshoppers or beetles. On his return he handed the captured
insect to the leader, who removed one of its wings and broke off a bit
from the tip, which he dropped into the vessel containing the food
about to be eaten.

The whole ceremony was a dramatic form of prayer. The feast
symbolized the appeal for a plentiful supply of food; breaking the
wing and putting a piece of its tip into the pot
of food set forth the wish that the destructive
creatures might lose their power to be active and
thus to destroy the corn. This latter act exem-
plified the belief in the living connection of a
part with its whole; consequently, the bit of wing
was thought to have a vital relation to all the
\.} insects that were feeding on the maize, and its
Fic. 42. Cut of hair, severance and destruction to have a like effect on

Tsshta’¢uda gens. all its kind.

This ceremony, which is probably the survival of a rite pertaining
to the lost subgens, has been inaccurately reported and misunder-
stood. Only a bit of the wing was cast into the food for the cere-
monial feast. No other creature, nor any other part of the insect,
was used.

In the hu’thuga, the place of the lost gens (a) was left of the
I'gthe’zhide; next came the Nini’bato®™ subdivision (6); then the
Washe’to® (c); this last-named subgens formed the eastern end of
the line of the I"shta’cu"da division of the tribe.

Tabu: The entire gens was forbidden to touch all manner of
creeping insects, bugs, worms,’ and similar creatures.

The symbolic cut of the hair consisted in removing all hair from the
crown, leaving a number of little locks around the base of the skull
(fig. 42), said to represent the many legs of insects.

a Lightning is said to feed on the gum weed, monkon tonga (‘big mocasin”’), and to leave a worm at
the root.

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 189

PERSONAL NAMES IN THE INSHTA‘GUNDA GENS
Ninibaton subdivision (b)
Ni'kie names

Gahi/petho"ba.......-..- Gahi, from gahige, chief; pe’thomba, seven. Refers to the
seven original chiefs when the Omaha reorganized.

Fic. 43. Teu’kotha.

Ho”™gashenu............. Ho”/ga, leader; shenu, young man (full brother of Kawa‘ha;
now lives with the Pawnee tribe). (In Wazha’zhe,
Ponca.)

PRESALE) es xn coe ee Meaning uncertain.

Mouhupee ob sl., e: S Morhin, stone knife; ¢i, yellow.

U‘kica

Sh aannoceck dae eee Ges Deserted, as a dwelling.

190 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27

Dream names

Mo*chu’wames-< 5. --2--- Monchu’, grizzly bear; waxe, maker.
Teu’ko"ha (fig. 43)......- Te, butfalo; u’ko”ha, alone; refers to the male butialo in the

winter season, when its habit was to remain alone.
Borrowed names
Ushka/dewako"......--.-- Dakota name.
Derisive names
Wazhethitges-eses-sse-- = Wazhe’, gratitude; thinge, none. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

Female names

Mifothitio Site se Return of the new moon.

Mi/mo®shihathi"..._...-- Moon moving above.

Ma¢mo “tht heeeeeee eee Mi, moon; monthin, walking, traveling; refers to the moy-
ing of the moon across the heavens. Two of this name.

MIMtexiGi2 secre ee =e . Mi, moon; teri, sacred; gi, yellow. Three of this name.

Mo shaditihiS2e= eer One moving on high.

MoBiPors Saeneeesee ee Tonin, new; gi, coming. Refers to moon. Two of this
name. +

Wre/to sila se een een Meaning uncertain. Two of this name. (In Thi/cida,
Ponca.)

Washe’to” (owners of the children) subgens (c)

Ni‘kie names

A’ thindes 22-52 toe ete Left alone, abandoned.

Athu(hage ser eeee ees The last, in a file of men or animals. (In Wazha‘zhe,
Ponca.)

Chu®gthi/shkamo"thi",... Chu”, meaning uncertain, perhaps wood; wagthi’shka, bug;
monthin, walking. Two of this name.

Bidi/to?..n.cetieseeeeeie Edi, there; to”, stands.

Ga‘eicthe thn Seeeeeee eee Ga, at a distance; gigthe, passing toward home; thir, moy-
ing. Refers to thunder. Two of this name.

Gabiatshage se eee Gahi, chief; imshage, old.

iafehimo {thn eee Walking last in a file. Two of this name. (In Thi/xida,
Ponca.)

Hehaae ens. sc eee He, horn; ba’a, worn down.

Heba/cabazhies-—--eeee He, horn; bagabe, splinter; zhi, ovkazhi, not. Refers to a
horn not yet jagged from age.

econ mide sase5- cen see He, horn; co”, white or pale; nida, a mythical animal.
(See note on nida, p. 194.)

ie/shathares = 2-2 s---e He, horn; shathage, branching. Refers to the elk. (In
Thi‘xida, Ponea.) :

Ho™do"mo"thi"........-- Jo”, night; do”, when or at; mo”thi, walking. Refers to
thunder.

ISWADNO . ocamectsee sees Hu/ton, noise; to”, stands. Roars as he stands (referring
to thunder). Two of this name.

Mbahiotbie sesso. ec I’baho”, to know; bi, he is. He is known. Refers to a
chief’s son. (In Ni/kapashna, Ponca.)

I’gado™ne....-....---.--- Same as preceding.

Weadozthareesses== eae Probably refers to clouds driven by the wind.

Pike dotoase eee eee Inke’, shoulder; tovga, big. Two of this name. (In
Pow caxti, Monkon’ subdivision, Ponca.)

T>sha/cemo2this ee Insha’ge, old man; monthin, walking. Refers to thunder.

(In Nu’xe gens, Ponca.)

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 191

JIERISNG 312 eoeanc = 5 Sere Inshta’, eye; vi, yellowish. Refers to lightning, *‘ the yel-

low eye of the thunder.”’

iaceth are Ae. so ulna aes Ketha, clear sky, after a storm.

KatmoZhoteesse seer Against or facing the wind. Two of this name. (In
Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

Kortzniwates.-ce- se seme. Kw chi, afar; wate, a valorous deed. Victory widespread.

Ma/cikides. s..-02se2008=< Ma’gi, cedar; kide, to shoot. Refers to the myth of the
thunder striking the cedar tree. (In Wazha/zhe, Ponca.)

WMotatcata cream aes Mo”, arrow; a’gata, to aim.

Mo™hitdubitese52- ee Mowhin, stone knife; duba, four. One of the names of the

Mo'shi’ahamo"thi”

Mo*xpi’
Mo®xpi/mo"thi"

apa SOD sees

Shedafmo tibiae esse ae

Thigthi/¢emo"thi®

keeper of the ritual used in cutting the hair and conse-
crating the child to the thunder. The bearer of this
name died in 1884.

Monshi/aha, above; monthin, moving. (In Thi/xida, Ponca.)

Clouds. Two of this name.

Morxpi’, clouds; monthin, walking. This name appears
in the treaties of 1826 and 1836, signed by Omaha chiefs.

Pa, head; ga’shon, to nod. Refers to bugs nodding the
head as they walk.

Sheda, meaning uncertain; mo"thi", walking.
treaty of 1826.

Meaning uncertain.

Frog.

Thigthige, zigzag
Washa’be, Ponca.)

Appears in

lightning; monthin, walking. (In

Thio™bagigthe.......... Thiow ba, general term for lightning; gigthe, going by, on the
way home. (In Washa’be, Hi/cada subdivision, Ponca.)

Mbhio™bagina: = s2)-ce~- = Thiow ba, lightning; gina, coming. Two of this name.

Mhiom’batisthess--- = +. Thiow ba, lightning; tigthe, sudden. (In Washa’be, Hi’ ¢ada
subdivision, Ponca.)

SB aKa) cy antes, Se 2s Ti, tent or village; gaxa, to approach by stealth. Refers to
the thunder under the guise of a warrior approaching the
village by stealth.

Mucutbiotbaee ese a Ti, tent; u, in; thionba, lightning. Lightning flashes into
the lodge. (In Waca’be, Hi’cada subdivision, Ponca.)

iM DaniS eye ea ete U, in; ba, to push; ni”, digging. Digging in the earth.
Said to refer to a small reptile that disappears in the
earth when the thunder comes. Two of this name; one
in Inshta’cundaxti subdivision.

Wig Gaxe ln omens = asince Ugu’, path; gare, to make. Refers to one who leads.

Uha’mo"thi"

Ushu’demo"thi"

(The name of a subdivision of Wazha’zhecka gens, Osage.
Occurs in Wazha’zhe gens, Ponca.) Appears in Omaha
treaty of 1815. Two of this name.

Uha’, {n a hollow; monthin, walking. Refers to the thun-
der storms following the valleys and river courses.

U, in; shu’de, mist; monthin, walking.

Wier ashe set--. -o8:-sase Meaning lost. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)
Wrallarsds ue. cnc ee 7o8 Waha, skin; ai, yellowish. (In Washa’be, Ponca.) Two

of this name.

Wa, prefix denoting action with a purpose; hutor, noise;
ton, stands. (See Hu’tonton.)

Wa, purpose in action; no”, action with the feet; kuge,
sound of adrum. Refers to the resounding footsteps of
the thunder. Appears in the Omaha treaties of 1854
and 1865.

192 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

Claw. Refers to the wild-cat claw, an hereditary posses-

Washa/pe tse transect

sion, and used in ceremonies conducted by this gens.
Washe’to"zhi"ga.....-.... Washe’ton, the name of this subdivision; zhinga, little.
Washetzhi'pa-aee- peer eee Washe’, an abbreviation of washe’ton; zhinga, little.
Washko™hhitz 2256 copeeus Washkon, strength. Refers to the power of thunder. (In

Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

Fig. 44. Wanor’kuge

Wazhi=’ckaren-aeaetescccs Wazhin’, will, mind; eka, white. Wisdom. (In Thi’aida,
Ponca.)
Wazhi”a"baleesse=ceeece= Wazhin’, will power, energy; o”ba, day. Sometimes trans-

lated as ‘‘angry or turbulent day,’’ a day of storms of
thunder and lightning.

FLETCHHR-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 193

VIOUS tee os eee Snake. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

We’c’aho"ga............. We/c’a, snake; honga, leader. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

Welgazhi2raecssc ss... We’c’a, snake; zhinga, little. Two of this name. (In
Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

Wimulkipae tee eenete to. Meaning uncertain

Valor names

Ruvetthe sia. sacecceas sc Rushing forward suddenly. This name was bestowed
on the man because he rushed suddenly on a large
party of Sioux, armed only with a hatchet,

Wabatace: eterna ins. 22 Wa, waar’, a valorous deed; a successful war party is also
called waan’; baage, to put to flight, to scare. This name
was won by a man who, although partially paralyzed,
killed his adversary in single combat during a fight with
the Dakota. (In Wazha’zhe, Ponca.)

Wa wrashi so sec a. «oh Wain, to carry; washi, to ask another to do something for
one.
Wano™shezhitga........ Wanor’she, soldier; zhinga, little. (In Wazha/zhe, Ponca.)

Two of this name—one in Nini/baton subdivision.

Dream names

OZ{potwaltess. se 4. <2 55. On’pon, elk; wahi, bone.

Sho reotcaeseos-e esa. Shonge, horse; uca, from uneagi, swilt.

\ WES avisaNb. Clean oan yey gee The layers of fat about the stomach of an animal—the
buffalo.

Names taken from incidents or historic experiences

Cithe’dezhitga..... 22... Cithe’de, heel; zhinga, little. (In Waca’be, Ponca.)

Nibtha/ckal-s.-.2e5-.-.22 Vi, water; bthacka, flat. The name by which the Omaha
call the Platte river. Nebraska isa corruption of Nibtha-
cha.

Wshe(paxes 2. eee. saaoe.. Te, deer; he, horn; gaze, branch.

MonGwo"pezhels...-<..-- Ton’won, village; pezhe, bad. Said to bea nickname given

to a man who had poisoned several persons. It is said
also that the name refers to the Thunder village, whence
the Thunder issues to kill men.

Whoswhipa cece. fcc cccs. U’hon, cook; zhinga, little. Two of this name—one in
Nini/baton subdivision. Appears in Omaha treaty of
1826. (In Washa’be, Ponca.)

Une’cezhi"ga ........... Une’¢e, fireplace; zhinga, little.

Names borrowed from cognate tribes, modified or unmodified

No®xe/wanida........... Dakota name.

mhio=backayas..-o8 5. Thiow ba, lightning; ¢ka, white. This is said to be taken
from the Dakota name Wakiyanska, meaning White
Thunder.

Waxtha’thuto®......._.. Oto name.

83993°—27 era—11——13

194 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Female names

Cigvkawate-2ce-- = es (Ci¢i’ka, turkey, wate, victory.

Ep atoR Wits eee eee Hu’to”, noise; wim, feminine termination. Refers to
thunder.

Tshiia/ COBwith eei= sere Inshta’, eye; gon, white or pale; wi”, feminine termination.
Two of this name.

Mi(ashetonts enema eers Mi, moon; asheto”, the end. The waning moon.

Miso totitee sce eeee eee Mi, moon; gthi, to return; tomim, new. The return of the

new moon. Four of this name—one in Nini’bato” sub-
division. (In Washa’be and Thi’xida, Ponca.)

Mi’huga................ Mi, moon; huga, loud voice.

Mi’/mo?®shihathi®........ Mi, moon; mo”shiha, above; thi®, moving. Five of this
name—one in Nini’bato” subdivision.

Mico" bathi@ Se sey-eeeees Mi, moon; o”ba, day; thim, moving. Three of this name.
(In Thi’vida, Ponca.)

Momshadithit2s--ecreene One moving on high. Refers to thunder. Six of this

name—one in Nini’ bato” subdivision. (In Washa’be and
Ni’kapashna, Ponca.)

Nuidawiteeesecee-accetee Ni/da, a mythical being; wim, feminine. Six of this
name.@

Ni‘kano™zhiha. 5. = -2.--- Ni’ka, person; no®zhiha, human hair. Three of this name-

Nol xticewi2 scecmesee ee Meaning uncertain.

O™bathacthr.---ssese-- Owba, day; thagthin, fine. Two of this name.

ROSH DIN aveie cteisteie cle cise Towin, new; gi, coming; na, who does. Refers to the

moon symbolically. Three of this name. (In Ni’ka-
pashna, Ponca.)

he ito phi he erties eee Tow in, new; gthihe, to return suddenly. The sudden ap-
parition of the new moon. Three of this name.
Tomisthin i sss-sees see Tovin, new; thin, moving. Refers to the new moon

moving in the heavens. Three of this name.

After the preceding detailed account of the Omaha gentes it may
be of service to the reader to recapitulate briefly the salient features
of the tribal organization.

Five gentes composed the southern half of the hu’thuga or tribal
circle. These had charge of the physical welfare of the people. The
We’zhi'shte gens had charge of the Sacred Tent of War and its
duties, and also of rites connected with the first thunder of the spring.
These rites, which were fragmentary, probably once formed part of
ancient ceremonies connected with surviving articles no longer cere-
monially used—the Sacred Shell and the Cedar Pole. The elk was
tabu to the We’zhi"shte gens, and it is to be noted that elk rites
were associated with war in the Osage tribe. (See Ceremony of
Adoption, p. 61.) The other four gentes were charged with duties
and rites connected with the food supply and were under the direc-
tion of the Hoga gens. This gens was leader, as its name implies,
and had the care of the two Sacred Tents; one contained the White

aThe Nida was a mythical creature, in one conception a sort of elf that crept in and out of the earth.
The word was applied also to the bones of large extinct animals, as the mastodon. When the elephant
was first seen it was called Nida, and that name is still applied to it by the Omaha, Ponca, and Osage.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHD] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 195

Buffalo Hide. Its keeper conducted the rites attending the planting
of maize and the hunting of the buffalo. The other tent held the
Sacred Pole. Its keepers were the custodians of the rites concerned
with the maintaining of the authority of the chiefs in the govern-
ment of the tribe. Protection from without, the preservation of
peace within the tribe, the obtaining of food and clothing, devolved
upon the rites in charge of the gentes composing the Ho™gashenu
half of the hu’thuga.

The five gentes on the north half of the tribal circle were custodians
of rites that related to the creation, the stars, the manifestation of
the cosmic forces that pertain to life. Nearly all of these rites have
become obsolete, except those of the last-named class, in charge of
the I"shta’¢u"da gens. These constituted the ritual by which the
child was introduced to the Cosmos (see p. 115), the ceremony through
which the child was inducted into its place and duty in the tribe
(see p. 117), and the ritual required when the two Sacred Tribal
Pipes were filled for use on solemn tribal occasions.

In view of what has been discerned of the practical character of
the Omaha, it is interesting to note that only those rites directly
concerned with the maintenance of the tribal organization and goy-
ernment were kept active and vital, while other rites, kindred but
not so closely connected with the tribal organization, were suffered
to fall into neglect.

THe Omana GENS NoT A POLITICAL ORGANIZATION

From the foregoing account of the gentes of the tribe, it is apparent
that the Omaha gens was not a political organization. It differed
from the Latin gens in that the people composing it did not claim to
be descended from a common ancestor from whom the group took
its name and crest. There was, however, one point of resemblance,
and because of this one point of resemblance the name gens is applied
to the Omaha group; namely, the practice of a common rite the
title to share in which descended solely through the father. Beyond
this one point all resemblance ends. The rights and duties of the
Omaha father in no way corresponded to those devolving on the
head of a Roman family. Nor was the Omaha group a clan, for the
bond between the people was not because of a common ancestor
whose name and crest were the clan designation and from whom were
descended the hereditary rulers of the clan. The Omaha gens was a
group of exogamous kindred who practised a particuiar rite, the
child’s birthright to which descended solely through the father; and
the symbol characteristic of that rite became the symbol, crest, or
“totem,” of the gens. There was no political or governing chief of
an Omaha gens or subgens, but there were persons to whom belonged

196 THE OMAHA TRIBE [HrH. ANN. 27

the hereditary right to be keepers, or ‘‘ priests,’’ in the ceremonies
that were in charge of the gens. The Omaha gens, the two grand
divisions composing the tribe, and the tribe as a whole, were each and
all expressive and representative of certain fundamental religious ideas
and beliefs that were dramatized in rites.

Later, when the tribe was reorganized into its present form, the
political government of the people was vested in certain chiefs, but
these did not derive their position from their gentes as representatives
of political organizations.

INTERRELATION OF THE TWO GRAND DIVISIONS

Looking at the hu’thuga, we observe that the rites and duties
belonging to the gentes composing the Ho®’gashenu division bear out
their designation as ‘‘the Earth people.” All the rites and all the
duties intrusted to these gentes have a direct relation to the physical
welfare of the people. The ceremonies connected with the warrior
as the protector of the life and property of the tribe were in charge
of the We’zhi'shte gens, whose place was at the eastern end of this
division and at the southern side of the opening, or ‘‘door,”’ of the
hu'thuga, viewed as when oriented. The rites pertaining to the
people’s food supply—the hunting of the buffalo, the planting of the
maize, the protection of the growing crops from the depredations of
birds, and the fostering help of wind and rain—were in charge of the
other four gentes of this division, each gens having itsspecial share in
these ceremonies. Besides these rites which bore directly upon the
food supply, there were other duties which were concerned with the
governing power and the maintenance of peace within the tribe.
When the governing power was vested in a Council of Seven Chiefs,
the right to convene this council became the duty of the Hoga
gens, and the custody of the two Sacred Tribal Pipes was given to the
I"ke’cabe gens. The presence and use of these pipes were essential
to any authoritative proceeding but the preparation of the pipes
for use could not be undertaken by any member of the Ho®’gashenu
division. This preparation belonged solely to the I"shta’gu"da gens.
Therefore the pipes when in use became tribal, and represented both
of the divisions of the tribe.

The I*shta’¢u"da division, spoken of as ‘“‘the Sky people,” had
charge of those rites by which supernatural aid was sought and
secured. The rites committed to the gentes composing this division
were all connected with the creation and the maintenance on the
earth of all living forms. To the I*shta’¢u"da gens belonged the
rites which enforced the belief that the life and the death of each
person was in the keeping of a supernatural power—a power that
could punish an offender and that alone could give authority to the

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 19 7

words and acts of the council of chiefs. Although the rites and duties
of the I*shta’c¢u"da division pertained distinctively to the super-
natural, to the creative and directive forces as related to man’s social
and individual life, yet they were necessary and essential to the rites
and duties of the Ho'’gashenu division, in whose charge was the
physical well-being of the people. The former gave a supernatural
sanction and authority to the latter, and made them effective not
only over the animals and the fruits of the earth, but exercised an
equally potent control over the governing power and the life of every
member of the tribe. Thus the belief that by union of the Sky people
and the Earth people the human race and all other living forms
were created and perpetuated was not only sym-

bolized in the organization of the tribe, but this el

belief was kept vital and continually present tothe ane
minds of the people by the rites, the grouping and
interrelation of the gentes, and the share given
the two great divisions in tribal affairs and
ceremonies. No tribal ceremony, negotiation, or
consultation could take place without both divi-
sions being represented; no council could act
unless there were present one chief from the
T*shta’cu"da division and two from the Ho?’-
gashenu. In this connection, the saying of an
old Omaha man may throw light on how this
representation from the two divisions was re-
garded by the people. He said: ‘‘The I*shta/- :
cu'da represented the great power, so that one ,
chief from that side was enough, while two were

necessary from the Ho®’gashenu.”’ This native

estimate of the reason for the unequal represen- Pl

tation of chiefs is the reverse of what a member CaNe

of the white race would naturally conclude—that —F'- 45. Diagram of ball
the more important division should be represented cage

by the two chiefs.

In former times a ball game used to be ceremonially played between
the young men of the two divisions. At such times it was the duty
of a member of the Tade’ata, or Wind, subgens of the Ko2’ce gens, to
start the ball. A circle with two lines crossing each other at right
angles was drawn on the cleared ground, and the ball placed in the
center (fig. 45). The ball was first rolled toward the north along the
line drawn to the edge of the circle, and then back on the same line to
the center. It was then rolled on the line toward the east to the
edge of the circle and back to the center. Next it was rolled to the
south and returned on the same line to the center. Finally it was
rolled to the west on its line, and back to the center, and then it was

198 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ErH. ann, 27

tossed into the air and the game proper began. The game is said to
have had a cosmic significance and the initial movements of the ball
referred to the winds, the bringers of life. It was played by the two
divisions of the hu’thuga as representatives of the earth and the sky.

The demarcation between the two divisions of the hu’thuga was
well known to the boys of the tribe, and no boy dared to go alone
across this line. When for any purpose a boy was sent on an errand
from the Ho®’gashenu side to the I"shta’¢u®da side, he was obliged
to go attended by his friends from the gentes belonging to his own
side, for a fight was always the result of an attempt to cross the line.
It is an interesting fact that while the old men of the tribe generally
punished boys for fighting together, these juvenile combats over the
line were not objected to by the parents and elders. This custom
seems to have come into practice to serve a purpose similar to that
of the symbolic cutting of the hair. The cutting of the hair was
done, it was said, in order to impress on the mind of a child, as in an
object lesson, the gentes to which his playmates belonged. That it
served its purpose has been observed by the writers. Frequently
when a man has been asked to what gens a certain person belonged,
he would pause and then say: ‘‘I remember, his hair used to be cut
thus and so when we were boys, so he must be ———,,” mentioning
the gens that used this symbolic cut of the hair. The line that
marked the two divisions of the hu’thuga, although invisible, was well
known to the boys as the fighting line, where they could have a scrim-
mage without being interfered with, and each boy knew his own
half of the hu/thuga and the boundary, where he was at liberty to
attack and where he must stand on the defensive. This custom of
one division standing by its members in a fight as against outsiders
throws a side light on the word for tribe already referred to.

V
TRIBAL GOVERNMENT
DEVELOPMENT OF Po.iricaL Unity

From an examination by the light of tribal traditions of the rites,
duties, and interrelations of the gentes, one discerns in the tribal
organization of the Omaha and cognates, as it stood in the early part
of the nineteenth century, the evidences of past vicissitudes, all of
which show that a tendency had existed toward disintegration
because of a lack of close political organization, and that various ex-
pedients for holding the people together had been tried. This weak-
ness seems to have been specially felt when the people were in the
buffalo country; while there groups would wander away, following
the game, and become lost. Occasionally they were discovered and
would rejoin the main body, as has been shown in the case of the
Ho®’ga utanatsi of the Osage tribe. The environment of the people
did not foster sedentary habits, such as would have tended toward a
close political union; therefore the nature of the country in which
these cognates dwelt added to rather than lessened the danger of dis-
integration. This danger was further increased by the number of
religious rites among the people, each one of which was more or less
complete in itself and was in the keeping of a group of exogamous
kindred. The fact that the group was exogamous indicates that
some form of organization had long existed among the people, but the
frequent separations that took place emphasized the importance of
maintaining the unity of the tribe, and the problem of devising means
to secure this essential result was a matter of serious concern to the
thinking and constructive minds among the people. The Sacred
Legend, already quoted, says: ‘‘And the people thought, How can
we better ourselves ?”’

As has been stated, the ideas fundamental to the tribal organiza-
tion of the Omaha and their cognates related to the creation and
perpetuation of living creatures. The expression of these ideas in
the dramatic form of rites seems to have been early achieved and
those which symbolically present the connection of cosmic forces
with the birth and well-being of mankind seem to have persisted in
whole or in part throughout the various experiences of the five cog-
nate tribes, and to have kept an important place in tribal life. These
rites constitute what may be regarded as the lower stratum of reli-
gious ceremonies—for example, in the recognition of the vital relation
of the Wind, as shown in the ceremony of Turning the Child, per-

199

200 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

formed when it entered on its tribal life (see p. 117); im the names
bestowed on females, which generally refer to natural phenomena or
objects rather than to religious observances; in the ceremonies con-
nected with Thunder as the god of war and arbiter of the life and
death of man. There are indications that other rites relating to
cosmic forces have been lost in the passage of years. Among the
Omaha certain articles still survive rites long since disused, as the
Cedar Pole and the Sacred Shell, both of which were preserved until
recently in the Sacred Tent of War in charge of the We’zhi"shte gens.
It is probable that the rites connected with the Sacred Shell were the
older and that they once held an important place and exercised a
widespread influence in the tribe, as indicated by the reverence and
fear with which this object was regarded by the people of every
Omaha gens. Other Omaha rites, as has been shown, have ceased
to be observed—those connected with the thunder (p. 142), the stars
(p. 177), and the winds (p. 169). The disappearance of former rites
may indicate physiographic changes experienced by the people, which
affected their food supply, avocations, and other phases of life,
thereby causing certain rites to be superseded by others more in
harmony with a changed environment. Thus life in the buifalo
country naturally resulted in rites which pertained to hunting the
buffalo finally taking precedence over those which pertained to the
cultivation of the maize (see pp. 147, 155).

There are indications that under these and other disturbing and
disintegrating influences certain ceremonies were instituted to coun-
teract these tendencies by fostering tribal consciousness in order to
help to bind the people together. The Hede’wachi ceremony is of
this character and seems to date far back in the history of the Omaha
tribe. It is impossible to trace as in a sequence the growth of -the
idea of the desirability of political unity, for there were many influ-
ences, religious and secular, at work to bring about modifications of
customs and actual changes in government. The efforts to regulate
warfare and to place it under greater control and at the same time
to enhance the honor with which the warrior was to be regarded seem
to have been among the first steps taken toward developing a defi-
nite governing power within the tribe. The act of placing the rites
pertaining to war in charge of one gens was probably the result of
combined influences. When this modification of earlier forms was
accomplished a new name seems to have been given to the gens
holding this office, and thus the present term We’zhi'shte (see p. 142)
came into use. The former name of this kinship group is not known,
but judging from analogy it probably had reference to one or the
other of the lost ceremonies connected with the sacred articles left
in its care. While the segregation of the war power may have tended

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL GOVERNMENT 201

to stay some of the disintegrating tendencies it did not have the
positive unifying force that was desired. If other devices were tried
to bring about this result nothing is known of them.

The Sacred Legend and other accounts tell the story of the way in
which a central governing body was finally formed and all agree that it
was devised for the purpose of ‘“‘holding the people together.” One
version speaks of seven old men who, while visitors to the tribe, inaugu-
rated the governing council. The Sacred Legend declares that the
council was the outcome of ‘“‘thought”’ and ‘‘consultation among the
wise old men,” their purpose taking form in the plan to establish a
Nini’bato® “ subdivision in some of the gentes, each subdivision to
furnish one member to the council, which was to be the governing
authority, exercising control over the people, maintaining peace in
the tribe, but having no relation to offensive warfare. According
to the Legend account of the formation of the Nini’bato®, ‘“‘two old
men,’’ one from the Ho?’ga gens and the otherfrom the I"ke’¢abe gens,
were commissioned to carry out the plan of the ‘‘wise old men.” The
term ‘‘old’”’ is one of respect and indicates that these men had gained
wisdom from experience, and that their plan was the result of knowl-
edge and thought concerning actual conditions in the past and in the
present, rather than one based on speculative notions. The ‘‘two
old men” were entrusted with the two Sacred Tribal Pipes; as they
passed around the hu’thuga they would stop at a certain gens, desig-
nating a family which was to become a Nini’bato™ and making this
choice official by the presentation of a pipe. For some unknown
reason in this circuit of the tribe the ‘‘old men’’ passed by the gthe’-
zhide gens and did not give them a pipe. Nor was a pipe given to the
We’zhi'shte gens or to the Ho®’ga gens. It was explained concerning
these latter omissions that the We’zhi"shte had already been given
the control of the war rites of the tribe, while the duties of the council
formed from the Nini’bato™ subdivisions were to be solely in the
interests of peace, and to the Ho®’ga gens was to belong the duty of
calling together this governing council.

The two Sacred Pipes carried by the ‘‘two old men” were their
credentials. The authority of these two pipes must have been of
long standing and undisputed by the people in order to have made
it possible for their bearers to inaugurate such an innovation as setting
apart a certain family within a gens and giving to it a new class of
duties—duties that were to be civil and not connected with the
established rights of the gentes. These new duties did not conflict,

a The word nini'baton means “to possess a pipe.’ The origin of the significant use of the pipe lies
ma remote past. Among the Omaha and cognate tribes the pipe was regarded as a medium by
which the breath of man ascended to Wako»’da through the fragrant smoke and conveyed the prayer or
aspiration of the person smoking; the act also partook of the nature of an oath, an affirmation to attest
sincerity and responsibility. The pipe was a credential known and respected by all.

202 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN, 27

however, with any of such rites, nor did they deprive the Nini’bato®
families from participating in them. A new class of obligations to
Wako" da and to all persons composing the tribe were laid upon the
Nini’bato™ and the new council.

CHIEFTAINSHIP

The earliest tradition among the Omaha as to the establishment of
chiefs is contained in the story already recounted concerning the
formation of the Nini’bato® and governing council, which was to be
composed of hereditary chiefs. How long the hereditary character
was maintained and what had previously constituted leadership in
the tribe are not known, nor is there any knowledge as to how the
change from hereditary to competitive membership in the council
came about. It may be that the change was the result of increasing
recognition of the importance of strengthening the power of the
governing council by making it both the source and the goal of
tribal honors, thus enhancing its authority and at the same time
emphasizing the desirability of tribal unity. All that the writers
have been able to ascertain concerning the change in the compost-
tion of the council from hereditary to competitive membership has
been that it took place several generations ago, how many could not
be learned.

ORDERS OF CHIEFS

The period of the establishment of these orders is lost in the past,
but internal evidence seems to point to their formation after the coun-
cil with its Nini’bato" membership had been fully established and
accepted by the people.

There were two orders of chiefs, the Ni’kagahi xu’de and the
Ni’kagahi sha’be. The name of the first (ni’kagahi, “‘chief;” au’de,
“brown”’) has reference to a uniform color, as of the brown earth,
where all are practically alike, of one hue or rank. The Ni’kaga-
hi xu’de order was unlimited as to membership, but admittance into
it depended upon the consent of the Ni’kagahi sha’be (ni’kagahi,
“chief,” sha’be, dark”). The word sha’be does not refer to color,
but to the appearance of an object raised above the uniform level
and seen against the horizon as a dark object. Men who had risen
from the Ni’kagahi xu’de into the limited order of the Ni’kagahi
sha’be were regarded as elevated before the people.

WATHLN’ ETHE

Entrance into this order was possible only when a vacancy
occurred, and then only to a member of the order of Ni’kagahi xu’de
after the performance of certain acts known as wathi"’ethe (from wa,
“thing having power;”’ thi”, from thi"’ge, “nothing:” the, “to make”
or ‘to cause,” the word meaning something done or given for which

FLETCHER-LA PLESCHE] TRIBAL GOVERNMENT 203

there is no material return but through which honor is received).
Wathi’ethe stands for acts and gifts which do not directly add to the
comfort and wealth of the actor or donor, but which have relation
to the welfare of the tribe by promoting internal order and peace,
by providing for the chiefs and keepers (see p. 212), by assuring
friendly relations with other tribes; they partook therefore of a
public rather than a private character, and while they opened a
man’s way to tribal honors and position, they did so by serving
the welfare of all the people. Entrance into the order of Ni’kagahi
xu’de was through the performance of certain wathi”ethe; in this
instance the gifts of the aspirant were made solely to the Seven
Chiefs.

The election of members to the order of Ni’kagahi xu’de took
place at a meeting of the Ni’kagahi sha’be called by the leaders
of the Ho®’ga gens for this purpose. After the tribal pipes had been
smoked the name of a candidate was mentioned, and his record and
the number and value of his gifts were canvassed. The prescribed
articles used in making these gifts were eagles, eagle war bonnets,
quivers (including bows and arrows), catlnite pipes with orna-
mented stems, tobacco pouches, otter skins, buffalo robes, orna-
mented shirts, and leggings. In olden times, burden-bearing dogs,
tents, and pottery were given; in recent times these have been
replaced by horses, guns, blankets, blue and red cloth, silver medals,
and copper kettles. It is noteworthy that all the raw materials used
in construction, as well as the unmanufactured articles of the early
native type, were such as required of the candidate prowess as a
hunter, care in accumulating, and skilled industry. A man often
had to travel far to acquire some of these articles, and be exposed
to danger from enemies in securing and bringing them home, so
that they represented, besides industry as a hunter, bravery and
skill as a warrior. Moreover, as upon the men devolved the ardu-
ous task of procuring all the meat for food and the pelts used to make
clothing, bedding, and tents, and as there was no common medium
of exchange for labor in the tribe, such as money affords, each house-
hold had to provide from the very foundation, so to speak, every
article it used or consumed. It will therefore be seen that persistent
work on the part of a man aspiring to enter the order of chief was
necessary, as he must not only provide food and clothing for the
daily use of his family, but accumulate a surplus so as to obtain
leisure for the construction of the articles to be counted as wathi" ethe.
The men made the bows and arrows, the war bonnets, and the pipes;
the ornamentation was the woman’s task. Her deft fingers prepared
the porcupine quills after her husband or brother had caught the
wary little animals. For the slow task of dyeing the quills and
embroidering with them she needed a house well stocked with food

204 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BrH. ANN, 27

and defended from lurking war parties, in order to have time and
security for her work. A lazy fellow or an impulsive, improvident
man could not acquire the property represented by these gifts. There
was no prescribed number of gifts demanded for entrance into the
Xu’de order but they had to be sufficient to warrant the chiefs in
admitting him, for the man once in the order could, by persistent
industry and care, rise so as to become a candidate for the order of
Sha’be when a vacancy occurred.

When a favorable decision as to the candidate was reached the
chiefs arose and followed the Sacred Pipes, borne reverently, with the
stems elevated, by the two leading chiefs. Thus led, the company
walked slowly about the camp to the lodge of the man who had been
elected a Xu’de and paused before the door. At this point the man
had the option to refuse or to accept the honor. If he should say: “T
do not wish to become a chief,”’ and wave away the tribal pipes offered
him to smoke, thus refusing permission to the chiefs to enter his lodge,
they would pass on, leaving him as though he had not been elected.
When the man accepted the position he smoked the pipes as they
were offered, whereupon the chiefs entered his lodge; bearing the
pipes before them, and slowly passed around his fireplace. This act
signified to all the tribe that the man was thenceforth a chief, a
member of the order of Ni’kagahi xu’de. He was now eligible to
other honors—all of which, however, depended upon further efforts
on his part. (For portrait of Omaha chiefs, see pls. 36, 37.)

Eligibility to enter the order of Ni’kagahi sha’be depended upon
the performance of certain graded wathi"'ethe. Vacancies occurred
only by death or by the resignation of very old men. A vacaney
was filled by the one in the Xu’de order who could “count”’ the most
wathivethe given to the chiefs or who had performed the graded
acts of the wathi™ethe. The order and value of these graded acts
were not generally known to the people, nor even to all the chiefs
of the Xu’de. Those who became possessed of this knowledge were
apt to keep it for the benefit of their aspiring kinsmen. The lack
of this knowledge, it is said, occasionally cost a man the loss of an
advantage which he would otherwise have had.

There were seven grades of wathi”ethe the performance of which
made a man eligible to a place in the order of Ni’kagahi sha’be.
They ranked as follows:

First. Washa’be ga’xe (washa’be, ‘‘an official staff;” ga’xe, “to
make’). This grade consisted in procuring the materials necessary
to make the washa’be, an ornamented staff carried by the leader of
the annual buffalo hunt. (See p. 155.) These materials were a
dressed buffalo skin, a crow, two eagles, a shell disk, sinew, a pipe
with an ornamented stem, and, in’ olden times, a cooking vessel of
pottery, replaced in modern times by a copper kettle. The money

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 36

GAHI’GE, AN OLD OMAHA CHIEF

S3sdIM ONV (AXMVH SNIGNVLS) sIHZNONWOGAHLS

Z€ 3LW1d 1LHOdSY TWANNY HLNSASS-ALNSML ADOTONHL]A NVOINSWY JO NVAYNE

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL GOVERNMENT 205

value of these articles, rated by ordinary trading terms, was not
less than $100 to $130. The performance of the first grade four
times would constitute the highest act possible fora man. No Omaha
has ever accomplished this act so many times.

Second. Bo®’wakithe (‘I caused the herald to call’). The
aspirant requested the tribal herald to summon the Ni’kagahi sha’be
together with the keeper of the ritual used in filling the Sacred Pipes,
from the I*shta’¢u'da gens, to a feast. Besides providing for the
feast, gifts of leggings, robes, bows and arrows, and tobacco were
required as gifts for the guests. If it chanced that the aspirant for
honors was not on friendly terms with the keeper of the ritual, or if
from any other motive the keeper desired to check the man’s ambi-
tion, it lay in his power to thwart it by allowing the pipes to remain
unfilled, in which case the gifts and feast went for nothing.

Third. U’gashkegtho" (‘‘to tether a horse”). A man would make
a feast for the Ni’kagahi sha’be and tie at the door of his tent a
horse with a new robe thrown over it. The horse and the robe were
gifts to his guests. A man once gained renown by “counting”’ seven
acts of this grade, performing four in one day.

Fourth. Gagi’ge no®shto™ wakithe (gagi’ge, ‘‘marching abreast ;”
no™shto", “to halt;” wakithe, ‘‘to make or cause’’), ‘“‘causing the
people to halt.” This act was possible only during the annual hunt.
As the people were moving, the Sacred Pole and the governing
chiefs in advance, a man would bring a horse or a new robe and
present it to the Pole. The gift was appropriated by the Waxthe’-
xeto" subgens of the Ho’ga, who had charge of the Pole. During
this act the entire tribe halted, while the herald proclaimed the name
of the giver. This act should be repeated four times in one day.

Fifth. Te thishke’ wakithe (¢e, ‘‘buffalo;” thishke’, “to untie;”
wakithe, ‘to make or cause”), “causing the Sacred White Buffalo
Hide to be opened and shown.” During this ceremony of exhibiting
the White Buffalo Hide a shell disk or some other article of value
was presented to the Hide, the gifts becoming the property of the
Waxthe’beto" subgens of the Ho®’ga, who had charge of this sacred
object. This act had to be repeated four times in one day.

Sixth. Wa’t’edo"be (wa, ‘‘things having power and purpose; ?’e,
“dead;” dobe, “‘to see”). ‘This act consisted in taking gifts to the
family of a chief when a death occurred. The costliest donation
remembered to have been made under this class was on the occasion
of the death of the son of old Big Elk, who died of smallpox in the
early part of the nineteenth century, when a fine horse on which was
spread a bearskin was offered in honor of the dead.

Seventh. When a person had been killed accidentally or in anger
the chiefs took the Sacred Tribal Pipes to the kindred of the man,
accompanied by gifts, in order to prevent any revengeful act. All

206 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eri ANN. 27

those who contributed toward these gifts could “count” them as
belonging to the seventh grade. If the aggrieved party smoked
the pipe and accepted the gifts, bloodshed was averted and peace
maintained in the tribe.

All of the gifts constituting these seven grades were made to the
chiefs of the governing council in recognition of their authority.
They were for a definite purpose—to enable the giver to secure
entrance into the order of Ni/kagahi sha’be whenever a vacancy
should occur in that body.

Tt will be noticed that the act constituting the first grade differed
from the other six in that it was not a direct gift made to the chiefs,
but was connected with the ceremonial staff of the leader of the
annual buffalo hunt. It was, however, a recognition of authority, an
authority which held the people in order and made it possible for
each family to secure its supply of food and clothing. It was there-
fore, in its intrinsic character, in harmony with the purpose of the
other six graded wathi" ethe.

Waba’ho”, designated an act not belonging to the regular wathi"-
ethe, but esteemed as a generous deed that redounded to the credit
of the doer. The term means ‘‘to raise or push up,” and refers to
placing a deer, buffalo, or elk on its breast and putting bits of tobacco
along its back, all of which signified that the hunter had dedicated
the animal as a gift to the chiefs. A chief could not receive such a
gift, however, unless he had performed the act of waba’ho" four
times. If he had not performed the acts and desired to receive the
gift he could call on his near of kin to help him to “count.” If he
was thus able to receive the gift, it became his duty to divide the
game with those who had helped him by lending their “‘count.” If
he was able to ‘‘count”’ four waba’ho” himself, he could then keep
the entire animal for his own use.

In admitting’ a man to either order of chiefs his personal character
was always taken into consideration. If he was of a disputatious or
quarrelsome nature no amount of gifts would secure his election to
the order of Ni’kagahi xu’de or make possible a place for him in the
Ni/kagahi sha’be. The maxim was: ‘‘A chief must be a man who can
govern himself.”

THE COUNCIL OF SEVEN CHIEFS

The origin of this governing council as given in the Sacred Legend
and elsewhere has been recounted and the change from the early
form of hereditary membership mentioned. The institution of a
small body representing the entire tribe, to have full control of the
people, to settle all contentions, and to subordinate all factions to a
central authority, was an important governmental movement. The
credential of this authority both for the act of its creation and for the
exercise of its functions was the presence and ceremonial use of the

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL GOVERNMENT 207

two Sacred Tribal Pipes. The two stood for the fundamental idea
in the dual organization of the hw’thuga (see p. 137). This was
recognized also in the ceremonial custody and preparation of the
Pipes. The keeping of them belonged to the I"ke’cabe gens of the
southern (earth) side of the hu’thuga; the office of ceremonially filling
the Pipes, making them ready for use, was vested in the I"shta’¢u"da
gens of the northern (upper) realm of the hu’thuga, representative of
the abode of the supernatural forces to which man must appeal for help.
Through the ceremonies and use of the two Sacred Pipes the halves
of the hu’thuga were welded, as it were, the Pipes thus becoming
representative of the tribe as a whole. The prominence given to the
Pipes, as the credential of the ‘old men,” as their authority in the
creation of chiefs and the governing council, seems to indicate that’
the institution of the Nini’bato" and the establishment of the ouncil,
although a progressive movement, was a growth, a development of
earlier forms, rather than an invention or arbitrary arrangement of
the “old men.” The retaining of the two Pipes as the supreme or
confirmatory authority within the council rather than giving that
power to a head chief was consonant with the fundamental idea
embodied in the tribal organization. The number of the council
(seven) probably had its origin in the significance of the number
which represented the whole of man’s environment—the four quarters
where were the four paths down which the Above came to the Below,
where stood man. The ancient ideas and beliefs of the people con-
cerning man’s relation to the cosmos were thus interwoven with their
latest social achievement, the establishment of a representative
governing body.

Whether the ornamentation of the two Tribal Pipes was authorized
at this time is not known; but it is probable that in this as in every
other arrangement there was the adaptation or modification of some
old and accepted form of expression to meet the needs of newer
conditions. It is said that the seven woodpecker heads on one of
the Tribal Pipes stood for the seven chiefs that composed the govern-
ing council, while the use of but one woodpecker head on the other
pipe represented the unity of authority of the chiefs. This explana-
tion explains only in part. The reason for the choice of the wood-
pecker as a symbol lies far back in the history of the people, and it
may be that it did not origmate in this linguistic group. In myths
found throughout a wide region this bird was connected with the sun.
It was used on the calumet pipes, which had a wide range, covering
almost the whole of the Mississippi drainage. It is not improbable
that the woodpecker symbol was accepted at the time the calumet
ceremony became known to the Omaha and adopted as a symbol
of peaceful authority, but a definite statement on the subject at
present is impossible.

208 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

The seven members of the council belonged to the order of Ni’kagahi
sha’be, in fact they may be said to have represented that order in
which each man held his place until death or voluntary resignation.
Five other persons were entitled to attend the meetings of the council,
being of an ex officio class: The keeper of the Sacred Pole; the keeper
of the Sacred Buffalo Hide; the keeper of the two Sacred Tribal Pipes;
the keeper of the ritual used when filling them; and the keeper of the
Sacred Tent of War. None of these five keepers had a voice in the
decisions of the council, the responsibility of deciding devolving solely
on the Seven Chiefs who composed the council proper.

At council meetings the men sat in a semicircle. The two chiefs
who could count the greatest number of wathi"’ethe were called
Ni’kagahi u’zhu (u’zhu ‘‘principal’’); these chiefs sat side by side
back of the fireplace, facing the east and the entrance of the lodge.
They represented the two halves of the hu’thuga, the one who sat on
the right (toward the south) representing the Ho"’gashenu, the one
who sat on the left (toward the north), the I"shta’¢u"da. The other
members sat in the order of their ‘‘counts’”’ on each side of the
principal chiefs, the highest next to those chiefs and so on to the end
of the line. The position assigned each member on entrance into the
council remained unchanged until a death or resignation took place.
In the case of a vacancy in the w’zhu, the place was taken by whoever
could count the most wathi"'ethe; he might be an old member of the
council or a new man from the order of Ni’kagahi xu’de. Any
vacancy occurring was likely to cause a change in the places of the
members, according to the ‘‘count’”’ of the new member, but the
place and position of u’zhu were affected only by death or resignation.
Anw’zhu held his rank against all claimants.

The manner of deliberating and coming to a decision in the Council
of Seven is said to have been as follows: A question or plan of operation
was presented by a member; it was then referred to the chief sitting
next, who took it under consideration and then passed it on to the
next person and so on around the circle until it reached the man who
first presented it. The matter would pass again and again around
the circle until all came to agreement. All day was frequently spent
in deliberation. No one person would dare to take the responsibility
of the act. All must accept it and then carry it through as one man.
This unity of decision was regarded as having a supernatural power
and authority. Old men explained to the writers that the members
of the council had been made chiefs by the Sacred Tribal Pipes, which
were from Wako®’da; therefore, ‘when the chiefs had deliberated on
a matter and had smoked, the decision was as the word of Wako®’da.”’

The ceremonial manner of smoking the Sacred Pipes was as follows:

After the members of the council were in their places the keeper of
the Sacred Pipes laid them before the two principal chiefs, who called

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL GOVERNMENT 209

on the keeper of the ritual to prepare the Pipes for use. As he
filled them with native tobacco he intoned in a low voice the ritual
which belonged to that act. He had to be careful not to let either of
the Pipes fall. Should this happen, that meeting of the council would
be at an end, and the life of the keeper would be in danger from the
supernatural powers. After the Pipes were filled they were again
laid before the two principal chiefs. When the time came to smoke
the Pipes in order to give authority to a decision, the I"ke’cabe
keeper arose, took up one of the Pipes, and held it for the principal
chief sitting toward the north, to smoke. The assistant from, the
Te’pa subgens of the Tha’tada gens (see p. 159) followed, taking up
the other Pipe and holding it for the principal chief sitting toward
the south, to smoke. The Pipes were then passed around the council,
the I"ke’¢abe keeper leading and carefully holding the Pipe for each
member to smoke, the assistant following and serving the other Pipe
in the same manner. The principal chief sitting toward the south
was the last to smoke from the Pipe borne by the I*ke’cabe keeper,
who then laid the Pipe in the place from which he had taken it.
When the Te’pa assistant reached the chief to whom he had first
offered the Pipe he laid it down beside the other. The keeper of
the ritual from the I"shta’¢u"da gens then arose and cleaned the
Pipes, after which he laid them back before the two chiefs, who then
called the keeper from the I"ke’¢abe gens to take them in charge.“
“The seven must have but one heart and speak as with one mouth,”
said the old men who explained these things to the writers, adding:
“Tt is because these decisions come from Wako®’da that a chief is
slow to speak. No word can be without meaning and every one
must be uttered in soberness. That is why when a chief speaks the
others listen, for the words of a chief must be few.’”? When a con-
clusion was reached by the council the herald was summoned, and
he went about the camp circle and proclaimed the decision. No one
dared to dispute, for it was said: ‘‘This is the voice of the chiefs.”
Among the duties of the Council of Seven besides that of main-
taining peace and order within the tribe were making peace with other
tribes, securing allies, determining the time of the annual buffalo
hunt, and confirming the man who was to act as leader, on whom
rested the responsibility of that important movement. While on the
hunt the Seven Chiefs were in a sense subordinate to the leader,
their duties being advisory rather than governing in character; they
were always regarded, however, as directly responsible to Wako®’da
for the welfare of the tribe. The council appointed officers called

a All the other sacred articles used in tribal ceremonies have been turned over to the writers for safe-
keeping, but no arguments could induce the leading men to part with the two Sacred Pipes. The answer
was always, ‘They must remain.’’ And they are still with the people.

83993°—27 ErH—11——14

210 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

wano"’she (‘‘soldiers’’) to carry out their commands. These officers
were chosen from the order of Ni’kagahi xu’de and were always men
who had won honors, and whose character commanded the respect
of the tribe. (Fig. 46.) Frequently they were appointed for some
special service, as when an unauthorized war party committed dep-
redations on a neighboring tribe; if the chiefs ordered the stolen

Fic. 46. Kaxe’nosba, who frequently served as a ‘ soldier.”

property returned, the booty would then be sent back under ‘‘sol-
diers”” selected for the task. ‘‘Soldiers’”? were appointed by the
council to preserve order during the annual hunt, the office expiring
with the hunt. Men who had once filled the office of ‘‘soldier”’
were apt to be called on to assist the council in the preservation of
order within the tribe.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL GOVERNMENT 211

Should a sudden attack be made on the tribe the Seven Chiefs
would then join in the defense and if need be lead the people against
the enemy. The council cooperated with the keeper of the Tent of
War in sending out scouts during the annual tribal hunt (see p. 279).
The punishment of men who slipped away on unauthorized warfare
devolved on these chiefs (see p. 404). On one notable occasion the
Council of Seven temporarily resigned, and placed the entire tribe
under the control of one man, Wa’ba¢ka, who led the people
against the Pawnee. This exception to all tribal rule has been pre-
served in both story and song (see p. 406). When a man desired to
perform the Wa’wa"™ ceremony (see p. 376) and carry the pipes to
another tribe or to a man within the tribe, permission from the chiefs
had first to be obtained. The consent of the Seven Chiefs was also
necessary to the admission of a candidate to the Ho®’/hewachi.

There were no other governing chiefs in the tribe besides those of
the council. No gens had a chief possessing authority over it, nor was
there any council of a gens, nor could a gens act by itself. There was
one possible exception; sometimes a gens went on a hunt under the
leadership of its chiefs, for there were chiefs in every gens, men who
belonged to the order of Ni’kagahi xu’de or who had entered the
ranks of the Ni’kagahi sha’be; but none of these men could individ-
ually exercise governing power within a gens orin the tribe. The gens,
as has been shown, was not a political organization, but a group of
kindred, united through a common rite. The leading men of a gens
were those who had charge of its rites; those who could count many
wathim ethe, and those who had been designated to act as ‘‘soldiers.”’
Such men were invited on various occasions to sit with the Council of
Seven, as in the communal tent when the ceremony of anointing the
Sacred Pole took place. There was no tribal assembly or tribal
council. All power for both decision and action was lodged in the
Council of Seven.

The old Omaha men, who are the authority for the interpreta-
tions of tribal rites and customs contained in this memoir, have
earnestly sought to impress upon the writers that peace and order
within the tribe were of prime importance; without these it was
declared neither the people nor the tribe as an organization could
exist. War was secondary; its true function was protective—to
guard the people from outside enemies. Aggressive warfare was to
be discouraged; any gains made by it were more than offset by the
troubles entailed. It was recognized that it was difficult to restrain
young men; therefore restrictions were thrown about predatory
warfare (see p. 404), that all who went on the warpath should first
secure permission, while the special honors accorded to those
whose brave acts were performed in defense of the tribe tended to
make war secondary to peace.

212 THE OMAHA TRIBE [PTH. ANN. 27

“‘Plentiful food and peace,’ it was said, ‘‘are necessary to the
prosperity of the tribe.”

In later years, under the influence of traders and of United States
Government officials, the old order of chieftainship lost much of its
power. Men who were pliant were enriched by traders and became
unduly important, and the same was frequently true of the men who
were made ‘“‘chiefs’’ by United States Government officials. Some of
these have been men who had no rightful claim according to tribal
usage to that office. Chiefs made by the Government were called
“paper chiefs.”” These men sometimes exercised considerable influ-
ence, as they were supposed by the people to be supported by the
Government, but their influence was that born of expediency rather
than that growing out of the ancient belief that the chief was one who
was favored by Wako"’da and who represented before the people
certain aspects of that mysterious power.

EMOLUMENTS OF CHIEFS AND KEEPERS

Entrance into the order of chieftainship was secured through cer-
tain prescribed acts and gifts called wathi"ethe (see p. 202). All of
the gifts, except those belonging to the first and second grades (see
p. 204), were made to the Seven Chiefs. The two exceptions were
contributions to ceremonies connected with the maintenance of order
and the consequent welfare of the tribe. While all the wathi”ethe
were in‘a sense voluntary, they were obligatory on the man who
desired to rise to a position of prominence in the tribe. It was
explained that “the gifts made to the chiefs were not only in recogni-
tion of their high office and authority as the governing power of the
tribe but to supply them with the means to meet the demands made
upon them because of their official position.”” It was further
explained that—

Chiefs were expected to entertain all visitors from other tribes, also the leading men

within the tribe and to make adequate gifts to their visitors. Both Chiefs and Keepers
were often deterred from hunting by their official duties and thus were prevented from
securing a large supply of food or of the raw material needed for the manufacture of
articles suitable to present as gifts to visitors. The gilts made by aspirants to tribal
office therefore partook of the nature of payment to the Chiefs and Keepers for the
services they rendered to the people.
Not only did the wathi”ethe accomplish the purpose as explained
above, but the custom stimulated industry and enterprise among the
men and women, and thus indirectly served the cause of peace within
the tribe.

Beside their use as stated above, gifts were demanded as entrance
fees to the various societies. Those requisite for admission to the
Ho"hewachi were particularly costly (see p. 493). Moreover, the
meetings of the societies made demands on the accumulated wealth,

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL GOVERNMENT 213

so to speak, of the family. Food was required for the ‘‘feasts”’ of the
members, and gifts were expected as a part of some of the ceremonies.
All these had to be drawn from the surplus store, a store that had to
be created by the skill of the man as a hunter and by the industry of
the woman. No one gave feasts or made gifts which left the family
in want of food or of clothing.

At the anointing of the Sacred Pole a supply of meats of the cut
called tezhu’ (see p. 273) was expected from every family in the tribe
except from those of the Ho®’ga subgens, that had charge of the Pole
and its ceremonies. While there was no penalty attached to the non-
fulfillment of this tribal duty, as it was considered, yet from a series of
coincidences a belief had grown up that a refusal would be. punished
supernaturally.

These customs in reference to gifts made as wathi”ethe show that
the people had progressed to the recognition that something more
was required of a man than merely to supply his own physical needs;
that he had social and public duties to perform and must give of his
labor to support the chiefs and keepers, officers who served and
promoted the general welfare of the people.

OFFENSES AND PUNISHMENTS

The authority of the chiefs and social order were safeguarded by
the following punishment:

Within the Tent Sacred to War was kept a staff of ironwood, one
end of which was rough, as if broken. On this splinted end poison
was put when the staff was to be used officially for punishment. In
the pack kept in this tent was found a bladder, within which were-four
rattlesnake heads, and with them in a separate bundle the poison
fangs (fig. 47; Peabody Museum nos. 48262-3). These were probably
used to compound the poison put on the staff. As men’s bodies were
usually naked, it was not difficult when near a person in a crowd
to prod him with the staff, making a wound and introducing the
deadly poison, which is said always to have-resulted in death. This
form of punishment was applied to a man who made light of the
authority of the chiefs or of the wain’wazxube, the packs which could
authorize a war party, such a person being a disturber of the peace and
order of the tribe. The punishment was decided on by the Coun-
cil of Seven Chiefs, which designated a trustworthy man to apply the
staff to the offender. Sometimes the man was given a chance for
his life by having his horses struck and poisoned. If, however, he
did not take this warning, he paid the forfeit of his life, for he would
be struck by the poisoned staff end and killed.

Thieving (wamo”’tho”) was uncommon. Restitution was the only
punishment. Assaults were not frequent. When they occurred
they were settled privately between the parties and their relatives.

914 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Tn all offenses the relatives stood as one. Each could be held respon-
sible for the acts of another—a custom that sometimes worked injus-
tice, but on the whole was conducive to social order.

Running off with a man’s wife or committing adultery was severely
punished. In this class of offenses the husband or his near relatives
administered punishment. The woman might be whipped, but the
heavy punishment fell on the guilty man. Generally his property
was taken from him, and if the man offered resistance he was either

F1G. 47. Rattlesnake heads and fangs.

slashed with a knife or beaten witha bludgeon. The revenge taken by
a husband on a man making advances to his wife was called miwa’da.

A wife jealous of another woman who was attentive to her hus-
band was apt to attack her with a knife. An assault of this kind,
called no”’wo"¢i, was seldom interfered with. If a man’s wife died
and left children, custom required that he marry his wife’s sister.
Should he fail to do so, the woman’s relatives sometimes took up the
matter and threatened the man with punishment.

FLEPTCHER-LA FLESCH] TRIBAL GOVERNMENT 215

The term wano”’kathe was used in reference to murder, or to any
act which caused personal injury to another, even if it was unpre-
meditated. In the latter case the act would be condoned by gifts
made to the injured party or his relatives. Deliberate murder was
punished by banishment. When the knowledge of such a deed was
brought to the notice of the chiefs, banishment was ordered, the
offender was told of the decision and he obeyed. Banishment was
four years, unless the man was sooner forgiven by the relatives of
the murdered man. During this period the man had to camp outside
the village and could hold no communication with anyone except his
nearest kindred, who were permitted to see him. He was obliged to
wear night and day a close-fitting garment of skin, covering his body
and legs, and was not allowed to remove this covering during his
punishment. His wife could carry him food but he was obliged to
live apart from his family and to be entirely alone during the period
of his exile.

It was believed that the spirit of a murdered man was inclined to
come back to his village to punish the people. To prevent a mur-
dered man from haunting his village he was turned face downward,
and to impede his steps the soles of his feet were slit lengthwise.
The return of a spirit to haunt people was called wathi’hide, “‘dis-
turbance.”’ Such a haunting spirit was supposed to bring famine.
To avert this disaster, when a murdered man was buried, besides the
precautions already mentioned, a piece of fat was put in his right
hand, so that if he should come to the village he would bring plenty
rather than famine, fat being the symbol of plenty. Even the rela-
tives of the murdered man would treat the body of their kinsman in
the manner described.

The sentence being passed on a murderer, the chiefs at once took
the Tribal Pipes to the family of the murdered man and by gifts
besought them to forego any further punishment upon the family of
the murderer. If they accepted the gifts and smoked the pipe, there
was no further disturbance connected with the crime. (See seventh
grade, p. 205.)

The offense of wathi’hi, that of scaring off game while the tribe was
on the buffalo hunt, could take place only by a man slipping away
and hunting for himself. By this act, while he might secure food for
his own use, he imperiled the food supply of the entire tribe by fright-
ening away the herd. Such a deed was punished by flogging. Sol-
diers were appointed by the chiefs to go to the offender’s tent and
administer this punishment. Should the man dare to resist their
authority he was doubly flogged because of his second offense. Such
a flogging sometimes caused death. Besides this flogging, the man’s
tent was destroyed, his horses and other property were confiscated, .
and his tent poles burned; in short, he was reduced to beggary.

216 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ErH. ANN. 27

The punishment of a disturber of the peace of the tribe, by the
exercise of wazhi”’agthe, the placing of will power on the offender by
the chiefs, was a peculiar form of chastisement by which the person
was put out of friendly relations with men and animals. (See p. 497.)
For a similar placing of the mind on an offender, see Ponca custom,
page 48.

White Eagle (Ponca) narrated the following as showing the Ponca
treatment of a murderer, even if the killing was an accident:

A Ponca killed a man. It was not intentional, but nevertheless he was, by the
consent of the people, punished by the father of the man who was killed. The father
cut all the edges of the man’s robe, so that nothing about him could flutter should
the wind blow. The spirit of a murdered person will haunt the people, and when the
tribe is on the hunt, will cause the wind to blow in such a direction as to betray the
hunters to the game and cause the herd to scatter, making it impossible for the people
to get food. [The Omaha have the same belief about ghosts scattering the herds by
raising the wind.] After the man’s robe was cut it was sewed together in front, but
space was left for his arm to have freedom. He was then bade to say, as he drew
the arrow from the wound and rubbed it over the dead man, ‘‘I did not kill a man,
but an animal.” Then his hair was cut short for fear it might blow and cause the
winds to become restless. The covering about the heart of a buffalo was taken and put
over the man’s head, and he was banished from the tribe for four years. The man
obeyed strictly all the directions given him, and, further than that, he wept every day
for the man he had slain. This action so moved the relatives of the dead, it is said,
that in one year they pardoned him, gave him his liberty, and he returned to the tribe
and his family.

VE
THE SACRED POLE

ORIGIN.

In the process of governmental development it became expedient to
have something which should symbolize the unity of the tribe and of
its governing power—something which should appeal to the people, an
object they could all behold and around which they could gather to
manifest their loyalty to the idea it represented. The two Tribal
Pipes, which hitherto had been the only representative of the govern-
ing authority, were not only complex in their symbolism, but they
were not easily visible to the entire tribe and did not meet the need
for a central object at great tribal gatherings. The ceremony of the
He’dewachi had familiarized the people with the symbol of the tree
asa type of unity. A similar idea would seem to have been expressed
in the ancient Cedar Pole, which is said to have stood as a cosmic
symbol representative of supernatural authority; its name was
taken and the ceremonies formerly connected with it seem to have
been preserved in part, at least, in those of the Sacred Pole.

Tradition states that the Sacred Pole was cut before the ‘Ponca
gens broke away [from the Omaha] and became the Ponca tribe.”
Other evidence indicates that the tribes had already become more
or less distinct when the Sacred Pole was cut.

There are two versions of the story of the finding of the Sacred
Pole. Both have points in common. One runs as follows:

A great council was being held to devise some means by which the bands of the tribe
might be kept together and the tribe itself saved from extinction. This council lasted
many days. Meanwhile the son of one of the ruling men was off on a hunt. On his
way home he came to a great forest and in the night lost his way. He walked and
walked until he was exhausted with pushing his way through the underbrush. He
stopped to rest and to find the ‘‘motionless star” for his guide when he was suddenly
attracted by a light. Believing that it came from a tent the young hunter went
toward it, but on coming to the place whence the welcome light came he was amazed
to find that it was a tree that sent forth the light. He went up to it and found that
the whole tree, its trunk, branches, and leaves, were alight, yet remained unconsumed.
He touched the tree but no heat came from it. This mystified him and he stood
watching the strange tree, for how long he did not know. At last day approached,
the brightness of the tree began to fade, until with the rising of the sun the tree with
its foliage resumed its natural appearance. The man remained there in order to
watch the tree another night. As twilight came on it began to be luminous and

217

218 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

continued so until the sun again arose. When the young man returned home he told
his father of the wonder. Together they went to see the tree; they saw it all alight
as it was before but the father observed something that had escaped the notice of the
young man; this was that four animal paths led to it. These paths were well beaten
and as the two men examined the paths and the tree it was clear to them that the
animals came to the tree and had rubbed against it and polished its bark by so doing.
This was full of significance to the elder man and on his return he told the leading
men of the mysterious tree. It was agreed by all that the tree was a gift from Wako™da
and that it would be the thing that would help to keep the people together. With
great ceremony they cut the tree down and hewed it to portable size.

Both Omaha and Ponca legends concerning the Pole say that the
people were living in a village near a lake, and that the tree grew
near a lake at some distance from where the people were dwelling.
The finding of the Pole is said to have occurred while a council was
in progress between the Cheyenne, Arikara, Omaha, Ponca, and Iowa,
to reach an agreement on terms of peace and rules of war and hunt-
ing, and to adopt a peace ceremony.” (See p. 74.)

The account in the Omaha Sacred Legend is as follows:

During this time a young man who had been wandering came back to his village.
When he reached his home he said. ‘‘Father, I have seen a wonderful tree!” And he
described it. The old man listened but he kept silent, for all was not yet settled
between the tribes.

After a little while the young man went again to visit the tree. On his return
home he repeated his former tale to his father about the wonderful tree. The old
man kept silent, for the chiefs were still conferring. At last, when everything was
agreed upon between the tribes, the old man sent for the chiefs and said: ‘My son
has seen a wonderful tree. The Thunder birds come and go upon this tree, making
a trail of fire that leaves four paths on the burnt grass that stretch toward the Four
Winds. When the Thunder birds alight upon the tree it bursts into flame and the
fire mounts to the top. The tree stands burning, but no one can see the fire except
at night.”

When the chiefs heard this tale they sent runners to see what this tree might be.
The runners came back and told the same story—how in the night they saw the tree
standing and burning as it stood. Then all the people held a council as to what this
might mean, and the chiefs said: ‘‘We shall run for it; put on your ornaments and
prepare as for battle.’’ So the men stripped, painted themselves, put on their orna-
ments, and set out for the tree, which stood near a lake. They ran as in a race to
attack the tree as if it were a warrior enemy. All the men ran. A Ponca was the
first to reach the tree, and he struck it as he would an enemy. [Note the resemblance
to the charge upon the He’dewachi tree; also in the manner of felling and bringing
the tree intocamp. (See p. 253.)]

Then they cut the tree down and four men, walking in line, carried if on their
shoulders to the village. The chiefs sang four nights the songs that had been com-
posed for the tree while they held a council and deliberated concerning the tree. A
tent was made for the tree and set up within the circle of lodges. The chiefs worked
upon the tree; they trimmed it and called it a human being. They made a basket=
work receptacle of twigs and feathers and tied it about the middle. Then they said:
“Tt has no hair!’’? So they sent out to get a large scalp lock and they put it on the
top of the Pole for hair. Afterward the chiefs bade the herald tell the people that
when all was completed they should see the Pole.

Then they painted the Pole and set it up before the tent, leaning it on a crotched
stick, which they called imongthe (a staff). They summoned the people, and all the

a See the Hako, in the Twenty-second Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, part 2.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 37A

TATTOOED OSAGE

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHBE] THE SACRED POLE PALS)

people came—men, women, and children. When they were gathered the chiefs stood
up and said: ‘‘ You now see before you a mystery. Whenever we meet with troubles
we shall bring all our troubles to him [the Pole]. Weshall make offerings and requests.
All our prayers must be accompanied by gifts. This [the Pole] belongs to all the peo-
ple, but it shall be in the keeping of one family (in the Ho™ga gens), and the leader-
ship shall be with them. If anyone desires to lead (to become a chief) and to take
responsibility in governing the people, he shall make presents to the Keepers [of the
Pole] and they shall give him authority.’’ When all was finished the people said:
“Let us appoint a time when we shall again paint him [the Pole] and act before him
the battles we have fought.’? The time was fixed; it was to take place in “‘the moon
when the buffaloes bellow” (July). This was the beginning of the ceremony of
Waxthe’xe xigithe (see p. 230), and it was agreed that this ceremony should be kept up.

Mark or Honor

Waxthe’xe, the name given to the Pole, was the name of the ancient
Cedar Pole preserved in the Tent of War. The word is difficult to
translate. The prefix wa indicates that the object spoken of had
power, the power of motion, of life; xthere means ‘‘mottled as by
shadows;”’ the word has also the idea of bringing into prominence
to be seen by all the people as something distinctive. Xthexe’
was the name of the ‘mark of honor” put on a girl by her father
or near of kin who had won, through certain acts, entrance into the
Ho®’hewachi, and so secured the right to have this mark tattooed on
the girl. (See fig. 105.) The name of the Pole, Waxthe’xe, signifies
that the power to give the right to possess this ‘mark of honor” was
vested in the Pole. The mark placed on the girl was not a mark of her
own achievements, but of her father’s, as no girl or woman could. by
herself win it. The designs tattooed on the girl were all cosmic sym-
bols. While the ‘mark of honor,’’ as its name shows, was directly
connected with the Cedar Pole, which was related to Thunder and
war, the tattooed “mark of honor’” among the Omaha was not con-
nected with war, but with achievements that related to hunting and
to the maintenance of peace within the tribe.

It was the custom among the Osage to tattoo the ‘‘mark of
honor’’ on the warrior and on the hereditary keeper of the Honor
Packs of War. The description of the Osage practice, which appears
below, may relate to a time antedating the separation of the cognate
tribes when the Cedar Pole may have been common property. The
photograph from which the accompanying illustration (pl. 37a) was
made, was taken in 1897. The design tattooed on the neck and chest.
(fig. 48) comes to a pomt about 2 mches above the waist line and|
extends over the shoulders to the back. The central part of the design, |
extending from under the chin downward to the lowest point, repre-
sents the stone knife. Two bands on each side of this central figure
extend up to the hair an inch or two behind the ear, terminat-
ing in a knob solidly tattooed. This figure is called 7/bashabe (mean-
ing unknown); the name and significance of these bands were not

220 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BrH. ANN. 27

given. <A pipe is tattooed on each side of the central figure, the
bowl pointing upward. At the root of the neck, on each side of the
stone knife, a triangle is traced; a line from the hypotenuse extends
to the top of the shoulder. These represent tents. The design
means that ‘‘the Sacred Pipe has descended.” ‘All its keepers
must be marked in this way.” If a keeper had cut off heads in
battle, skulls would be represented between the pointed ends of the
bands which fall over the shoulders. It was explained that the

:
AY
X
4

Fig. 48. Tattooed design, ‘‘mark of honor’’ (Osage).

pictured skulls would draw to the tattooed man the strength of the
men he had killed, so that his life would be prolonged by virtue
of their unexpended days.

The man here shown was about 17 years old when he was tattooed.
He said that the tattooing was done “to make him faithful in keeping
the rites;”’ that he had tried to have visions by the Pipes, which he
had always respected and ‘had never laid on the ground;”’ and that
he had sought these visions and had been thus careful of the Pipes
in order that his children might have long life.

FLETCHER-LA FLUSCHE] THE SACRED POLE SKIL

A warrior who had won honors in battles was entitled to the privi-
lege of tattooing his body or that of his wife or daughter as a mark
of distinction. The lowest mark of such honors was three narrow
lines beginning at the top of each shoulder and meeting at an angle
at the lower part of the chest. The next higher mark had in addition
to the lines on the chest three narrow lines running down the outer sur-
face of the arms to the wrists. The highest mark had in addition to
the lines on the chest and arms three narrow lines that continued
from the shoulders, where the lines of the first mark began, meeting
at an angle in the middle of the back. The tattooing was done by
a man who was learned in the rituals connected with the ceremony.
The needles used were tipped with the rattles of the rattlesnake.

THE SacrepD TENTS

The tent set apart for the Sacred Pole was pitched in front of the
Waxthe’xeto"’ subgens of the Ho®’ga gens, who, as their name im-
plies, were given charge of the Pole. The tent was decorated with
round red spots, which probably referred to the sun. Some have
said they represented the buffalo wallow, but this seems improbable,
judging from other evidence and the character of the Pole. The
three Sacred Tents of the Omaha tribe were all objects of fear to the
people because of the character of their contents. No one unbidden
went near them or touched them; nor could any one borrow fire from
any of the Sacred Tents; nor could holes be made about the fireplace.
Should any person, animal, or object, as a tent pole, accidentally
come in contact with any of these Sacred Tents, the offending person,
animal, or thing had to be taken to the keeper of the tent that had
been touched and be cleansed ceremonially in order to prevent the
evil believed to follow such sacrilege. A piece of meat that chanced
to drop into the fire while being roasted in one of the Sacred Tents
could not be taken out but was left to be entirely consumed.

The contents of two of the Sacred Tents of the Omaha tribe have
been placed for safe keeping in the Peabody Museum of Harvard
University—those of the Sacred Tent of War in 1884 and the Sacred
Pole with its belongings, in 1888. (See p.411.) All these relics are
unique and of ethnologic value. The disposition to be made of these
sacred objects, which for generations had been essential in the tribal
ceremonies and expressive of the authority of the chiefs, was a
serious problem for the leading men of the tribe. To destroy these
sacred relics was not to be thought of, and it was finally decided that
they should be buried with their keepers.

For many years the writers had been engaged in a serious study
of the tribe and it seemed a grave misfortune that these venerable

a Warthe're, the name of the Sacred Pole; ton, ‘‘to possess”’ or “‘ to keep and care for,””

22 THE OMAHA TRIBE [pru. ANN. 27

objects should be buried and the full story of the tribe be forever
lost, for that story was as yet but imperfectly known, and until these
sacred articles, so carefully hidden from inspection, could be exam-
ined it was impossible to gain a point of view whence to study, as
from the center, the ceremonies connected with these articles and
their relation to the autonomy of the tribe. The importance of

Fig. 49. Joseph La Flesche.

securing the objects became more and more apparent, and influences
were brought to bear on the chiefs and their keepers to prevent the
carrying out of the plan for burial. After years of labor, for which
great credit must be given to the late I"shta’maza (Joseph La
Flesche, fig. 49), former principal chief of the tribe, the sacred articles
were finally secured.

FLETCHER—-LA FLESCHE] THE SACRED POLE 223
LEGEND AND DESCRIPTION OF THE SACRED POLE

When the Pole was finally in safe keeping it seemed very important
to secure its legend, which was known only to a chief of the Hor’ga.
The fear inspired by the Pole was such that it seemed as though it

Fig. 50. Moschu’nosbe (Shu’denaci).

would be impossible to gain this information, but the desired result
was finally brought about, and one summer day in September, 1888,
old Shu’denaci (Smoked Yellow; refers to the Sacred Tent of the
Ho?’ga gens), figure 50, came to the house of Joseph La Flesche to
tell the legend of his people treasured with the Sacred Pole. Extracts
from this Sacred Legend have already been given.

294 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27

It was a memorable day. The harvest was ended, and tall sheafs
of wheat cast their shadows over the stubble fields that were once
covered with buffalo grass. The past was irrevocably gone. The
old man had consented to speak but not without misgivings until
his former principal chief said that he would “cheerfully accept for
himself any penalty that might follow the revealing of these sacred
traditions,’ an act formerly held to be a profanation and punish-
able by the supernatural. While the old chief talked he continually
tapped the floor with a little stick he held in his hand, marking with
it the rhythm peculiar to the drumming of a man who is invoking
the unseen powers during the performance of certain rites. His
eyes were cast down, his speech was deliberate, and his voice low, as
if speaking to himself alone. The scene in that little room where
sat the four actors in this human drama was solemn, as at the obse-
quies of a past once so full of human activity and hope. The fear
inspired by the Pole was strengthened in its passing away, for by a
singular coincidence the touch of fatal disease fell upon Joseph
La Flesche almost at the close of this interview, which lasted three
days, and in a fortnight he lay dead in the very room in which had
been revealed the Sacred Legend connected with the Pole.

The Sacred Pole (pl. 38 and fig. 51) is of cotton wood, 24 m. in length,
and bears marks of great age. It has been subjected to manipulation;
the bark has been removed, and the pole shaved and shaped at both
ends, the top, or “head,” rounded into a cone-shaped knob, and the
lower end trimmed to a dull point. Its circumference near the head
is 15cem.2mm. The circumference increases in the middle to 19 em.
and diminishes toward the foot to 14em.6 mm. To the lower end is
fastened by strips of tanned hide a piece of harder wood, probably
ash, 55 em. 24 mm. in length, rounded at the top, with a groove cut
to prevent the straps from slipping, and with the lower end sharpened
so as to be easily driven into the ground. There is a crack in the
Pole extending several centimeters above this foot piece, which has
probably given rise to a modern idea that the piece was added to
strengthen or mend the Pole when it had become worn with long
usage. But the Pole itself shows no indication of ever having been
in the ground; there is no decay apparent, as is shown on the foot
piece, the flattened top of which proves that it was driven into the
ground. Moreover, the name of this piece of wood is zhi’be, “‘leg;”’ as
the Pole itself represents a man and as the name zhi’be is not applied
to a piece of wood spliced on to lengthen a pole, it is probable that
this foot or leg was originally attached to the Pole.

Upon this zhi’be the Pole rested; it was never placed upright but
inclined forward at an angle of about 45°, being held in position by
a stick tied to it 1 m.46 em. from the “‘head.” The native name of
this support is i’mo"gthe, meaning a staff such as old men lean upon.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 38

THE SACRED POLE

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE SACRED POLE

Upon the top, or “head,” of the Pole was tied a large scalp, ni’ha
no"zhiha. About one end, 14 em. 5 mm. from the “head” is a piece
of hide bound to the Pole by bands of tanned skin. This wrapping
covers a basketwork of twigs, now shriveled with age, which is
lightly filled with feathers and the down of the crane. The length
of this bundle of hide is 44 em. 5 mm., and its circumference about
50 cm. In 1875 the last ceremony was performed and the wrapping
put on as it remains to-day.

Fig. 51. A section of the Sacred Pole showing incrustation from ancient anointings. (The Pole
is here represented in its usual position, supported by the i’mongthe, or staff.)

The name of this receptacle, a’xo"depa, is the word used to desig-
nate the leather shield worn on the wrist of an Indian to protect it
from the bowstring. This name affords unmistakable evidence that the
Pole was intended to symbolize a man, as no other creature could wear
the bowstring shield. It indicates also that the man thus symbolized
was one who was both a provider for and a protector of his people.

83993°—27 mrH—11——15

226 THE OMAHA TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 27
SACRED Packs AND CONTENTS

The pack (fig. 52; Peabody Museum no. 47834) accompanying
the Pole contained a number of articles which were used in the cere-
monies of the Sacred Pole. It is an oblong piece of buffalo hide
which, when wrapped around its contents, makes a round bundle
about 80 em. long and 60 cm. in circumference, bound together by
bands of rawhide. The pack was called wathi’zabe, meaning literally
“things flayed,’ referrmg to the scalps stored within the pack.
Nine scalps were found in it when opened at the Museum. Some
show signs of considerable wear; they are all very large and on one
are the remains of a feather, worn away all but the quill.

The pipe belonging to the Pole and used in its rites was kept in this
pack (fig. 53; Peabody Museum no. 47838). The stem is round
and 89 em. in length. It is probably of ash and shows marks of long
usage. The bowl is of red catlinite, 12 em. 5 mm. at its greatest

Fic. 52. Pack belonging to Sacred Pole.

length, and 7 cm. 2 mm. in height. The bowl proper rises 4 cm. 5
mm. from the base. Upon the sides and bottom of the stone certain
figures are incised, which are difficult to identify; they may
represent a conventionalized bird grasping the pipe. The limes of
the figures are filled with a semilustrous black substance composed
of vegetable matter, which brings the design into full relief; this
substance is also painted on the front and back of the bowl, leay-
ing a band of red showing at the sides. The effect is that of a black
and red inlaid pipe. When this pipe was smoked the stone end rested
on the ground; it was not lifted but dragged by the stem as it
passed from man to man while they sat in the Sacred Tent or inclosure.
To prevent the bowl falling off, a mishap which would be disas-
trous, a hole was drilled through a little flange at the end of the
stone pipe where it is fitted to the wooden stem, and through this
hole one end of a sinew cord was passed and fastened, the other end

FLETCHER-LA VLESCHE] THE SACRED POLE SOY

being securely tied about the pipestem 13 em. above its entrance into
the bowl.

The stick used to clean this pipe, niniu'thubagki (fig. 54), was kept
in a case or sheath of reed wound round with a fine rope of human hair,

Fic. 53. Pipe belonging to Sacred Pole.

Fig. 54. Pipe-cleaner.

fastened with sinew; a feather, said to be from the crane, was bound

to the lower end of this sheath. Only part of the quill remains.
Sweet grass (pe’zhego"¢ta) and cedar (ma’gi), broken up and tied

in bundles, were in the pack. Bits of the grass and cedar were

228 THE OMAHA TRIBE [PTH ANN. 27

spread on the top of the tobacco when the pipe was filled, so that
when it was lighted these were first consumed, making an offering of
savory smoke. Sweet grass and cedar were used also in consecrating
the seven arrows for ceremonial use.

Seven arrows, mo”’petho"ba (fig. 55; Peabody Museum no. 47835)
were in the pack. The shafts are much broken; they were origi-

Fic. 55. Divining arrows

nally 45 em. 6 mm. long, feathered from the crane, with stone heads.
Part of the quills of the feathers remain but the arrowheads are lost.

A curious brush (fig. 56; Peabody Museum no. 47837) made of a
piece of hide, having one edge cut imto a coarse fringe and the hide
rolled together and bound with bands, was the rude utensil with

Fic. 56. Brush used in painting Sacred Pole.

which the paint, mixed with buffalo fat, was put on the Pole. A
bundle of sinew cord, and of red paint (wage’zhide), used in painting
the Pole, complete the contents of the, pack.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE SACRED POLE

The ancient Cedar Pole (fig. 57; Peabody Museum no,
37561) preserved in the Tent of War was the prototype
of the Sacred Pole. The two had features in common;
both simulated something more than a pole, and did not
typify a tree, as did the pole in the He’dewachi ceremony,
but represented a being; both had the zhi’be, or leg; on
the body of one was bound a stick like a club, on the
other a device called a bow shield. Both poles were
associated with Thunder, and any profanation of either
was supernaturally punished by death. The cedar tree
was a favorite place for the Thunder birds to alight
and according to the Legend attention was called to
the tree from which the Sacred Pole was shaped by
the Thunder birds coming to it from the four direc-
tions and the mysterious burnmg which followed, all
of which caused the Sacred Pole to stand in the
minds of the people as endowed with supernatural
power by the ancient Thunder gods. “As a result,”
the Legend says, ‘‘the people began to pray to the Pole
for courage and for trophies in war and their prayers were
answered.”

Associated with the Pole was the White Buffalo Hide.
Its tent stood beside that of the Pole. The ritual and
ceremonies relating to the Hide (given on p. 286) show
that it was directly connected with hunting the buffalo.
The Pole, on the other hand, was a political symbol rep-
resentative of the authority of the chiefs, and mysteriously
associated with Thunder, as cited above; it was related to
defensive warfare as a means of protecting the tribe and
was also connected with the hunt, the means by which
food, clothing, and shelter were secured by the people.

The Pole had its keeper, who was one of the subgens
having its rites in charge. When the tribe moved out on
the annual hunt the Pole was carried on the back of the
keeper by means of a strap passed over his shoulders, the
ends of which were fastened near the head and foot of the
Pole. As he walked carrying the Pole the keeper had to
wear his robe ceremonially, the hair outside. The food,
tent, and personal belongings of the keeper could be trans-
ported on a horse; the Pole had always to be carried on
the back of the man. The presence of the Pole was
regarded at all times as of vital importance. “It held
the tribe together; without it the people might scat-
ter,’ was the common expression as to the purpose and
needed presence of the Pole.

229

Fig. 57. An-
cient Cedar
Pole.

230 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

The following incident occurred during the early part of the last
century:

The keeper of the Pole had become a very old man, but he still clung to his duties.
Misfortune had come to him, and he had no horse when the time came for the tribe
to move out on the annual hunt. The old man and his aged wife had no one to help
them to carry their tent and provisions, which, added to the Sacred Pole, made a heavy
load for the old people. The old man struggled on for some days, his strength gradu-
ally failing. At last the time came when he had to choose between carrying food or
carrying the Pole. The tribe had started on; he hesitated, then self-preservation
decided in favor of the food, so leaving the Pole as it stood the old man slowly walked
away. As he neared the tribal camp a young man saw him and asked what had hap-
pened that he was without the Pole. The old man told his story. The young man
was poor and had only the horse he was riding, but he at once turned back to the
deserted camp to rescue the Pole. The ride was a dangerous one, for there were
enemies near. He risked his life to save the Pole by turning back. He found it
where it had been left by the old man; then mounting his horse with it he made
haste to rejoin the tribe. When he came near to where the people were camped he
dismounted, took the Pole on his back, and leading his horse made his way to the old
keeper, delivered to him the Pole, and at the same time presented his horse to the
old man. This was the only time the Pole was ever carried on horseback. The act
of the young man was at once known, and he was publicly thanked by the Ho”ga
subgens that had charge of the Pole and its ceremonies. A few days later the Seven
Chiefs were called to a council, and they sent for the young man, bidding him to come
to them and to wear his robe in the ceremonial manner. He hesitated at what seemed
to him must be a mistake in the summons, but he was told he must obey. When he
entered the tent where the chiefs were sitting he was motioned to a vacant place
beside one of the principal chiefs. The young man was thus made an honorary chief
because of his generous act toward the Pole; he could sit with the chiefs, but he had
no voice in their deliberations.

ANOINTING THE SACRED POLE

The name of this ceremony was Waxthe’xe xigithe ( Wazthe’ze,
“the Sacred Pole; xigithe, ‘to tinge with red”). The ceremony of
Anointing the Pole was commemorative of the original presentation
of the Pole to the people, and the season set for this ceremony made
it also a ceremony of thanksgiving for the gifts received through
the hunt. The ceremony took place after the fourth tribal chase
and the four ceremonies connected with the buffalo tongues and
hearts had taken place. Then the Waxthe’xeto" subgens of the
Ho®’ga gens, which had charge of the Pole, called the Seven Chiefs,
the governing council, to the Sacred Tent to transact the preliminary
business. They sat there with the tent closed tight, clad in their
buffalo robes, worn ceremonially, the hair outside and the head
falling on the left arm; in a crouching attitude, without a knife or
spoon, in imitation of the buffalo’s feeding, they ate the food provided
and took care not to drop any of it. Should a morsel fall on the
ground, however, it was carefully pushed toward the fire; such a
morsel was said to be desired by the Pole, and as the Legend says,
“No one must take anything claimed by the Pole.”

When the council had agreed on the day for the ceremony they
smoked the pipe belonging to the Pole, and the herald announced the

FLETCHER-LA FLESCH] THE SACRED POLE 77331

decision to the tribe. Runners were sent out to search for a herd of
buffalo, and if one was found within four days it was accounted a
sacred herd, and the chase that took place provided fresh meat for
the coming ceremony. If within four days the runners failed to
discover a herd, dried meat was used.

In this preliminary council the number of men to be called on to
secure poles for the communal tent was determined; then each chief
took a reed from a bundle kept in the Sacred Tent, which constituted
the tally of the men of the tribe, and mentioned the name of a man of
valorous exploits. When the names of the number of men agreed
on had been mentioned, the leader of the subgens gave the repre-
sentative reeds to the tribal herald to distribute to these designated
men. On receiving the reed each man proceeded to the Sacred Tent,
and by the act of returning his reed to the leader of the subgens
accepted the distinction that had been conferred on him. It was
now the duty of these men to visit the lodges of the tribe and select
from each tent a pole to be used in the construction of a lodge for
the coming ceremonies. This they did by entering the tent and
striking a chosen pole, while they recounted the valiant deeds of their
past life. These men were followed by other men from the Waxthe’-
xeto® subgens, who, with their wives, withdrew the selected poles and
carried them to the vicinity of the Sacred Tent, where they were set
up and covered so as to form a semicircular lodge (fig. 58).¢ This
lodge was erected on the site of the Sacred Tents, which were incor-
porated init. The lodge opened toward the center of the tribal circle;
as the poles used in its construction were taken from the tents of the
tribe the lodge represented all the people and was called waru’be,
“holy” or “‘sacred,”’ because it was erected for a religious ceremony.

Up to this time the tribe may have been moving and camping every
day, but now a halt was called until the close of the ceremony. From
this time to the close of the rites all the horses had to be kept outside
the hu’thuga, and the people were not allowed to loiter about or pass to
and fro across the entrance. To enforce this regulation two men were
stationed as guards at the opening of the tribal circle.

All being in readiness, the leader of the subgens of the Ho®’ga
having charge of the Pole summoned the Seven Chiefs and the head-
men of the gentes, who, wearing buffalo robes in the ceremonial
manner, sedately walked to the communal tent and took their seats.

The Xu’ka, a group belonging to the Tha’tada gens, which in the
hu'thuga camped next to the Ho®’ga on the left, and whose duty it was
to act as prompters in the ceremonies performed by the Ho®’ga, took
their places toward the end of the great communal tent on the left.
The Xu’ka followed closely the singing of the ritual songs. To aid
them in their duty as prompters they used counters—little sticks

a The four figures in front were made of grass; later in the ceremony these represented enemies.

Doe THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

about 6 inches long. As soon as a song was sung, its counter was
laid at one side. If the Ho®’ga had any doubt as to the proper song
in the sequence of the ritual, they consulted the Xu’ka.

If by any chance a mistake occurred during the ceremonies con-
nected with the Sacred Pole, and one of the songs was sung out of
sequence, then the following ceremony became obligatory: All the
Waxthe’xeto" subgens of the Ho®’ga, they who had charge of the
Sacred Pole and its rites, arose, lifted their arms, held their hands
with the palms upward, and, standing thus in the attitude of suppli-
cation, wept. After a few moments one of the official servers came
forward, passed in front of the line of standing singers. and wiped the

Fig. 58. Communal ceremonial structure—grass figures in foreground (native drawing).

tears from each man’s face. Then the singers resumed their places,
and the ceremony began again from the beginning as though for the
first time. This ceremony of contrition took place only when by
accident the sequence of the songs of the Sacred Pole was broken.

The Xu’ka also acted as prompters when the Washa’beto™ sub-
gens of the Ho®’ga sang the ritual of the Sacred White Buffalo Hide.
If asong of that ritual was sung out of its order the entire ritual had to
be begun again, for there must be no break in the parts of the ritual—
its course “‘must be straight.”

On the ceremonial occasion here described the herald wore a band
of matted buffalo wool about his head, with a downy eagle feather
standing in it.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE SACRED POLE 233

The Sacred Pole was carried by the wife of the keeper of the Pole to
the edge of the communal lodge, where the keeper arranged it so as to
lean on its “staff” (a crotched stick) toward the center of the hu’thuga.

The pipe belonging to the Sacred Pole was first smoked; then the
bundle of reeds was brought, which served as a count of the men of
the tribe who were able to serve as warriors. Each chief as he drew
a reed mentioned the name of aman. He must be one who lived in
his own lodge as the head of a family (what we would term a house-
holder), not a man dependent on relatives. As the chief spoke
the name, the herald advanced to the Pole and shouted the name
so as to be heard by the whole tribe. Should the name given be
that of a chief, the herald substituted that of his son. The man
called was expected to send by the hand of one of his children his
finest and fattest piece of buffalo meat, of a peculiar cut known as
the tezhu’. (See p. 273.) If the meat was heavy, one of the parents
helped to carry it to the communal tent. The little ones were full
of dread, fearing particularly the fat which was to be used on the
Pole. So they often stopped to wipe their greasy fingers on the grass
so as to escape any blame or possible guilt of sacrilege. Anyone
refusing to make this offering to the Pole would be struck by light-
ning, wounded in battle, or lose a limb by a splinter running into his
foot. There are well-known instances of such results having followed

refusal.
RiruaL Sones

All the ritual songs relating to the ceremonies of the Sacred Pole
were the property of the Waxthe’xeto" subgens of the Ho®’ga gens,
and were sung by them during the performance of the rites.

This song accompanied the placing of the Pole and the cutting of
the symbolic design on the ground in front of it:

First SonG
(Sung in octaves)

ese NNN s s - aaa
EG? —s = E 2 o = = eS 4 == Slaaao Ne
Uae a oA @ mate

ae) .
The-a- ma wa gthi- to® - bi thophomeessee ses. gthi-to®...... ies
SS = = = zie
=a er Z o—e|- ar = = ==
a ee Soe
Wa-gthi-to"-bi Wa-gthi-to®-bi tho ho...... Te - xi e-he... gthi- to™ ba

at —— == = == == = =||
= SSE
Wa- gthi-to? - bi Wa-gthi-to"- bi te - xie-he — gthi - to" ba
1

Thea’ma wagthito"bi tho ho! gthito"ba

Wagthito"bi, wagthito"bi, tho ho

Te’xi ehe gthito"ba

Wagthito"bi, wagthito"™bi te’xi ehe gthito"ba

234 THE OMAHA TRIBE [RTH ANN. 27

Literal translation: Theama, here are they (the people); wagthi-
tonbi—the prefix wa indicates that the object has power, gthito"bi,
touching what is theirs (‘“‘touching’’ here means the touching that is
necessary for a preparation of the objects); tho ho! is an exclamation
here used in the sense of a call to Wako"’da, to arrest attention, to
announce that something is in progress relating to serious matters;
teri, that which is of the most precious or sacred nature; ehe, I say.

Free translation

The people ery aloud—tho ho! before thee.

Here they prepare for sacred rites—tho ho!

Their Sacred, Sacred Pole.

With reverent hands, I say, they touch the Sacred Pole before thee.

After the Pole was in place, the one who officiated and repre-
sented the keepers of the Pole, the Waxthe’xeto" subgens of the
flo ga, advanced toward the Pole to untie the skin which concealed
the wickerwork object bound to the middle of the Pole. As this was
being done, the Ho" ga keepers sang the next stanza:

Wagthishkabi, wagthishkabi tho ho! gthishkaba
Wagthishkabi, wagthishkabi tho ho

Te’xi ehe gthishkaba

Wagthishkabi, wagthishkabi, te’xi ehe gthishkaba

Literal translation: Wagthishkabi—the prefix wa indicates that the
object has power; gthishkabi, undoing, so as to expose to view that
which is covered or encased. The rest of the words have been
translated in the first stanza.

Free translation

We now unloose and bring to view, tho ho! before thee,

We bring to view for sacred rites, tho ho!

This sacred, sacred thing,

These sacred rites, this sacred thing comes to view before thee.

Fic, 59. Uzhin’eti

In front of the Pole the symbolic figure, called uzhi”’eti, figure 59
(see p. 241), was then cut on the ground, the sod removed, and the
earth loosened, after which the following song was sung:

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE SACRED POLE 935

SECOND SONG

=3 ates SSeS eee S
|= a= aaa ath —: rey COS (et ear Oe Gor
—— ;
E- he the he gthi - to® -bi tha ha ha gthi -
(SS SS Sot eae oo eee ee =
ios as oo ae e ( SY TY eiaia: - a 2 oe
to® - bi Ki - he the he the wa gthi- to® - bi
222 es ee
Se eer —Jo See oe aoe SL
tha ha ha ethi to" - bi K - he the he
ee | et = | =
Z asa = = Sena casas eal ee
Seah Gtr ac) SO Sie eh
the wa gthi - to® - bi tha ha ha gthi - toa - bi
Ehe the he gthito"bi thaha ha
Gthito"bi
Khe the he the wagthito"bi tha ha ha
Gthito"bi
Ehe the he the wagthito"bi tha ha ha
Gthito"bi

Literal translation: he, I say; the, this; he, vowel prolongation of
preceding word; gthito™bi, preparing what is theirs; tha, a punctua-
tion word indicating the end of the sentence, used in oratory and
dignified speech; ha, vowel prolongation of preceding word.

Free translation

I here declare our work to be completed,
Done our task!

I here declare that all our work is now completed,
Done our task!

I here declare that all our work is now completed,
Fully completed!

On the following day the culminating rites of the ceremony took
place. In these the wife of the officiating priest had a share. He
was clothed in his gala shirt and leggings, and red bands were painted
across his cheeks from the mouth to the ear. The woman wore over
her gala costume a buffalo robe girded about her waist, the skin side
out, which was painted red. Across her cheeks and her glossy black
hair red bands were painted and to the heel of each moccasin was
attached a strip of buffalo hair like a tail.

Early in the morning the following song was sung as the wicker-
work object containing the down of the crane, which bore the name

236 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27
a’ xo"depa (wrist shield) was fully opened, to be ready for the cere-

monies of the day:
THIRD SONG

Gini a [+ == fs meee

A==X02— a -pa ha ha wi® the tho® A - xo"-de - pa ha
it, ——}— ~ es ee g-55
ioe = SS SS SS
ha wi? the tho» A- xo"-de - pa ha ha wi" the tho"
i
$f | es SS
[Gs ak ¥ i ase ||
Sea
-wTwvw- = =
A-xo"-de-pa ha ha wi" the tho A- xo"-de-pa ha ha wi" the tho

Axo"depa ha ha! wi® the tho
Axo"depa ha ha! wi" the tho”
Axo"depa ha ha! wi" the tho”
Axo"depa ha ha! wi" the tho”
Axo"depa ha ha! wi" the tho®

Literal translation: Avo"depa, the wrist shield worn on the left wrist
of a man to prevent it being cut by the bowstrmg when the latter
rebounds from being drawn; ha ha, exclamation, behold!; wi”, one;
the, here this; tho", round, referring to the shape of the wrist shield.

The reiteration of the words makes it difficult to present a trans-
lation of the song literally, for to the Indian mind the repeated
words brought up the varied aspects of the Pole. It represented the
unity of the tribe; the unity of the Council of Seven Chiefs, which
made them “‘as one heart, as one voice;”” the authority of the Thun-
der. It was a being—a man; it was a bow, the weapon of a man
which was used for the defense of life and to secure the game that
gave food, shelter, and clothing. As this song (which referred to the
shield—the article that protected the wrist of the man when he
pulled the bow string) was sung, the wickerwork containing the down
was fully opened, preparatory to the ceremonies in which it had a
part. The full meaning of the lines of the song does not appear from
the literal words, but must be found in the symbolism of the cere-
monial acts connected with this “round object.”

The fourth song was sung as the officiating priest arranged on the
ground in front of the Pole, side by side, four of the best tezhw’
pieces of buffalo meat. These represented four buffaloes, also the four
hunts and the four ceremonial offerings of hearts and tongues which
had preceded this ceremony. The other pieces were laid along the
front of the communal tent. Sometimes there were four parallel

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE SACRED POLE DB

rows of this meat. From these offerings the officiating priest was
later to cut ceremonially the fat that was to be mixed with the paint
and used to anoint the Pole. As this action was a preparatory one,
it was accompanied by the same song as when the Sacred Pole was
put in place and prepared for the ceremony. The song was repeated
eight times.

FourtH SONG—SAME As THE First

When the meat was finally arranged, the completion of the task
was announced by again singing the second ritual song.

Firth SONG—SAME AS THE SECOND

The next song embodied the command of the Hoga in charge of
these ceremonies to the officiating priest, bidding him to advance
toward the meat with his knife and hold the latter aloft preparatory
to the movements which accompanied the ceremonial cutting of the
meat.

SrxtH Sona

(Sung in octaves) 3

4 eres *
25 rang, meee pan ea Nee Speer
Foe - £ . —,7 FS SCRE — a a
ey —— St — _
Thi-shti ba- ha- ha no® zhit- ga = Thi-shti_ba- ha- ha no*-zhi® ga-ha
3 F
a i Sa aol = ——
or seat ast SU ———
—— : o-
Thi-shti ba - ha- ha no*zhi® - ga Thi- shti ba - ha- ha
8
se i Sc = e 2 £#° £ °
#y 2 aoe es es eee Carm'= ee oe a a ee oe
Sst eet er pe at | eae = eee
i. = =
no’-zhi® ga-ha a- ha Thi-shti ba - ha- ha no®- zhi" - ga
-7 o S20 3 o
(es —-
ee z. —-

Thi-shti ba-ha-ha no®-zhit- ga- ha Thi-shti ba - ha - ha no®-zhi® - ga

3
—— es
os == Nw
o-oo e--o

Thi-shti ba-ha-ha no®-zhi® ga-ha_ a-ha Thi-shti ba-ha-ha no®-zhi"-ga
Thishti bahaha no "zhi"ga

These words were repeated nine times.

Literal translation: Thishti, thou, too—addressed to the officiating
priest; bahaha, to show, meaning that the priest shall grasp the knife
with which he is to cut the fat and hold it up to view; no”zhi", to
stand; ga, word of command. ‘Do thou show thy knife, standing
there!”

238 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27
SEVENTH SONG

==ac= HE =e ea. ea =

- ba-ha_ ki- the a - ba - ha ki - the he - he

(SSeS ae]

ba-ha ki-the a- ba-ha- ki-the he - he A-ba-ha ki-the ki-the

he he the A-ba-ba ki-the a- ae ane ie the

Abaha kithe, abaha kithe hehe

These words were repeated four times.

Literal translation: Abaha, to hold toward or over; kithe, 1 make
him (the Hoga, who have charge of the rites speak, authorizing
the action of the priest, who is their representative); hehe, vocables
used as vowel prolongations. At the conclusion of the fourth repe-
tition of the words the priest lowered the knife preparatory to the
act authorized in the second stanza, and then sang:

Ma/’xo" akithe, Ma’xo® akithe, hehe

These words also were repeated four times.

Literal ‘translation: JMJa’xo", to cut; akithe, I make or authorize
him.

During the singing of the second stanza the priest cut the fat from
the four tezhu’ lying in front of the Pole, and dropped it into a
wooden bowl held by his wife for its reception. The fat cut from
the meat offerings was pounded to a sort of paste and mixed
with red paint. While this was being done the pipe belonging to
the Pole was ceremonially smoked by the chiefs and leading men
gathered in the communal tent. The act of smoking was a prayer
of consecration and the asking of a blessing on the anointing of the
Pole about to take place. When the ceremony of smoking was
completed and the fat and paint were made ready, the eighth ritual
song was sung.

FLYTCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE SACRED POLE 239

E1GgHtTH SonG

A - ba- he he the A = ba - he he the
“eee |
a SSS == S =
E : — a a H = ; = aH

— Ce a oe he Se Ee ae ae ee

Tes ie he the. A- ba-he he the A- ba-he he the

' Abahe he the abahe he the
Te ehe the
Abahe he the abahe he the

Literal translation: Abahe, to hold toward; he, vowel prolongation;
the, this; te, buffalo; ehe, I say; the, this.

During the singing of this song the priest took the brush (see p. 228)
with which he was to anoint the Pole and made a ceremonial ap-
proach toward the Pole, holding the brush near it, while the woman
at the same time presented the bowl. Fat was the emblem of
abundance; red, the color of life. The mixture therefore symbol-
ized abundant life. The line Te che the was explained to mean that
the buffalo was here declared to be a life-giving gift from Wa-
ko"™’da, and that the buffalo yielded itself to man for his abundant
food and also to provide him with shelter and clothing. The cere-
mony of anointing was one of recognition of the gift by Wako?’da
of the buffalo and of thanksgiving for it.

The second stanza of this song was now sung. The words are:

9
a

Ite he ehe the ite he ehe the
Te ehe the
Ite he ehe the ite he ehe!

Literal translation: /te, to touch; he, vowel prolongation; ehe,I say;
the, this; te, buffalo; ehe, I say; the, this.

The brush, on which was some of the sacred paint, was then brought
close to the Pole and permitted to touch it. As all of the move-
ments related to the care of Wako™da for man, they were religious
in character and consequently were very deliberate. The brush
ceremonially touched the Pole and four lines weré made down its
length. The anointing followed as the next song was sung.

240 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

NintoH Sone

(Sung in octaves) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

Solemnly Moderato | = 60

lo
eS ee ry H = S——————
as: pear be zai a a See el =
ce ae a! oa
- tha-ha_ ki- the a-tha-ha_ ki- the he he Av-

A
forged — = ees
= | = |=5 ==) = Sa Ca ces
———s sss 6 o—e ES a SS = -$—-
} DD ——— f > _: | eS] (ef i
Trem. £ a -6- z oe ~~ &
a = eS 7 Dae! i ee Saas o—
[ave |Z = = ee See 2 === =|
2 «| ot A - --
Con Ped. ” ZS oA
> = Se as Ss ee
Se
=o = a cso |
tha - ha ki - the a. - tha’= hha ki - the he he A -
—— Say ad lo
= Se SS See
ew @ 7 é e é a (ss = ==
e |
SS CS SS P
“+o -o =a pg Do
cal anata el Re | ie S32
—<¢ = —— ss - —F- 2 =
Z ao ae ae
poems a
== = = =f = ==
G = =——
tha - ha ki - the ki - the he he A=
A A A a
7——_— = ren) | = al =] = —
=| —— | 3 - ————- =e
—o e r] 4] — é é Z - oa
en
o- -a- eee ees
= a= SS
SS — SS rk as
Ss — A — Ly °
Z a Z Be

SS
Grito: = =e
tha - ha ki - the a- tha -ha ki - the he he
— — A A A ee
a oo |
SS ee
ma st vw = + —+
— s+ wr as
ee ee mi
4 ;
i een ew 1 gz 2 ¢g 4
pi 2 | se
= SS eS ee z— | a —f]
o —- r a ae = a=)
a = +

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE SACRED POLE 241

1
Athaha kithe, athaha kithe he he

These words were repeated four times.

Translation: Athaha, to adhere; kithe, lmake or cause; he he, vowel
prolongation. “I cause [the paint] to adhere.”

More than one application of the paint was made. As the Pole
began to assume a ruddy hue the second stanza was sung.

Zhide akithe, zhide akithe he he

These words were repeated four times.

Translation: Zhide, red; akithe, | make or cause it; he he, vowel
prolongation. ‘I make it to be red.”’

By the end of the fourth repetition of the second stanza the anoint-
ing was completed. Then the third stanza was sung.

3
Kopi akithe, Ko" akithe he he

Translation: Ko"pi, an abbreviation of uthuko"pi, comely or hand-
some to look upon; akithe, I cause or make it; he he, vowel prolonga-
tion. ‘I make it beautiful.’”’ The word ko"pi, it was explained,
here refers to man, the most comely of all creatures endowed with
life, to whom Wako"’da has given the promise of abundance. The
people, who had gathered from their tents and were watching the
ceremony and listening to these sacred songs, as this stanza was sung
nudged one another and laughed, enjoying the complimentary refer-
ence to themselves and the promise given.

When the anointing was completed that part of the ceremony
began in which the woman officiated.

In this portion of the ceremonial the Pole lost something of its
political significance and became the representative of man as the
protector and provider of the family. The figure cut in the ground
in front of the Pole then had a share in the rites. This figure (see
p. 234) was called uzhy’ ett (uzhi”, the wistfulness of a child, as when it
stands before its parent waiting to share in some good thing; ¢, house).
The design was said to signify the wistful attitude of the people, look-
ing for the good that Wako"’da was to send to them in the house,
the dwelling of the family, and in a larger sense, the hu’thuga,
the dwelling of the tribe; it also brought to mind the fathers who
established these ceremonies that opened the way for the recep-
tion of good gifts from Wako®’da. An old man said, “As I stand
before the uzhi”’eti I seem to be listening for the words of the ven-
erable ones who gave us these rites.’’ It was a prayer symbol. In
the center of this symbolic figure, where the fireplace would be in the

83993°—27 ErH—11——16

242 THE OMAHA TRIBE [pTH. ANN. 27

lodge, a buffalo chip was placed; when it was kindled, sweet grass used
in peaceful ceremonies and sprays of cedar sacred to thunder were
laid on it and through the aromatic smoke arising therefrom the
seven arrows were passed. These represented the Seven Chiefs, who
held the tribe together in peaceful unity, and also the means by
which man secured for his family Wako"’da’s gift of the buffalo,
whence came food and clothing. The woman stood for the mother
of the race and her share in the rites was a prayer for its continuance
and prosperity.

As the woman, in her representative capacity, held the arrows over
the consecrating smoke which arose from the burning of fragrant
offerings sacred to war and to peace, the following song was sung:

TENTH SONG

Music the same as for the eighth song (p. 239) and the words the
same as those of the first stanza of the song.

After consecrating the arrows by passing them through the smoke,
the woman advanced toward the Pole and stood holding an arrow
aloft while the following song was sung:

ELEVENTH SONG

The same as the sixth song (p. 237). The words of the song were
repeated nine times. A number multiplied by itself, as 3 times 3 or
4 times 4, as not infrequently occurs in ceremonials, indicates com-
pleted action.

TWELFTH SONG

The music of the twelfth song, which accompanied the shooting
by the woman of the arrows through the basketwork, is the same as
that of the ninth ritual song (p. 240), sung when the Pole was
painted; the words are as follows:

Baxo" akithe, baxo" akithe, he he

Literal translation: Baxo", to thrust; akithe, I cause it.

These words were repeated four times to fill out the measure of the
song that was sung seven times, once to each of the arrows.

In this act the Pole became the bow, and the basketwork the wrist
shield on the arm of the man who grasped the bow. The woman
shot the arrow along the bow, simulating the shooting of the buffalo,
to secure the gift of abundance. When the arrow was not checked
by the wickerwork or down, but passed clear through the bundle with
sufficient force to stand in the ground on the other side, a shout of joy
arose from the people, for this was an augury of victory over enemies
and of success in hunting. After this divination ceremony with the
arrows the wickerwork on the Pole was folded together and tied in
its skin covering until the next year, when the ceremony would be
repeated.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE SACRED POLE 243

CEREMONY OF THE SACRED PoLE—CONCLUSION

It will be noted that the ceremony of the Sacred Pole is divided
into two parts and that the significance of the Pole is twofold. In
the first part the Pole stands for the authority that governed the
tribe, an authority granted and guarded by the supernatural powers;
in the second part the Pole stands for the men of the tribe, the
defenders and the providers of the home. The same songs are used
for both parts, but in the first part the ceremonial acts are per-
formed by a man; in the second part the ceremonial acts are per-
formed by a woman. In this two-part ceremony and its performance
are reflected the fundamental ideas on which the tribal organization
is based, the union of the masculine and the feminine.

All the buffalo meat laid before the Pole was now gathered up and
laid away and four images made of grass and hair were set up before
the Pole. These represented enemies of the tribe. The tribal herald
then went forth and shouted: ‘Pity me [an expression of courtesy],
my young men, and let me [he speaks for the keepers of the Pole]
complete my ceremonies!’’ In response to this summons all those
men who had won honors in defensive warfare put on the regalia that
represented those honors and made ready to act their part in the
drama about to be performed; for only men whose honors had been
gained in defensive warfare could have a share in this drama. Mean-
while all the young men of the tribe mounted their horses and rode
off outside the camp. Suddenly some one of them turned, and ery-
ing, ‘‘They have come! they have come!” the whole company charged
on the camp. (This was once done in so realistic a manner as to
deceive the people into the belief of an actual onslaught of an enemy,
to the temporary confusion of the whole tribe.) After this charge
the young men dismounted, turned loose their horses, and mingled
with the spectators, who gathered at both ends of the communal
tent as a vantage point whence to view the spectacle. The warriors
acted out their warlike experiences in defending the tribe and
charged on the grass images, while the chiefs and leaders remained
in the “holy” tent, in front of which stood the Pole. In later days
guns were shot off, adding to the noise and commotion. Those who
had been wounded in defensive battles rolled about as if struck;
those who had speared or scalped enemies thrust their spears into
an image or scalped it. Four of these charges were made on the
images, which were finally captured and treated as if conquered,
and this ended the scene called ‘‘shooting the Pole,” an act intended
to do public honor to the defenders of the home and the tribe.

On the day following, preparations for the He’dewachi ceremony
(see p. 251) began, at the close of which the ceremonial camp broke
up and each family followed its own inclination, either to return to

244 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27

the village or to continue to hunt. All rules and regulations as to
hunting the buffalo were now at an end for the season.

The visitor to the Peabody Museum, Harvard University, will notice
upon the upper portion of the Pole an encrustation resembling
pieces of thick bark; this is the dried paint that remains from the
numerous anointings of the Pole. (Fig. 51.) The old chief told the
writers in 1888 that long ago, beyond the memory of the eldest, it
was the custom to anoint the Pole twice a year—after the summer
hunt and after the winter hunt; but within his own memory and that
of his father the anointing had taken place only in the summer.

The rapid destruction of the herds of buffalo in the decade follow-
ing 1870 caused the Indian not only sore physical discomfort but also
great mental distress. His religious ceremonies needed the buffalo
for their observance, and its disappearance, which in its suddenness
seemed to him supernatural, had done much to demoralize him mor-
ally as well as socially.

After several unsuccessful buffalo hunts poverty took the place of
former plenty and in distress of mind and of body, seeing no other
way of relief, the people urged on the Hoga the performance of
the ceremony of Anointing the Pole, although misfortune in hunting
through the diminution of the buffalo made it impossible to perform
this act in its integrity. A plan was suggested by which the cere-
mony could be accomplished and, as they fondly hoped, the blessing
of plenty be restored to the people. The tribe had certain moneys
due from the United States in payment for ceded lands, and through
their Agent they asked that such a sum as was needful to purchase
30 head of cattle should be paid them. Little understanding the
trouble of mind among the Indians under his charge or the motive of
their request, the Agent wrote to the Interior Department, at Wash-
ington, that ‘““The Omahas have a tradition that when they do not
go on the buffalo hunt they should at least once a year take the lives
of some cattle and make a feast.’’ This interpretation of the Indian’s
desire to spend his money for the purchase of the means by which
he hoped to perform rites that might bring back the buffalo and
save him from an unknown and dreaded future is a significant gauge
of the extent to which the Indian’s real life had been comprehended
by those appointed to lead him along new lines of living and thinking.
The cattle were bought at a cost of about a thousand dollars. The
ceremony took place; but, alas! conditions did not change. A second
and third time the tribe spent its money, but to no avail. New
influences and interests grew stronger every year. The old customs
could not be made to bend to the new ways forced on the people.
Opposition to further outlay for cattle to hold the old ceremony
arose from the Government and also from some of the tribe; so years

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] THE SACRED POLE 245

passed while the Pole stood untouched in its tent, dreaded as a
thing that was powerful for harm but seemingly powerless to bring
back the old-time prosperity to the people.

The following is the boy memory of these ancient ceremonies of
the Sacred Pole, now forever gone, by one of the present writers, the
only living witness who is able to picture in English those far-away
scenes:

One bright summer afternoon the Omahas were traveling along the valley of one of
the streams of western Kansas on their annual buffalo hunt. The mass of moving
people and horses extended for nearly half a mile in width and some 2 miles in length.
There was an old man walking in a space in the midst of this moving host. The day
was sultry and everybody around me was in the lightest clothing possible; but the
solitary old man wore a heavy buffalo robe wrapped about his body. Around his
shoulders was a leather strap the width of my hand, to the ends of which was attached
a dark object that looked like a long black pole. From one end hung a thing resem-
bling a scalp with tong hair. One of my playmates was with me, and we talked in low
tones about the old man and the curious burden on his back. He looked weary, and
the perspiration dropped in profusion from his face, as with measured steps he kept
apace with the cavalcade.

The horses that I was driving stopped to nibble the grass, when, partly from impa-
tience and partly out of mischief, I jerked the lariat I was dragging with all the force
I could muster in the direction of the horses, and the end of it came with a resounding
whack against the sleek side of the gray. Startled at the sound, all of the five horses
broke into a swift gallop through the open space, and the gray and the black, one after
the other, ran against the old man, nearly knocking him over. My friend turned pale;
suddenly he became anxious to leave me, but I finally persuaded him to remain with
me until camp was pitched. He stayed to help me to water the horses and drive them
to pasture and I invited him to dinner, which he seemed to expect.

While we were eating, the boy asked me if he should tell my father of the incident.
I consented, for I thought that would relieve him from any fears of the consequences.
As he was telling of what happened I watched the expression of my father’s face with
some trepidation, and felt greatly relieved when he smiled. We finished our dinner,
but as we started to go out my father stopped us and said: ‘‘Now, boys, you must go
to the Sacred Tent. Take both horses with you, the gray and the black, and this
piece of scarlet cloth; when you reach the entrance you must say, ‘Venerable man!
we have, without any intention of disrespect, touched you and we have come to ask
to be cleansed from the wrong that we have done.’ ”’

We did as we were instructed and appeared before the Sacred Tent in which was
kept the ‘‘ Venerable Man,”’ as the Sacred Pole was called, and repeated our prayer.
The old man who had been so rudely jostled by our horses came out in response to our
entreaty. He took from me the scarlet cloth, said a few words of thanks, and reentered
the tent; soon he returned carrying in his hand a wooden bow! filled with warm water.
He lifted his right hand to the sky and wept, then sprinkled us and the horses with the
water, using a spray of artemisia. This act washed away the anger of the ‘‘ Venerable
Man,”’ which we had brought down upon ourselves.

A few weeks later we were moving from the high hills down to the valley of the
Platte river, returning from the hunt, our horses heavily laden with buffalo skins and
dried meat, A beautiful spot was selected for our camp, and the crier gave in a loud
voice the order of the chiefs that the camp be pitched in ceremonial form. This was
done,

246 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27

In the evening my playmate came and we ate fried bread and drank black coffee
together. When we had finished the little boy snapped his black eyes at me and said:
“Friend, let us go and play in the Holy (communal) Tent; the boys will be there and
we will have fun.’”’ We went, and there was the Holy Tent, 60 or 70 feet in length.
The two Sacred Tents of the Hoga gens had been united and a dozen or more other
skin tents were added to them on either side, making a tent that could easily hold
two or three hundred people. No grown people were there, so we youngsters had no
end of fun playing hide and seek in the folds of the great tent, while the serious sages
were taking the census of the people elsewhere, using small sticks to count with, pre-
paratory to calling upon each family to contribute to the coming ceremony.

The next night we youngsters had again our fun in the Holy Tent. On the third
night, when we went to play as usual, we found at the Tent two officers with whips, who
told us that boys would not be permitted to play in the Tent that night. Still we lin-
gered around and saw that even older persons were not allowed to come near, but
were told to make a wide detour in passing, so as not to disturb the fresh grass in front
of the Tent. Dogs were fired at with shotguns if they approached too near. The cere-
mony was to begin the next day, so the chiefs and priests, through the crier, requested
the people to conduct themselves in such manner as the dignity of the occasion re-
quired.

Early in the morning I was wakened by my mother and told to sit up and listen. I
did so and soon heard the voice of an old man calling the names of boys. Most of
them I recognized as my playmates. Suddenly I heard my own name distinctly
called. I arose to make answer but was held back by my mother, who put in my
arms a large piece of meat, with no wrapping whatever, regardless of my clean calico
shirt, while she bade me go to where I was called. When I emerged from the tent
with my burden the crier stopped calling my name, and called the boy in the next
tent. As I neared the Holy Tent to which I had been summoned, an old man, wearing
a band of buffalo skin around his head and a buffalo robe about his body, came for-
ward to meet me. He put both his hands on my head and passed them down my
sides; then he took from me the meat and laid it down on the grass in front of a dark
pole standing aslant in the middle of the Holy Tent, a scalp dangling on the end of it.
I recognized this pole as the one that was carried by the old man whom my horses ran
against only a few weeks before. The calling of the names still went on; a man
sat immediately back of the pole with two piles of small sticks before him; he would
pick up a stick from one pile and give a name to the crier, who, leaning on a staff,
called it out at the top of his voice; when this was done the stick was placed on the
other pile.

When every family in the tribe excepting those of the Hoga gens had thus been
called upon to make an offering, the priests began to sing the songs pertaining to this
peculiar ceremony. I was now very much interested and watched every movement
of the men who officiated. Four of the fattest pieces of meat were selected and placed
just at the foot of the Sacred Pole. A song was sung and a man stood ready with a
knife near the meat; when the last note died out the man made a feint at cutting and
then resumed his position. Three times the song was repeated with its accompanying
act, when on the fourth time the man in great haste carved out all of the fat from the
four pieces of choice meat and put it ina wooden bowl. After the fat had been mixed
with burnt red clay and kneaded into a paste, another song was sung, and the same
priest stood ready with bowl and brush in hand beside the Pole. At the close of the
song he made a feint at the Pole with the brush and resumed his former position.
Four times this song was sung, each time followed by a feint. Then a new stanza
was sung, at the end of which the priest touched the Pole lightly with his brush
the entire length. This song and act were repeated four times. Then a different
song was sung, the words of which I can remember even to this day: “I make him

FLETCHER—LA FLESCHE] THE SACRED POLE 947

beautiful! I make him beautiful!’’ Then the priest with great haste dipped his
brush into the bowl and daubed the Pole with the paste while the singing was going
on. Four times the song was sung, the anointing was finished, and the Pole stood
shining in fresh paint. Then many of the people cried: ‘‘ Oh! how beautiful he is!”’
and then laughed, but the priests never for an instant changed the expression of
their faces. I did not know whether to join in the merriment or to imitate the priests
and maintain a serious countenance; but while I stood thus puzzled the ceremony
went on.

A woman dressed in a peculiar fashion took the place of the priest who had painted
the Pole. She wore on her head a band of buffalo skin and the down of the eagle,
around her body a buffalo robe with the fur outside and to her ankles were tied
strips of buffalo skin with the hair on. In her left hand she held six arrows and
stood ready with one poised in her right. A song was sung and at the close she made
a feint with the arrow at the bundle of feathers in the middle of the Pole. Four
times this was done; then other songs were sung and at the close of each song, with
a quick movement the woman thrust an arrow through the bundle containing down
tied to the middle of the Pole with such force that it passed entirely through and
as it dropped stuck in the ground, and the people shouted as with great joy. I
joined in the shouting, although at the time I did not know why the people cheered.
There were seven arrows in all; on this occasion every one of the arrows went suc-
cessfully through the downy bundle. It is said that if an arrow failed to go through
and bounded back, the gens which it represented would meet with misfortune;
some member would be slain by the enemy.

After the singing of the songs and the anointing of the Pole, the meat was distrib-
uted among the families of the Ho™gagens, the keepers of the Sacred Pole. The
moment that this was done a man was seen coming over the hill running at full speed,
waving his blanket in the air in an excited manner, and shouting the cry of alarm:
“The enemy are upon us!’’ The horses were familiar with this cry and the moment
they heard it they stampeded into the camp circle, making a noise like thunder.
Men rushed to their tents for their bows and arrows and guns and were soon mounted
on their best horses. Warriors sang the death song, and women sang songs to give
the men courage. The excitement in camp was at its height, but the singing of
the priests in the Holy Tent went on. Instead of going out to meet the enemy,
the warriors gathered at one side of the camp circle opposite the Holy Tent and
at the firing of a gun came charging toward it. It was a grand sight—four or five
hundred warriors rushing on us at full speed. There was no enemy; the man who
gave the alarm was only acting his part of a great drama to be performed before the
Sacred Pole. The warriors fired their guns and shot their arrows at a number of
figures made of bundles of tall grass and arranged before the Holy Tent. Shouts
of defiance went from the tent and were returned by the charging warriors. This
play of battles lasted nearly the whole day.

Years passed, and with them passed many of the brave men who told the tale
of their battles before the Sacred Pole. So also passed the buffalo, the game upon
which the life of this and other tribes depended. During these years I was placed
in school, where I learned to speak the English language and to read and write.

Through a curious chain of circumstances, which I need not here relate, I found
myself employed in the Indian Bureau at Washington. The Omaha had given
up the chase and were putting all their energies into agriculture. They had aban-
doned their villages and were scattered over their reservation upon separate farms,
knowing that their former mode of living was a thing of the past and that hence-
forth their livelihood must come from the tilling of the soil. To secure themselves
in the individual ownership of the farms they had opened, the people petitioned
the Government to survey their reservation and to allot the land to them in sev-

248 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BrH. ANN. 27

eralty. Their petition was granted by an act of Congress and the work of appor-
tioning the lands was assigned to a lady who is now known among the scientists of
this and other countries. I was detailed to assist her in this work, and together
we went to the reservation to complete the task.

While driving over the reservation one day we came to a small frame house with
a porch in front. Around this dwelling were patches of corn and other vegetables
and near by was an orchard of apple trees with ripening fruit. In strange contrast
with all this there stood in the back yard an Indian tent, carefully pitched, and
the ground around it scrupulously clean. My companion asked, ‘‘What is that?”
“Tt is the Holy Tent of the Omahas,’’ I replied. ‘*What is inside of it?” ‘‘The
Sacred Pole,’’ I answered. ‘‘I want to see it.’’ ‘‘You can not enter the Tent unless
you get permission from the Keeper.’’ The Keeper was not at home, but his wife
kindly conducted us to the entrance of the Tent, and we entered. There in the
place of honor stood my friend, the ‘‘ Venerable Man,”’ leaning aslant as I saw him
years before when I carried to him the large offering of choice meat. He had served
a great purpose; although lacking the power of speech, or any of the faculties with
which man is gifted, he had kept closely cemented the Seven Chiefs and the gentes
of the tribe for hundreds of years. He was the object of reverence of young and
old. When the United States Government became indebted to the tribe for lands
sold, he, too, was accounted as one of the creditors and was paid the same as a man
of flesh and blood. He now stood before us, abandoned by all save his last Keeper,
who was now bowed withage. The Keeper seemed even to be a part of him, bearing
the name ‘‘Smoked Yellow,’ a name referring both to the age and to the accumu-
lation of smoke upon the Pole. Silently we stood gazing upon him, we three, the
white woman in the middle. Almost in a whisper, and with a sigh, the Keeper’s
wife said, ‘‘I am the only one now who takes care of him. When it rains I come
to close the flaps of the Tent, at all hours of the night. Many were the offerings once
brought to him, but now he is left all alone. The end has come!’ [For portrait
of the wile of the keeper of the Pole, see pl. 26.]

A few years later I went to the house of Smoked Yellow and was hospitably enter-
tained by him and his kind wife. After dinner, as we sat smoking in the shade of the
trees, we spoke of the past life of the tribe and from time to time in our conversation
I pleasantly reminded him of important events within my own knowledge, and of
others of which I had heard, where his knowledge guided the actions of the people.
This seemed to please him very much and he spoke more freely of the peculiar cus-
toms of the Omaha. He was an important man in his younger days and quite an
orator. I have heard him deliver an address on the spur of the moment that would
have done credit to almost any speaker in either branch of our Congress. He was one
of the signers of the treaty entered into between the Omaha and the United States.

As my visit was drawing to a close, without any remarks leading thereto, I suddenly
swooped down upon the old chief with the audacious question: ‘‘ Why don’t you send
the ‘Venerable Man’ to some eastern city where he could dwell in a great brick house
instead of a ragged tent?” A smile crept over the face of the chieftain as he softly
whistled a tune and tapped the ground with his pipe stick before he replied, while I
sat breathlessly awaiting the answer, for I greatly desired the preservation of this
ancient and unique relic. The pipe had cooled and he proceeded to clean it. He
blew through it now and then as he gave me this answer: ‘‘My son, I have thought
about this myself but no one whom I could trust has hitherto approached me upon
this subject. I shall think about it, and will give you a definite answer when I see
you again.”’

The next time I was at his house he conducted me to the Sacred Tent and delivered
to me the Pole and its belongings. [See fig. 50 for portrait of the last keeper of the
Sacred Pole.] This was the first time that it was purposely touched by anyone outside

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE SACRED POLE 249

of its hereditary Keepers. It had always been regarded with superstitious awe and
anyone touching even its Tent must at once be cleansed by the priest. Even little
children shared in this feeling and left unclaimed a ball or other plaything that
chanced to touch the Tent made sacred by its presence.

Thus it was that the Sacred Pole of the Omaha found its way into the Peabody
Museum in 1888 but leaving its ritual songs behind. During these years I have
searched for men in the Hoga gens who would be likely to know these songs but
without success. The old priest, Tenu’ga, whose office it was to sing them, died
before I came in touch with him.

By the use of the graphophone I was enabled in 1897 to secure the ritual songs of the
Sacred White Buffalo from Wako™mo*thi®, the last keeper; and when the record was
finished I said to him: ‘‘Grandfather, years ago I saw you officiating at the ceremonies
of the Sacred Pole and from this I judge that you are familiar with its songs. May I
ask if you would be willing to sing them for me?” The old priest shook his head and
replied: ‘‘Eldest son, I am forced to deny your request. These songs belong to the
opposite side of the house and are not mine to give. Youare right as to my knowledge
of them and you did see me officiating at the ceremony you referred to; but I was
acting as a substitute. The man whose place I took was newly inducted into his
office and was not familiar with its various forms; he feared the results of any mistakes
he might make, on account of his children, for it meant the loss of one of them by
death should an error occur. You must consult the keepers of the Pole.”’

Knowing that it would be useless even with bribes to attempt to persuade the priest
to become a plagiarist, I refrained from pushing the matter further, trusting that cir-
cumstances in the future might take such a turn as to relieve him from his obligations
to recognize any individual’s ownership in the ritual songs.

In the latter part of June, 1898, I happened to be on the Omaha reservation, and while
there I drove over to Wako™mo*thi”’s house. (Figs. 60, 61.) He was at home and
after the exchange of greetings I addressed him as follows:

“Grandfather, last summer, after you had taught me the songs connected with the
ceremony of the Sacred Buffalo, I asked you to teach me the songs of the Sacred
Pole. You replied that you knew the songs, but could not sing them for me, because
they belonged to the other side of the house and were not yours to give. I respected
your purpose to keep inviolate your obligations to maintain the respective rights
and offices of the two houses that were so closely allied in the preservation of order
among our people, so I did not press my quest for the knowledge of the songs at that
time, believing that you would soon see that the object for which that Sacred Tree
and its accompanying rites were instituted had vanished, never to return. Our
people no longer flock to these sacred houses as in times past, bringing their children
laden with offerings that they might receive a blessing from hallowed hands; new
conditions have arisen, and from force of circumstances they have had to accede
to them and to abandon the old. I have been here and there among the members
of the opposite side of the house, to which you referred, to find some one who knew
the songs of the Sacred Pole, so that I might preserve them before they were utterly
lost; but to my inquiries the invariable answer was: ‘1 do not know them. Wako*’-
mo*thi" Js the only man who has a full knowledge of them.’ Therefore I have made
bold to come to you again.”’

After holding the pipe he had been filling during my speech, up to the sky, and
muttering a few words of prayer, the old man lit the pipe and smoked in silence for
a time, then passed the pipe to me and.made his reply, speaking in low tones:

“My eldest son, all the words that you have just spoken are true. Customs that
governed and suited the life of our people have undergone a radical change and
the new generation has entered a new life utterly unlike the old. The men with
whom I have associated in the keeping and teaching of the two sacred housevhave

250 THE OMAHA TRIBE [erH. ANN. 27

turned into spirits and have departed, leaving me to dwell in solitude the rest of
my life. All that gave me comfort in this lonely travel was the possession and care
of the Sacred Buffalo, one of the consecrated objects that once kept our people firmly

Fic. 60. Wako»/morthir.

Fic. 61. Wako»’mo*thin’s house.

united; but, as though to add to my sadness, rude hands have taken from me, by
stealth, this one solace, and I now sit empty handed, awaiting the call of those who
have gone before me. For a while I wept for this loss, morning and evening, as
though for the death of a relative dear to me, but as time passed by tears ceased to
flow and I can now speak of it with some composure.”’

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE SACRED POLE PAS

At this point I passed the pipe back to the priest and he smoked, keeping his
eyes fixed upon the ground as if in deep meditation. When he had finished smoking,
he resumed his address, cleaning the pipe as he spoke:

“‘T have been thinking of the change that has come over our people and their
departure from the time-honored customs, and have abandoned all hope of their
ever returning to the two sacred houses. No one can now with reason take offense
at my giving you the songs of the Sacred Pole, and I am prepared to give them to
you. As I sit speaking with you, my eldest son, it seems as though the spirits of
the old men have returned and are hovering about me. I feel their courage and
strength in me, and the memory of the songs revives. Make ready, and I shall once
more sing the songs of my fathers.”’

It took but a few moments to adjust the graphophone to record the songs for which
I had waited so long. As I listened to the old priest his voice seemed as full and
resonant as when I heard him years ago, in the days when the singing of these very
songs in the Holy Tent meant so much to each gens and to every man, woman, and
child in the tribe. Now, the old man sang with his eyes closed and watching him
there was like watching the last embers of the religious rites of a vanishing people.

THe Her’pEWACHI

In speaking of the development of political unity, attention has
been called to the dangers arismg from groups parting company
when the people were hunting and the enfeebled separated bands
becoming a prey to active enemies. These dangers were sometimes
fomented by the rivalry of ambitious leaders. To quote from the old
Sacred Legend: ‘‘The wise old men thought how they might devise
some plans by which all might live and move together and there be no
danger of quarrels.’ It seems probable that the He’dewachi cere-
mony may have grown out of such experiences and was one of the
plans of the ‘“‘wise old men” by which they sought to avert these
dangers and to hold the tribe together. There are indications that
the He’dewachi ceremony is older than the Sacred Pole; it is said to
have been instituted at a time when the people depended on the
maize for their food supply and were not dominated by ideas defi-
nitely connected with hunting the buffalo. It may be significant to
this contention that this ceremony was the only rite in which the
two Sacred Tribal Pipes appeared as leader; these pipes were ante-
cedent in authority to the Sacred Pole, and, on the occasion of the
He’dewachi, they led the people in their rhythmic advance by gentes
toward the central symbolic tree or pole.

The He’dewachi took place in the summer, ‘“‘when the plum and
cherry trees were full of fruit’’ and ‘‘all creatures were awake and
out.” Abundant life and food to sustain that life were typified in
the season. The choice of the tree from which the pole, the central
object of the ceremony, was cut, was significant and allied to the
same thought. It was either the cottonwood or the willow, both
of which are remarkably tenacious of life: It is said that this cere-
mony “‘grew up with the corn.’ It was under the charge of the

252 THE OMAHA TRIBE [wru. ANN. 27

subgens of the Itke’cabe gens that had as tabu the red ear of corn.
This fact and the symbolism of the ceremony indicate that the
He’dewachi was connected with the cultivation of corn and that the
influence of the care of the fields tended to develop an appreciation
of peace and tribal unity. The duties of this I"ke’¢abe subgens in
reference to the distribution of the sacred corn to the tribe have already
been mentioned (p. 147). In later days the He’dewachi took place
at the conclusion of the ceremony of Anointing the Sacred Pole but
was distinct from it in every respect except that permission for its
performance had to be obtained from the Hoga gens as a matter
of courtesy.

The He’dewachi was related to the cosmic forces, as revealed
in the succession of night and day and the life and growth of living
things. When the time came for the ceremony, some man, ambitious
to have the honor and to ‘‘count”’ it, went to the hereditary keepers
of this rite in the Nini’bato™ subgens of the I"ke’gabe, and said:
‘Let the people waken themselves by dancing.”” This form of speech
used when making the request for the performance of the ceremony
referred to the passing of night into day. On receiving this formal
request, which was accompanied by a gift, the keepers returned
their thanks. That night those who had hereditary charge of the
He’dewachi held a council and chose a man of their gens who had
won many war honors to go and select a tree to be cut for the cere-
mony. Early the next morning he went forth, picked out a tall,
straight cottonwood tree and then came back, returning as would a
victorious warrior. If he represented one who had secured booty,
he dragged a rope, and carried a long stick with which he ran from
side to side as though he were driving horses; or he carried a
pole having a bunch of grass tied at the top, to picture a return with
the scalp of an enemy. On entering the hu’thuga he went at once
to the lodge in which the hereditary keepers sat awaiting him. At
the door he thrust his stick into the ground, and said, ‘‘I have
found the enemy.’’ The keepers then arose, put on their robes in
the ceremonial manner—the hair outside—and prepared to make
their ceremonial thanks to the people and to indicate to the tribe
that the ceremony would take place in two days. They were
accompanied by a woman, who had to be of the I"ke’gabe gens and
who bore on her the tattooed ‘“‘mark of honor.” She also wore her
robe with the hair side out, carried an ax and a burden strap, and
followed the men as they passed around the hu’thuga and publicly
proclaimed their thanks for the request to have the ceremony take
place.

Meanwhile the warrior who had selected the tree gathered the men
of the gens together to await the return of the hereditary keepers.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE SACRED POLE 253

At this time those women of the gens who had recently lost children
or other dear ones wailed, being reminded of their loss by the contrast
afforded by this ceremony, which was typical of abounding life.
Other women brought forth gifts, which were to benefit their hus-
bands or brothers by adding to their “count.” All gifts made
during this ceremony could be ‘‘counted”’ by a man who was seeking
eligibility to membership in the Ho®hewachi. The words of one
of the songs sung at the dance refer to these gifts, which were not
only exchanged between members of the tribe but were bestowed on
the keepers of the ceremony—a custom resulting in a common feeling
of pleasure. Moreover, these acts, being remembered and ‘‘counted”’
as steps toward a man’s attaiming tribal honors, tended to foster in
the minds of the people the value of tribal unity. The symbolism
of the ceremony was illustrative of this idea. Four young men were
chosen to cut willow wands, strip them of all leaves except a bunch
at the end, and paint the stem red. These wands were distributed
to the leading men of each gens in the tribe. After the wands had
been received, the men and boys of each gens went out to cut sim-
ilar wands, for at the coming ceremony every man, woman, and
child must carry one of these painted wands, which symbolized the
people of the tribe.

After making the round of the hu’thuga the keepers and the
“honor” woman entered their tent, in which was smoked the pipe
belonging to the ceremony. It was passed around four times.
At the close of the smoking they arose as before and, led by the
warrior who had selected the tree, went to the place where the tree
stood. Meanwhile young men had been dispatched to simulate
scouts, guarding against the danger of a surprise. When the tree
was in sight the warriors charged on it and struck it as an enemy.
Then the men counted their war honors, standing before the tree,
while the keepers sat in a circle around it and smoked, passing the
pipe four times. Then the woman bearing the ‘‘mark of honor,”
taking her ax, made four feints, one on each side of the tree toward
one of the four directions, after which she gave four strokes, one
on each of the four sides of the tree. Then the young men cut it
down. As it was about to fall it was caught and held so that it
would incline and fall toward the east.

In this ceremony in which war was so simulated the recognition
of the authority of Thunder was manifest, for no man could become
a warrior or count his honors except through his consecration to
Thunder and the approval of his acts by that god of war. More-
over, it was believed that no man fell in battle through human
agency alone; he fell because Thunder had designated him to fall,
as is shown in the ritual songs of cutting the hair and in the songs

254 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

of the warrior societies. So the tree that had been struck as a war-
rior foe fell because Thunder had so decreed.

The leader now approached the fallen tree and said: “‘I have
come for you that you may see the people, who are beautiful to
behold!” The young men cut the branches from the trees, leaving
a tuft of twigs and leaves at the top, stripped off the bark, then
tied the tuft at the top together with a black covering. Latterly
a black silk handkerchief was used, but formerly a piece of soft
dressed skin, dyed black, was employed.
All the branches, bark, and chips were
made into a pile and deposited at the
stump of the tree.

In early days it was the duty of the
woman to carry the pole; but in recent
times she walked, with her burden strap,
beside the young men, who bore it on
their left shoulders, care being taken
to choose men of equal height so that
the pole would be carried in a level
position. Four halts were made on the
way to the hu’thuga. On reaching the
camp, the pole was taken to the tent
of the leader and the butt end was
thrust in the door until it reached the
fireplace.

Two men from the No*xthe’bitube
subdivision now performed their heredi-
tary duty of mixing the red and black
paint with which they were to decorate
the pole. This group had, besides the
red corn, a tabu of charcoal, as this sub-
stance was used in making the black
: paint. The painting was done in bands
Fic. 62. Hie dena pole (native of red and black; one man painted the

black bands, the other the red. (Fig.
62.) These bands signified night and day; they also referred to
thunder and death and to the earth and sky, the vivifying and con-
serving powers.

Young men dug the hole for the pole, which had to be in the center
of a level place. Sometimes the hole was made in the center of the
hu'thuga; at other times it was outside the camp. The dirt taken
from the excavation was heaped at the east, and between this heap
and the hole the symbolic figure (wzhi” eti; see fig. 59) was incised on
the earth.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE SACRED POLE 255

The keepers sat in a circle around the hole and again smoked
the pipe, passing it four times. Down of swan, a water bird (the
significance of water as connecting the Above and the Below has
been given), and tobacco, the offering to Wako" da, were sprinkled
in the hole, which was thus made ready to receive the symbolically
decorated pole. The leader said, ‘‘It is finished; raise him, that
your grandfather may see him!’’ And the pole was set in the hole
and made steady by tamping the earth about it.

These preparatory ceremonies occupied three days. The dance
and public festival took place on the fourth day.

The pole simulated a man; the black covering on the top, his
head. The decorations referred to the cosmic forces which gave and
maintained life. As a tree it symbolized the tribe; the wands of the
people were its branches, parts of the whole. Thus was the idea of
unity symbolically set forth.

It was explained that seven kinds of wood were sacred to this
ceremony—the hard and the soft willow, the birch, the box elder,
the ironwood, the ash, and the cottonwood. Of these the cotton-
wood furnished the pole; the elder, the charcoal for the black paint;
the ash, the stem of the pipe; the seeds of the ironwood were used
for the rattles; and the willow for the wands distributed to the
people. The birch seems to have dropped out, though its former use
survives in a personal name belonging to the subgens having the
rite in charge. The significance of this lies in the fact that male
personal names always referred to rites and their paraphernalia.
The omission of the birch may refer to a change in environment.
It will be recalled that the Sacred Legend states that the Omaha
once used birch-bark canoes.

On the day of the ceremony the people were astir early. The
women put on their gala costume; the men were barefoot and naked
except for the breechcloth. They wore the decoration of their war
honors, and depicted their war experiences by the manner of painting
their faces and bodies. The place of a wound was painted red; if a man
had been struck a hand was painted on his body or face (fig. 63).
Some painted black bands on their arms and legs, indicating that
they had been in danger of death; others bore white spots scattered
over their bodies, to show that they had been where the birds of
prey dropped their excrement on the bodies of the slain enemies.
The man who had cut the neck of an enemy drew an inflated bladder
by a string, to set forth his act. Those warriors who had taken
scalps tied to the wands they carried in the dance bits of buffalo
hide with the hair on.

Meanwhile, the keepers of the ceremony selected from their gens
the young men who were to sing. These men received pay for their

256 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

services. Four rattles, struck on pillows, and two drums were used
to accompany the singers, who took their places at the foot of the pole.
The men who were going to give away horses were the only riders.
They dashed about among the people, who became more and more

Fic. 63. Painting on warrior’s face.

impatient waiting for the signal—four strokes on the drums—to
announce the beginning of the ceremony. After the four drum
beats had been given, the following “call’’ was sung:2

a The upper music staff gives simply the aria; the two lower staves translate the same aria for the
piano by harmonization, giving the tremolo of the drum, the echoing cadences, the dying away of the
voices of the singers, and their rising again with the call to “‘ Rejoice.”’

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHH] THE SACRED POLE DAT

HE’DEWACHI CALL

(Aria as sung) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano
ion 2 ia x a

-G—-—_-— 2 | = ;
——— ———— 2 =
=
Zha-wa i ba Necnsesoas ba ha Oy Se al Baseedsestac
eal NON ito a7 lon
s—s— = = Pats ZF = | 2:
5 Hae = Pan mea .
& a = = = ses a go =|
Drum
Tremolo ?——— PP jd ea dt Pp __————_ pp_ ppp
Z- (7 =
a Ee E es a
SS ——— aes
[EEE at | Ses
F =
hr 2s. See
a
Zha- wa i ba Tear eh alt poceeaaee Ol MSs scl sswscve cece vasasnendumecse’s,
ae c SSS Saas —_
| {SS ipeeaes|
= i—13-: ; } Sat SOS Ea i WA
ee Ss =
p ——— pp pp a

So bs : i
—_ = (AB eae FE
(Its | ss

Zhawa iba iba ha ehe

tS Si eee ee

Translation: Zhawa, from uzhawa, to rejoice; iba, to come; ha,
musical prolongation of the vowel; ehe, I bid or command. ‘‘I bid
ye come, and rejoice!”’

The people of each gens gathered, standing before their tents,
the men and boys in front, each holding his wand; behind them the
women and girls, with their wands. Two men from the Nini’bato™
subdivision” then stepped forth and took their place in front of the
rest of the I"ke’cabe gens, and held aloft the Sacred Tribal Pipes
as the singers at the foot of the pole sang the following:

M.M. }= 76
£5 7 ae z 7 aes = 2 et ES 2
(QS a
Hio i yo
: = os ————
Se ares

‘es 3S eas eee See
pe Oe | se ee eee

a There is a personal name in the Nini’bato» which refers to the bearers of the two Pipes in this cere-
mony—J’on’thinnonba, ‘‘ the two who run.’”’

83993°—27 ErH—11——17

958 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

There are no words to this song—only vocables. The song is a
prayer expressed not by words but in musical phrases. The tribe
presented a spectacle that must have been impressive—the great
circle of people, with their branches, standing like a living grove on
the prairie, as the singers voiced their prayer to Wako"da.

At the conclusion of the song the warriors who had charged the
tree sounded the war cry, and all the people standing in their places,
gave an answering shout and waved their branches in the air. Then
the two bearers of the Sacred Tribal Pipes moved forward rapidly a
few steps toward the pole and the people by gentes moved forward
in the same way while the song given below was sung. At its con-
clusion a halt was made. Four times there was a forward movement
as the song was sung and a halt made at its close.

ae eee ee ee ee ee a
oe

Ya du-da e-a_ ha e- he he!

Ya duda ea ha ehe tha ehe he
Shethi® duda a ea ha ehe tha
Ehe he ehe he tha ea ha ehe tha
Ehe he ehe he tha ea ha ehe tha

Literal translation: Ya, come; duda, hither; ea, come; ha, vowel
prolongation; ehe, I bid; shethi™, ye walking yonder; duda, hither;
a, vowel prolongation; ea, come; e, vocable; ehe, I bid; he, vocable;
tha, end of sentence.

’
Free translation

Come hither, I bid you!

Ye who walk yonder, come hither!
I bid you, I bid you to come!

I bid you, I bid you, come hither!

At the conclusion of the fourth repetition the people had moved
up toward the pole, the men being the nearer and the women behind.
There they all halted for the fourth and last time.

As the singers struck up the next song (the fourth) the two pipe
bearers turned to the left, having their right side to the pole, and all
the men of the different gentes turned also; the I"ke’cabe followed
the pipe bearers, next came the We’zhi"shte, then the I*shta’gu'da,

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE SACRED POLE 259

and so on, around to the Hoga, who were last, and all began to
dance around the pole. The women also turned, but to the right,
their left side being next to the circle of men and the pole, and danced
in the opposite direction from the men. The tribe thus divided
into two concentric circles, revolved in opposite directions about the
pole while the choir at its foot sang the following song:

HE’DEWACHI DANCE

=e —— = Se ee ee

cee Fs sts z = oe fe = ——.—7-—
5 -
Wie he he wa-no®- she a he wa-no® - she a he = wa-no® -

4 DG:

oS ea a 2 Dees Eee ee Sl
i6- 1s iz cz paso ase 6 aS Sel

she wie he he wa-no®- she a he wa-no"®-she a he wa-no® - she

Wie he he wano"she a he
Wano*"she a he wano"she
Wie he he wano"she a he
Wano*she a he wano"she

Literal translation: Wie, I; he he, vocables; wanoshe, take from
them. The meaning of this song can not be gathered from a literal
translation of the few words used. It has been explained to mean
that the pole here speaks as embodying the meaning and spirit of the
ceremony and refers to the gifts made, which are an important part
of the ceremony. They not only contribute to happiness and good
feeling in the tribe but they redound to the credit of the giver. It
was during this song that the people danced in the two concentric
circles around the pole, everyone carrying his branch, with its leaves.
When at any time a person made a gift the dancers halted while the
gift was proclaimed. At each halt, if any of the gentes became mixed
up, the person out of place returned to his proper gens before the
dance was resumed. The song was repeated four times, or four
times four.

Finally, the last song was given. During the singing of this rapid
song the people continued to dance in the two circles. The young
people made merry as they danced and the warrior acted out dra-
matic scenes in his career. It was a hilarious time for all.

7 — a —— rs nen! = = —————<— a
F Les — = Se = —— 7 | oe - | = = SSS es
3 3
Hie de hie de ee de a hie de hie de hie dee e de a

260 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

There are no words to this song, only vocables. The song was
repeated an indefinite number of times. At the conclusion of this
song everyone threw his branch at the foot of the tree, as though
it were returned to the parent stem from which it had been broken.
The small boy, however, sometimes amused himself by aiming his
wand at the singers rather than at the tree. These pranks were all
taken in good part. The branches carried by the people were tied
to the pole and left for the sun and wind to dispose of.

The manner in which the tree was cut and also the approach to
the pole by the people in their tribal order, with war cry and charge,
were in recognition of the victories gained by the favor of the war
god, Thunder. The ceremony was a dramatic teaching of the vital
force in union not only for defense but for the maintenance of internal
peace and order. The He’dewachi’ was a festival of joy consonant
with the words of the opening song, ‘‘Come and rejoice.’ The
whole scene vibrated with color and cheer around the Thunder-
selected tree as a symbol of life and tribal unity.

a Years ago the Osage had a somewhat similar ceremony long since abandoned.

VII
THE QUEST OF FOOD
THe RITUAL OF THE Maize

The various environments in which the Omaha people lingered as
they moved westward left their impress on the ceremonials of the.
tribe. Some of these, as has been shown, were lost and the relation
of others to the welfare of the people suffered change. Among the
latter were the ceremonies connected with the maize.

The facts that the tabu of the subgens of the I"ke’cabe, which had
charge of the two Sacred Tribal Pipes, was the red ear of corn and
that it was the duty of this subgens to provide the sacred corn for
distribution at the time of planting, indicate that the rites of the
maize and those of the Pipes were once closely connected. In the
political development of the tribe the Pipes, through their signifi-
cance, kept an important place; while, owing to the environment of
the people, the maize, as the sustainer of life, became subordinated
to the buffalo, which yielded not only food but also raiment. Never-
theless, it is noteworthy that the maize did not wholly lose prestige
but continued to be treated ceremonially.

The ancient Sacred Legend already cited, besides speaking of the
discovery of maize, adds later on, evidently referring to the ceremony
and ritual observed when distributing the grain for planting:

The maize being one of the greatest of means to give us life, in honor of it we sing.
We sing even of the growth of its roots, of its clinging to the earth, of its shooting forth
from the ground, of its springing from joint to joint, of its sending forth the ear, of its
putting a covering on its head, of its ormamenting its head with a feather, of its invi-
tation to men to come and feel of it, to open and see its fruit, of its invitation to man
to taste of the fruit.

When maize was discovered the grain was distributed among the people that they
might plant and eat of the fruit of their labor, and from that time on it has been the
custom to sing the song of the maize and to repeat the distribution of the corn every
year at the time of planting.

The songs [stanzas] are many. They begin with the gathering of the kernels.
The people talk of where they shall plant. Then the men select the land and wher-
ever each man selects he thrusts a pole in the ground to show that now the corn shall
be planted.

The stanzas last referred to have been lost, as well as the ceremony
of selecting the planting plot and the thrusting of the pole into the
ground. It is also impossible to give an accurate account of the
ceremonies attending the distribution of the sacred corn for plant-

261

962 THE OMAHA TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 27

ing. The rites have long been disused, their abandonment being
largely due to the influence of the Government. It is said that
formerly when spring came the Hot’ga subgens, whose duty it was
to keep the sacred ears of red corn, met with the subgens of the
I*ke’cabe, whose right it was to provide them, and after the prescribed
rites had been performed and the ritual sung, the I"ke’¢abe men acted
as servers to the Ho'’ga and distributed four kernels to each family.
The women received the sacred corn and mixed it with their seed
corn, which they preserved from year to year. It was believed that
the sacred corn was able to vivify the seed and cause it to fructify
and yield a good harvest. Only the red corn was used for this sacred
purpose. Its color was indicative of its office.

Even after the discontinuance of these rites of distributing the
maize its ritual was still sung just before the ritual of the White
Buffalo Hide was given in connection with the hunting ceremonies.
(See p. 286.)

MAIZE RITUAL SONG
~~ +

ee SE oe ee eee ee —S =
eS SS ee eS SS
Yo ko ho the he he Wi - a® - do® - ba ga!
[aes a Se ae
ES ——— so ee ee Se ee =
Ko® du-ba ha - no®zhit hi, wi- a® - do® - ba ga!
1
1 Yo ko ho the he he
2 Wia®do®ba ga
3 Ko® duba ha no"zhi® hi
4 Wia"do"ba ga

5 Yo ko ho the he he

6 Wia"do"ba ga

7 Abe he wi”axchi ha no*zhi® hi
8 Wiado"ba ga

9 Yo ko ho the he he
10 Wiado"ba ga
11 Abe he no™ba ha no*"zhi® hi
12) Wia"do"ba ga

13. Yo ko ho the he he
14. Wia"do"ba ga

15 Abe he tha’bthi" ha no®zhi® hi
16 Wiado"ba ga

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE |

17
18
19
20

bo bh bo bo
N=

He Co

THE QUEST OF FOOD 263

a)
Yo ko ho the he he
Wi a"do®ba ga
Abe he duba ha no®zhi® hi
Wi atdo"ba ga

6
Yo ko ho the he he
Wi a"do*ba ga
Abe he ¢a/to" ha no®zhi® hi
Wi a®do*ba ga

Yo ko ho the he he
Wi a*do"ba ga
Abe he sha’pe ha no®zhi" hi
Wi a"do*ba ga
8
Yo ko ho the he he
Wi a"do"ba ga
Abe he pe’tho"ba ha no®zhi® hi
Wi a®do"ba ga

Yo ko ho the he he

Wi a®do"ba ga

‘Kite he witaxchi ha no"zhi® hi
Wia"do"ba ga

10
Yo ko ho the he he
Wi a*do"ba ga
Kite he no™ba ha no"zhi* hi
Wi a"do"ba ga

11
Yo ko ho the he he
Wia"do*ba ga
Kite he tha’bthi" ha no®zhi® hi
Wi a®do*ba ga

12
Yo ko ho the he he
Wia"do"ba ga
*Kite he duba ha no"zhi" hi
Wi a"do"ba ga

13
Yo ko ho the he he
Wia"do"ba ga
Kite he ¢a’to" ha no®zhi® hi
Wi a*do"ba ga

264 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BrH. ANN. 27

53 Yo ko ho the he he

54 Wia"do"ba ga

55 ’Kite he shape ha no*zhi® hi
56 Wiatdo"ba ga

57 Yo ko ho the he he
58 Wia"do"ba ga
59 ’Kite he pe’tho"ba ha no®zhi" hi
60 Wia"do"ba ga
16
61 Yo ko ho the he he
62 Wiando"ba ga
63 Hathe he to™ ha no®zhi® hi
64 Wiatdo*ba ga

65 Yo ko ho the he he

66 Wiado"ba ga

67 Pahi hi kugthi ha no*zhi® hi
68 Wiado"ba ga

69 Yo ko ho the he he

70 Wiatdo"ba ga

71 Pahi hi zi ha no*zhi® hi
72 Wia*do"ba ga

73 Yo ko ho the he he
4 Wia"do"ba ga
Pahi hi shabe ha no*zhi" bi
Wi a™do"ba ga

20
77 Yo ko ho the he he
78 Wia*do"ba ga
79 Xtha kugthi ha no®zhi® hi
80 Wiado"ba ga

81 Yo ko ho the he he
82 Wiado"ba ga
83 Xtha ¢ka ha no™zhi® hi
84 W ia"do"ba ga

22
Yo ko ho the he he
Wi a"do"ba ga
Xtha ziha no®zhi® hi
Wi a®do®ba ga

nom
“Io Or

nm om
wo

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] THE QUEST OF FOOD 265

23
89 Yoko ho the he he
90 Wiatdo"ba ga
91 Zhu ’to™ha no®zhi" hi
92 Wia"do"ba ga
24
93 Yo ko ho the he he
94 Wiathicpo"a
95 Zhu ’to™ha no®zhi® hi
96 Wi a*thizha
25
97 Yoko ho the he he
98 Wi a™bacno®a
99 Zhu ’to"ha no®zhi® hi
100 Wia"bagno” a
26
101 Yo ko ho the he he
102 Wi a*thigtha
103 Zhu ’to"ha no®zhi" hi
104. Wi a"thata
Literal translation

First stanza. 1. yo ko ho the he he is probably a corruption of
thikuthe, meaning ‘‘to hasten.” The process of change in singing
the word was from thikuthe to thekothe, and then on to yokothe, the
first syllable being dropped to give the free vowel sound of the o in
beginning the song. In view of this probable change the line would
read: ‘yokohothe he he, yokoho representing the vowel sound of the
second syllable of the word thekuthe, and the syllables he he the
vowel prolongation of the last syllable, the. The line would thus
mean ‘‘ Hasten!”’

2. wi, I. In this song it is the Maize that speaks. a”do"ba,
behold me (a”, me; do"ba, see or behold); ga, the sign of a command.
3. ko", root; duba, four; ha no™zhi", I stand (the ‘“‘h” is added to
the a in singing); hi, vowel prolongation.

Second stanza. 7. abe, leaves—a general term; he, vowel con-
tinued; wiaxchi, one.

Third stanza. 11. no"ba, two.

Fourth stanza. 15. tha’bthi”, three.

Fifth stanza. 19. du’ba, four.

Sizth stanza. 23. ¢a’to”, five.

Seventh stanza. 27. sha’pe, six.

Eighth stanza. 31. pe'tho"ba, seven.

Ninth stanza. 35. "kite, u’kite, the joint of the stalk, the node—
a general term for joint, in an animal or vegetable growth; he, vowel
prolongation.

266 THE OMAHA TRIBE [pTH. ANN. 27

Siateenth stanza. 63. hathe, clothing—a general term (the word
here refers to the husk around the ear of the maize) ; "to", ato”, I have,
or possess.

Seventeenth stanza. 67. ’pahi, hair (’pa, head; hi, hair); hi, vowel
continued; kugthi, light, shining.

Highteenth stanza. 71. 21, yellow.

Nineteenth stanza. 75. sha’ba, sha’be, dark colored.

Twentieth stanza. 79. «tha, the tassel of the maize.

Twenty-first stanza. 83. gka, white.

Twenty-third stanza. 91. zhu, flesh, as of fruit; to”, to possess.

Twenty-fourth stanza. 94. a"thig¢po, feels me (a, me; thi¢po", to
feel of); a, ha, the end of thesentence. 96. a"thizha, to pull or push
apart, to pluck, as the ear from the stalk.

Twenty-fifth stanza. 98. a"bagno", roasts (a", me; bagno”, to
thrust on a stick and roast before the fire).

Twenty-sirth stanza. 102. a"thigtha, athi gtha, to push off with a
stick, to shell. 104. a"thata (thata, to eat; a", me).

Free translation

: 1
O hasten!

Behold,
With four roots I stand.
Behold me!

2
O hasten!
Behold,
With one leaf I stand.
Behold me!
3
O hasten!
Behold,
With two leaves I stand.
Behold me!
4
O hasten!
Behold,
With three leaves I stand.
Behold me!
5
O hasten!
Behold,

With four leaves I stand.
Behold me!

O hasten!
Behold,

With five leaves I stand.
Behold me!

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

THE QUEST OF FOOD 267
7
O hasten!
Behold,

With six leaves I stand.
Behold me!

O hasten!
Behold,

With seven leaves I stand.
Behold me!

O hasten!
Behold,

With one joint I stand.
Behold me!

10
O hasten!
Behold,
With two joints I stand.
Behold me!

im
O hasten!
Behold,
With three joints I stand,
Behold me!

1
O hasten!
Behold,
With four joints I stand.
Behold me!

13
O hasten!
Behold,
With five joints I stand.
Behold me!

14
O hasten!
Behold,
With six joints I stand,
Behold me!

15
O hasten!
Behold,
With seven joints I stand.
Behold me!

16
O hasten!
Behold,
With clothing I stand.
Behold me!

268

THE OMAHA TRIBE

17
O hasten!

Behold,
With light, glossy hair I stand.
Behold me!

18
O hasten!

Behold,
With yellow hair I stand.
Behold me!

19
O hasten!
Behold,
With dark hair I stand.
Behold me!
20
O hasten!
Behold,
With light, glossy tassel I stand.
Behold me!
21
-O hasten!
Behold,

With pale tassel I stand.
Behold me!

bo
bo

O hasten!
Behold!

With yellow tassel I stand.
Behold me!

23
O hasten!

Behold,
With fruit possessed I stand.
Behold me!

24
O hasten!
Grasp ye,
My fruit as I stand.
Pluck me!
25
O hasten!
Roast by a fire
My fruit as I stand.
Even roast me!

26
O hasten!
Rip from its cob
My fruit as I stand,
And eat me!

[ETH. ANN. 27

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 269

In this ritual the maize is anthropomorphized and is conscious of
its mission. The poetic feeling of the ritual lies in the call of the
maize to man to behold its up-springing life, its increasing growth,
and its fruitage. Its final abnegation is almost hidden under the
rather matter-of-fact directions of the last stanzas. Still, it is there.

CULTIVATION OF MAIZE

Garden patches were located on the borders of streams. Occu-
pancy constituted ownership and as long as a tract was cultivated
by a family no one molested the crops or intruded on the ground;
but if a garden patch was abandoned for a season then the ground
was considered free for anyone to utilize. Men and women worked
together on the garden plots, which ranged from half an acre to two
or three acres in extent. Occasionally a good worker had even a
larger tract under cultivation. These gardens were mounded ina
peculiar manner: The earth was heaped into oblong mounds, their
tops flat, about 18 by 24 inches, and so arranged as to slant toward
the south. The height on the north side was about 18 inches; on the
south the plot was level with the surface of the ground. These mounds
were 2 or 3 feet apart on all sides. In one mound seven kernels of
corn were scattered; in the next mound squash seeds were placed, and
so on alternately. If the family had under cultivation a large garden
tract the beans were put into mounds by themselves and willow poles
were provided for the vines to climb upon; but if ground space was
limited the beans were planted with the corn, the stalk serving the
same purpose as poles. Squash and corn were not planted together,
nor were corn, beans, and squash grown in the same mound. After
the planting the ground was kept free of weeds and when the corn was
well sprouted it was hoed with an implement made from the shoulder
blade of the elk. The second hoeing took place when the corn was a
foot or more high. Up to this time the mounds were carefully weeded
by hand and the earth was kept free and loose. After the second
hoeing the corn was left to grow and ripen without further cultivation.
The mounds containing the squash and those in which the melons
were planted were weeded and cared for until the second hoeing of the
corn, when they, too, were left, as about this time the tribe started
out on the annual buffalo hunt.

NAMES OF PARTS AND OF PREPARATIONS OF MAIZE

The following names refer to the maize or corn and the preparations
made of it:

Wato”’zi: corn growing in the field; also shelled corn,

Waton’zihi: corn stalk or stalks.

Waha’ba: an ear of corn.

Waha’bahi: a corn cob or cobs.

270 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Wa’xatha: corn husk.

Hatu: the green husk.

Wathi/inge: braided corn. The husks were braided, leaving the ear hanging.

Wami/de: seed corm. This word is applied to any seed used for reproduction.
Other seed, such as apple seeds, are called ¢i.

Washon’ge: pounded corn. A stick, no™xpe, was thrust into the cob and the corn
roasted before a fire; then it was shelled and the chaff blown off; finally it was pounded
in a mortar (whe) with a pestle (wehe).

Wa’cke: pounded corn mixed with honey and buffalo marrow.

Wani’de: mush or gruel—pounded corn mixed with water.

Um/bagthe: corn boiled with beans, set over night to cool and harden, then served
cut in slices. Considered a delicacy.

Wana’xe: parched corn—used by travelers, and carried in skin bags.

Wabi/shnude: corn boiled with ashes and hulled—a sort of coarse hominy.

Wabthu’ga: wabi’shnude boiled with meat.

Watonzickithe: sweet corn roasted in the milk, cut off the cob, and dried.

HUNTING

There were various ways of going hunting, each of which had its
distinctive name:

Eshnov monthin, ‘‘ walking alone,’’ was used to indicate that a single family had
gone hunting or trapping.

A’bae, an old, untranslatable term, meaning that asingle man, or aman accompanied
by a few male companions, leaving their families in camp, had started out on foot in
search of game. This word was applied to this form of hunting even after horses had
come into use.

U’zhon, ‘‘to sleep with them,” referring to the game. This term was applied only
to the hunting of deer by a small party of men, or to a single person going out and
bivouacking among the game.

Shkow the, ‘‘to make to move.’’ The word refers to starting up the game. It was
applied to a party of men going toa given locality to hunt deer. Young brothers
and sons of the hunters formed this kind of hunting party. The hunters scattered
out and advanced abreast, while the lads rushed into the woods, started up the game,
and, if they could, secured a shot on their own account.

Tathie’une (ta, a part of taxti, ‘‘deer;’’ thie, a peculiar cut of the deer meat; une, ‘‘to
seek’’). A man who was not a good hunter frequently joined a shko™the party and
strove to be the first to reach the slain deer and so secure the right to be the first
butcher. For his services he was entitled to the cut called tathie.

The eshno”’ mo"thi”, the a'bae, and the shko”’the hunting parties went
out only in the fall and winter; these were the only parties that were
not organized and under the direction of a leader. The buffalo and
the elk moved in herds and were hunted differently from the deer,
antelope, and bear. The latter were sought for by individuals or by
small parties, as already described.

During the summer months the annual tribal buffalo hunt took
place. At this time the main supply of meat was secured. This
hunt was attended with much ceremony and was participated in by
the entire tribe; it was called te’une (from te, “buffalo,” and wne,
“to seek’’). The summer buffalo hunt was more generally spoken
of as wae'gaxtho" (wae, ‘cultivating the soil;” gaatho”, “moving

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD Dil:

after’’—‘‘ going on the hunt after the cultivation of the corn is done’’)
or nuge’teune (nuge, “summer;” te, “buffalo;” une, “to seek’’).
Ma’'theteune was the name of the winter buffalo hunt (ma’the,
“winter;” te’une, “buffalo hunt”). The buffalo was hunted in
winter for pelts. When the herd was found, the act of chasing it
was called wano”’¢e, the literal meaning of the word being ‘to intert
cept.’ In surrounding a herd the animals were intercepted by the
hunters at every turn; this was the usual mode of attacking a herd of
any kind. If among a party going out to hunt the buffalo in winter
there was a man from the I"ke’¢abe gens, the right to be the leader
of the company was his by virtue of his gens, and his authority was
obeyed by all the hunters of the party. The leadership accorded to
this gens applied only to chasing the buffalo. The life of the people
depended on this animal, as it afforded the principal supply of meat
and pelts; therefore the buffalo hunt was inaugurated and con-
ducted with religious rites, which not only recognized a dependence
on Wako®’da, but enforced the observance by the people of certain
formalities which secured to each member of the tribe an opportunity
to obtain a share in the game.

As neither the elk nor the deer stood in a similar vital relation to
the people, hunting these animals was attended with less ceremony.
A party going to find elk was spoken of as 0” po” ano"¢e (umpo",
“elk;” ano"¢e has the same meaning as wano”¢e). In such a party
an I"ke’cabe enjoyed no special privileges but was on the same
footing as all the other hunters. There was a leader, however, gen-
erally the man who initiated the hunting party. Winter was the
season for elk hunting. Deer also were hunted in the winter, as
during that season the animals were fat and in good condition.
When a man went alone for still hunting he used a whistle that
simulated the cry of the fawn, and thus attracted the male and female
deer. When a party went out they camped near a place where deer
were plentiful; the hunters then went off and returned to the camp.
On such expeditions boys were sometimes sent into the brush to beat
up the game for the hunters.

While the animals were alive, and in connection with the hunt,
each had its distinctive name, but when they were butchered their
flesh bore the common name of ta. If the meat was fresh it was
spoken of as tanuka, ‘‘wet meat;’’ when dried it was simply ta.

RULES OBSERVED IN BUTCHERING

The following customs were observed in cutting up the carcasses
of the deer, antelope, elk, and buffalo:

After a chase anyone could help in butchering the game. The first
person to arrive had to set to work at once in order to secure the rights
of the first helper. Every animal was cut up into certain portions.

Die THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

These were graded and assigned by custom to the helpers in the order
of their beginning work on the carcass. The man who shot the animal
might find, on reaching it, men already engaged in cutting it up. In
that case he would go to work on some other man’s game. He did not,
however, lose his rights in the animal he had shot. As every man’s
arrows bore the owner’s peculiar mark, there could be no dispute as
to who fired the fatal shot and so owned the killer’s share.

All animals were made ready for butchering by being rolled on the
back with the head pulled around backward by the beard until the
face lay on the ground; next, the head was pushed under the edge
of the side to serve as a support to the body as it lay on its back with
feet upward. First, the skin was removed in this way: An incision
was made at the lower end of the dewlap and the knife run up to the
middle of the underlip; the knife was then again inserted at the
starting point and a straight cut was made down to the vent; again the
knife was inserted at the starting point and a straight cut made down
the inside of each fore leg to the ankle. A straight cut was made
down the inner side of each hind leg to the ankle. A cut was then
made around the mouth and up the line of the nose to the base of the
horns and around the horns, leaving the hide, when taken from the
deer, antelope, elk, or buffalo, in one piece. The hide was called
ha; this belonged to the man who killed the animal. The summer
hide of the buffalo was called teshna’ha, meaning “hide without
hair.’ From the teshna’ha clothing, moccasins, and tent covers
were made, as these hides were easily tanned on both sides. The
hides taken in winter were called meha; these were used for robes
and bedding and were tanned on one side only. The hide of an
old bull was preferred for bedding. In flaying the animal for this
purpose the usual incisions were made on the breast; after this was
flayed it was turned thereon, the hind legs were stretched out back-
ward, the fore legs doubled under the body, and a straight cut was
made down the back; then the skin was drawn off on each side.
Skill was required to make straight cuts and was the result of much
practice. One of the most difficult cuts to make was to follow the
dewlap. A true outline was the pride of the hunter and added to
the value of a skin, as well as to its beauty, particularly when it was
to be used as a robe.

After flaying a buffalo, one of the hind legs was disjointed at the hip
and cut off. The flesh of the leg was cut lengthwise, following the
natural folds of the muscle, and the bone extracted; this portion
was called tezhe’ga. The next act was to open the body sufficiently
to remove the intestines. The large intestine, the stomach, and the
bladder were removed and laid to one side. The fore leg was then
unjointed and cut off at the shoulder and the bone extracted; this
portion was called tea’. The breast was next cut; this portion

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD Die

was called temo”’ge. The meat between the ends of ribs and the
breast was called tezhu’. There were two portions of this cut, which
were considered very choice. These were the pieces that were offered
at the ceremony of Anointing the Sacred Pole and were tabu to the
Waxthe’xeto" subgens of the Hoga, who had charge of these rites.:
Next, the ribs were severed from the backbone; the ribs from both
sides made one portion, which was called tethi’ti. The tongue was
last to be taken out; this was secured by making an incision in the
middle of the underjaw, pulling the tongue through the slit and then
cutting it off at the roots. If it was late in the day, or the hunters
were in haste, the tongue was left untouched. When one of the
writers commented on the loss of so dainty a part, she was answered:
“Men do not pay attention to these little delicacies but when their
children ask for them, the men remember.”

The following are the portions of the buffalo and their graded
values:

1. Tezhu’—side meat; 2 portions.
. Tezhe’ga—hind quarters; 2 portions.
. Tethi’ti—ribs; 2 portions.
. U’gaxetha—includes the stomach, beef tallow, and intestines; 1 portion.
. Teno” xahi—back; includes muscles and sinew; 1 portion.

. Temo"ge—the breast; 1 portion.
. Tea’—forequarters; 2 portions.

SID or iP LO

To the man who killed the animal belonged the hide and one por-
tion of tezhu’ andthe brains. Whether hehad more ornot depended on
the number of men who were helping. If there were only three helpers,
their portions were as follows: To the first helper to arrive, one of the
tezhu’ and a hind-quarter; to the second comer, the w’gaxetha; to the
third, the ribs. The various portions were adjusted by the owner of
the animal. Each helper received something for his services. It
sometimes happened that eight or ten men helped, in which case all
the cuts were required. If two or more men butchered an animal in
the absence of the hunter, when they finished the work each man took
his proper portions and left those belonging to the man who had killed
the game. When, therefore, the hunter returned to the animal
he had shot, he might find it flayed and cut up and his portions
lying on the hide awaiting him. Prominent men did not do the butch-
ering. This work was performed by the poor or by young men, who
thus secured food or choice bits. Should a chief or the son of a chief
appear on the scene when butchering was in progress, he would be
allowed the choice of any portion of the animal.

The large intestine was disentangled by the men, stripped between
the fingers, and its contents were thrown away. Then it was handed
over to the women to be prepared for cooking. They turned it
inside out, washed it, and turned it back, being careful not to disturb

83993°—27 erH—l11——18

274 THE OMAHA TRIBE [PTH. ANN. 27

the fat that adhered to the outside. A narrow strip of tender meat
from the side of the backbone was then cut; one end of the intestine
bearing fat on it was turned in and the strip of meat was inserted
at this end. As the meat was pushed along, the intestine became
reversed—the fatty outside became the inside. After the meat was in,
both ends of the intestine were securely tied; it was then boiled, or
roasted on coals. This was called ta”he and was esteemed a great
delicacy. The meat thus cooked was very tender and all the juice
was preserved within its close covermg. The stomach was turned
inside out, carefully washed, and the inner coating removed and
thrown away; the remainder was used for food. The heart and lungs
were usually left in the carcass. The small intestines of the sucking
calf were braided and roasted over coals; these were regarded as a
delicacy. Meat was generally boiled, the water, or soup, being taken
after the meat had been eaten.

The bones, used for their marrow after roasting, were: wazhi’be, “leg
bones;”’ teno” ahi, ““backbone.”’ The waba’eno”, “shoulder blades,”
were valuable as implements, particularly those of the elk, used as
hoes. The other bones were called: te’pa, ‘“skull;” he, “horns;”
u'gaxo", “hip bone;” wazhi’beuto™ ga, “upper leg bone;”’ zhi’ beugne,
“lower leg bone;”’ te sha’ge, “hoofs.”

The buffalo meat was brought into camp on ponies. Boys drove
these animals out to the hunting field for the purpose of packing the
meat onthem. Therunning horses used in hunting were not permitted
to carry burdens. Sometimes women went out to help in butchering,
particularly widows or childless women, or they drove the pack ponies.
It was the woman’s part to cut the meat into thin sheets and hang it
on the racks for drying. The rib meat was cut into strips, braided,
and dried.

The rules for butchering an elk and dividing the meat among the
helpers were the same as for the buffalo.

After being flayed a deer was cut in Half, one side being cut close to
the backbone; this half was called the tathie’. This cut became the
property of the first man to reach the deer and to begin to butcher
the game. The other half of the deer, that to which the backbone
and the neck adhered, was divided through the ribs, making two por-
tions. The hind part of this cut belonged to the second person who
arrived on the scene and took part in the butchering. To the man
who shot the deer belonged the skin and the portion to which the neck
was attached. Sometimes a man was alone when he killed a deer.
In that case, after he had flayed the animal he cut all the meat from
the bones and left the skeleton. If after he had finished a person
should come up, the hunter would say, Bthe’wthi shnude (bthe, “all;”
uthishnude, “stripped’’), that is, ‘‘the meat is stripped from the bones.”

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 275

making but one piece without divisions. Under such circumstances
no portion would: be given to the newcomer nor would any be
demanded. This manner of taking home the deer saved labor to the
women, as the meat was nearly ready to hang on the wa’mo” shiha,
or “rack,’’ for jerking.

The rules for butchering and dividing the flesh of the antelope and
bear were the same as observed with the deer.

TE'UNE, OR ANNUAL BUFFALO HUNT

When the crops were well advanced and the corn, beans, and melons
had been cultivated for the second time, the season was at hand for
the tribe to start on its annual buffalo hunt. Preparations for this
great event occupied several weeks, as everyone—men, women, and
children—moved out on what was often a journey of several hundred
miles. Only the very old and the sick and the few who stayed to care
for and protect these, remained in the otherwise deserted village.
All articles not needed were cached and the entrances to these recep-
tacles concealed for fear of marauding enemies. The earth lodges
were left empty, and tent covers and poles were taken along, as during
the hunt these portable dwellings were used exclusively. Fora century
ponies have superseded dogs as burden bearers. The tent poles were
fastened to each side of the pony by one end; the other trailed on the
ground. The parfleche cases containing clothing, regalia, the food sup-
plies, and the cooking utensils, were packed on the animal. Travoix
were used, supporting a comfortable nest for the children, some of
whom, however, often found places among the household goods on
the pony’s back. Men and women walked or rode according to the
family supply ofhorses. Between the trailing tent poles, which were fast-
ened to a steady old horse, here and there rode a boy mounted on his
own unbroken pony, for the first time given a chance to win his place
as an independent rider in the great cavalcade. Many were the droll
experiences recounted by older men to their children of adventures
when breaking in their pony colts as the tribe moved over the
prairies on the hunt. Much bustling activity occupied the house-
holds in anticipation of the start. Meanwhile a very different kind
of preparation had been going on for months in the thought and
actions of the man who had determined to seek the office of watho™,
or director of the hunt. He had been gathering together the mate-
rials to make the washa’be, or staff of that office. These consisted
of an ash sapling, two eagles (one black, one golden), a crow, a swan
skin, a dressed buffalo skin, two pieces of sinew; a shell disk, a copper
kettle (formerly a pottery cooking vessel), and a pipestem. These
articles were all more or less difficult to obtain, and represented a
determined purpose and labor on the part of the man and his family.

276 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

THe WatHoN’

The office of watho”, or director of the hunt, was one of grave
responsibility and high honor. The man who aspired to fill it needed
to possess courage and ability to lead men and command their respect
and obedience. During the term of his office the entire tribe was
placed under his direction and control; the Council of Seven Chiefs
acted only as his counselors and, together with the people, obeyed
his instructions. He directed the march of the tribe, selected its
camping places, chose and dispatched the runners in search of buffalo
herds, and directed the hunt when the game had been found. He
became responsible for all occurrences, from the pursuit of the buffalo
and the health and welfare of the people down to the quarreling of
children and dogs.

When the time drew near for the tribe to go forth on the hunt,
the aspirant to the office of watho™ took or sent the prescribed
articles he had secured for making the washa’be, or ceremonial staft
of the director, to the Washa’be subgens of the Ho?’ga gens, to which
belonged the hereditary right to make the staff. It was a pole of
ash more than 8 feet high, the end bent like a shepherd’s crook.
The buffalo skin furnished ‘by the aspirant was cut and a case made
from it for covering the pole. All the coarse feathers were removed
from the swan skin, leaving only the down; the skin was cut in
strips and wound about the staff, making it a white object. On one
side of the staff was fastened a row of eagle feathers, and a cluster of
golden eagle feathers hung at the end of the crook. Crow feathers
were arranged at the base about 10 inches from the end of the
pole, which was sharpened. (For picture of the washa’be, see fig. 27.)
To the pipestem which must accompany the washa’be was fastened a
shell disk. This stem was probably used when smoking the peculiar
pipe belonging to the White Buffalo Hide.

After the washa’be was made, the Ho®’ga subgens in charge of the
White Buffalo Hide called a council composed of the governing
tribal council (p. 208) and the Washa’be subgens, to which was invited
the man who desired to be the watho”. This action of the Ho®’ga
subgens constituted the appointment of the man to the office of
watho’. This council had also to determine the direction in
which the people were to go and the day on which they were to
start. This decision was considered one of the most important
acts in the welfare of the people; on it depended the food supply |
and also safety from enemies while securing it. The food eaten at
this council was either dried buffalo meat or maize, which had
to be cooked before sunrise. At this council the two Sacred Tribal
Pipes were ceremonially filled while their ritual was chanted.
This was done as the sun rose. Everyone present wore the buffalo
robe with the hair outside, the head on the left arm and the tail

FLETCHBR-LA FLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 277

on the right, and sat with head bowed and arms crossed on the
breast so as to bring the robe around the head like a hood. No
feathers or ornaments or any articles pertaining to war could be
worn or could be present in the Sacred Tent. The Pipes were smoked
in the formal manner; the I™ke’¢abe and Tha’tada servers passed
them to the members. The smoking was in silence. After-the Pipes
had been cleaned by the officers appointed for this duty and returned
to their keeper, one of the principal chiefs opened the proceedings by
mentioning the terms of relationship between himself and the others
present. Each one responded as he was designated. The chief then
spoke of the great importance of the subject before them and called
on those present to express their opinions. If since the last similar
council any chief or member present had given way to violence in
word or act, he must not speak. So long as he took no part in these
official proceedings the evil consequences of his words or actions
remained with himself, but should he act officially the consequences
of his misdeed would be transferred to the people. After all who
could rightfully take part in the discussion had spoken with due
deliberation, the newly chosen watho” was called on. He generally
summed up the views that were acceptable to the majority of those
present. If there were differences of opinion, then the men had to
remain in council until they came to an agreement. At this council
the general route the tribe was to take was laid out. In planning
the route two necessary features were always considered—wood and
a plentiful supply of water. It was also important to lead the
people where they could gather the wild turnip in great quantities.
These turnips were peeled, sliced, dried, and sewed up in skin bags
for winter use. Only the general direction was determined at this
council. The daily camps were selected by the watho” as the people
went along. These were usually from 10 to 15 miles apart, wood and
water again being important factors in the choice of the camping
place. If, owing to the lack of wood or water, the distance between
two camping places was greater than could conveniently be made in
one journey, thewatho” directed the tribal herald to consult the women,
on whom devolved much of the labor of the camp as well as the care
of the children, and to ascertain their decision in the matter. The
herald then reported the wishes of the majority and the watho’
issued his order accordingly.

When, at the initial council held by the Washa’be subgens, the
governing tribal council, and the watho”’, a decision was reached,
the official herald was sent to proclaim to the people the day fixed
for departure. Meanwhile the council sat in the bowed attitude
and the sacred feast was served in seven wooden bowls. These were
passed four times around the council, each person taking a mouthful
from a black horn spoon. This food could not be touched with the

278 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BrH. ANN. 27

fingers or any other utensil. The sun must have set before the chiefs
could lift their heads and the council break up, and the members
return to their homes. The day for the start once fixed, no change
could be made, as that would be breaking faith with Wako?’da, in
whose presence the decision had been reached.

No prescribed order was observed in making the start. Those
who were ready moved first, but all kept fairly well together. For
four days prior to the start the man who was to act as watho”’
fasted, and when all were departing he remained behind. After every-
one had gone he took off his moccasins and, carrying no weapons,
followed slowly with bare feet. He reached the camp after the peo-
ple had eaten their supper, went to his own tent, and as he entered
everyone withdrew and left him alone. The fast, the barefoot march,
and the lonely vigil were explained to be “a prayer to Wako"’da to
give courage to the man to direct wisely and to lead successfully the
people as they went forth to seek for food and clothing.” The old
men went on to state that “during all the time the man is watho™
he must be abstemious, eat but little, and live apart from his family;
he must continually pray, for on him all the people are depending.”
This manner of life by the director was called no”zhi"zho7— the same
word that was applied to the fast observed by the youth when he went
alone to pray to Wako"’da. (See p. 128.) The idea expressed in this
word was explained to be that ‘the man stands oblivious to the nat-
ural world and is in communication only with the unseen and super-
natural world which environs him and in which he receives power
and direction from Wako"’da, the great unseen power.’’ Every
effort was made by the chiefs and leading men to prevent or to con-
trol petty contentions, for if everyone was to secure a share in the
products of the chase, there had to be harmony, obedience to author-
ity, and good order throughout the tribe. If, however, disturbances
frequently occurred, or if the winds continually blew toward the
game, thus revealing the approach of the people and frightening away
the buffalo, such ill fortune might necessitate the resignation of the
watho"’. To avoid this necessity on the part of the director, a man
was appointed by the chiefs who took the name watho” and was to
assume all the blame of quarrels and other mishaps. This official
scapegoat took his office good-naturedly and in this humorous way
served the tribal director.

On the march the contents of the three Sacred Tents were in charge
of their keepers. In late years the White Buffalo Hide was packed
ona pony; in early days it was carried on the back of its keeper. The
washa’be (fig. 27) was carried by a virgin, and as it belonged to the
White Buffalo Hideshe walked near thatsacred article. Whenin camp
this staff of office was kept in the Sacred Tent containing the Hide.
The Sacred Pole was carried by its keeper. When the camping place

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 279

was reached, each woman knew exactly where to place her tent in the
hu’thuga, or tribal circle. The Sacred Tents were set up in their
respective places and the sacred articles put at once under cover.
After the camp was made the daily life went on as usual; the ponies
were tethered or hobbled and put where they could feed; wood and
water were secured, and soon the smoke betrayed that preparations
for the evening meal were going forward.

The beauty of an Indian camp at night deserves a passing word.
It can never be forgotten by one who has seen it and it can hardly
be pictured to one who has not. The top of each conical tent,
stained with smoke, was lost in shadow, but the lower part was aglow
from the central fire and on it the moving life inside was pictured in
silhouette, while the sound of rippling waters beside which the camp
stood accentuated the silence of the overhanging stars.

The signal to move in the morning was the dropping of the cover
from the tent of the director. When the poles of his tent were visible
every woman began to unfasten her tent cover, and in a short time
the camp was a memory and the people were once more on the march,
stretched out as a motley colored’ mass over the green waste.

As the buffalo country was reached—that is, when signs of game
were discerned—then the chiefs, the watho™, and the Washa’be subgens
of the Ho"’ga gens met in council and appointed a number of men who
were to act as “soldiers”? or marshals. These men were chosen from
among the bravest and most trusty warriors of the tribe, those who
had won the right to wear “the Crow” (see p. 441). They were
summoned to the Sacred Tent of the White Buffalo Hide, where they
were informed of their duty. It is said that these officers were told:
“You are to recognize no relations in performing your duty—neither
fathers, brothers, nor sons.” Their services began when the
camp was within hearing distance of the herd selected for the coming
surround. The marshals were to prevent noises, as loud calls and
the barking of dogs, and to see that no one slipped away privately.
Few, however, ever attempted to act independently, as it meant death
to a man to stampede a herd by going out privately to secure game.
During the surround the marshals held the hunters back until the
signal was given for the attack on the herd. It was in the exercise
of this duty that the marshals were sometimes put to the test of keep-
ing true to the obligations of their office.

The watho” chose some twenty young men to act as runners to
search for a herd suitable for the tribe to surround. If the region
was one in which there was danger of encountering enemies, the run-
ners went out in groups; otherwise they might scatter and go singly
in search of game. When the runners had been selected the tribal
herald stood in front of the Sacred Tent containing the White Buffalo
Hide, and intoned the following summons. First he called the name

280 THE OMAHA ‘TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

of a young man and then added: Mo*zho” i"thegago"ga tea ia thi" ho!
(mo™zho", “land;’’ «thegago"ga, “explore for me;’’ tea, “may;”’ ia,
“come; thi", “action;”’ ho, “calling attention’’)—‘‘Come! that you
may go and secure knowledge of the land for me.”’

When the runners (the wado™ be, “‘those who look’’) had found a suit-
able herd, they made a speedy run back to where the tribe was
camped; when they were near they paused on some prominent point
where they could be seen and signaled their report by running from
side to side; if there were two young men, both ran, one from right to
left and the other from left to right, thus crossing each other as they
ran. (See picture of I’shibazhi, pl. 39, arunner on the last tribal buf-
falo hunt.) This signal was called waba/ha. As soon as they were
seen, word was taken to the Sacred Tents and to the watho”. The
Sacred Pole and the pack contaiming the White Buffalo Hide were
carried to the edge of the camp in the direction of the returning run-
ners, followed by the Seven Chiefs. There a halt was made while the
runners approached to deliver their message. The White Buffalo
Hide was taken out and arranged over a frame so as to resemble some-
what a buffalo lying down. The Sacred Pole was set up, leaning on its
staff, the crotched stick. The chiefs, the keepers, and the herald were
grouped in the rear of these sacred objects. The first runner ap-
proached and in a low tone delivered his message, telling of the where-
abouts and the size of the herd, being careful not to exaggerate its
numbers. He was followed by the second runner, who repeated the
same message. The herald was then dispatched by the chiefs to notify
the people. He returned to the camp and shouted: “It is reported
that smoke (dust) is rising from the earth as far as the eye can reach!”’

Meanwhile, as soon as signs of the returning runners were seen the
director went to his own tent and remained alone until he heard the
voice of the herald shouting to the people. Then he went at once to
the Sacred Tent of the White Buffalo, where were the Seven Chiefs
and the subgens of the Ho®’ga, who had charge of the tent and its
belongings. The watho” now became the leader of the council, and
gave commands to the herald. Two men were selected by him to
lead in the surround, one to carry the washa'be and the other the
pipestem. Two boys were also selected to secure the twenty tongues
and one heart for the sacred feast. Then the herald went out, and
turning to the left passed around the tribal circle, calling as he went
the command in the name of the director:

You are to go upon the chase, bring in your horses.

Braves of the I"shta’¢u"da, Ho™gashenu, pity me who belong to you!

Soldiers of the I*shta’cu"da, Ho™gashenu, pity me who belong to you!

Women of the I*shta’gu"da, Ho™gashenu, pity me who belong to you!

The tribe was always addressed by the names of its two divisions,
and the words ‘‘ Pity me who belong to you” constituted an appeal by

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 39

V'SHIBAZHI

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 281

the watho” to the honor and the compassion of the people to avoid
all dissensions and imprudence which might bring about trouble or
misfortune, since any misdeed or mishap would fall heavily on the
director, who was responsible for every action, fortunate or unfortu-
nate, and who must suffer for the acts of the tribe, as through his
office he belonged to them, was in a sense a part of them, ‘‘as,’’ an
Omaha explained ‘‘a man’s hand belongs to his body.”

If the herd was at such a distance that the tribe must move on
and camp again before the chase took place then the Pole and the Hide
remained where the message of the runners had been received, until
the people were ready to go to the new camping place. On that
journey the two sacred objects, with the Seven Chiefs, led the ad-
vance, while the marshals rode on the sides of the great cavalcade
and kept the people in order. Once arrived at the camping place, the
camp was made silently, for fear of any sound frightening the
herd, and strict silence was maintained until the hunters were ready
to start. If, however, the herd was discovered near the camp, then
after the message from the runners had been delivered the two sacred
objects, the Sacred Pole and the White Buffalo Hide, were returned
to their tents and the marshals at once enforced silence, killing any
barking dogs if necessary. All preparations were made as quietly

as possible. Each hunter was attended by one or two mounted boys
- who led the fast running horses to be used in the chase: later his own
mount would be used to bring in the meat from the field. Once again
the herald circled the camp. His return to the tent of the White Buf-
falo Hide was the signal for the hunters to move. The two young men
bearing the washa’be and the pipestem were the first to start; these led
the procession of hunters, headed by the watho” and the Seven Chiefs.
The advance to the herd was by four stages. At the close of each
stage the chiefs and the director sat and smoked. This slow approach
to the herd was for definite purposes: First, to afford opportunity to
make prayer offerings of smoke to Wako®’da, to secure success; sec-
ond, to check haste and excitement among the hunters; third, to
insure an orderly progress toward the buffalo so that each person
might take part in the chase and obtain his share of the food supply.
As the four stops partook of a religious character they could not be
disregarded with impunity. The following incident occurred during
a tribal hunt early in the last century: At the third halt a man gal-
loped up to where the watho”’ and the chiefs sat smoking and spoke
impatiently of the slow progress, declaring that the herd was moving
and might escape because of the delay. The watho”’ said quietly,
“Tf your way is the better, follow it!’ The man dashed off, followed
by the hunters, who rushed on the herd; in the confusion several of
the hunters were injured and the man who led the people to disobey
the rites was crippled for life by his horse falling on him. This dis-

282 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

aster was regarded as a supernatural punishment of his irreverent
action in interrupting the prescribed order of procedure.

When the designated place for the attack was reached the two
youths paused while the hunters divided into two parties. One was
to follow the youth with the washa’be; the other the youth with the
pipestem. At the command of the watho™” the two young men
started and ran at full speed to circle the entire herd, followed by
the horsemen. The marshals with their whips held the riders back
and in order, for no one was allowed to break into the herd or advance
beyond the washa’be or the pipestem. Whosoever attempted to do so
or who failed to control his horse and keep in line was flogged, the
rawhide thong of the marshal falling on the bare body of the hunter
with all the force of the strong arm of the officer. These officers
were the only men to wear ornaments on the hunts. They were
decorated with the highly prized insignia, ‘“‘ the Crow.” All of the
hunters were nude except for moccasins and breechcloths. When
the two youths bearing the washa’be and the pipestem met, the
washa'be was thrust into the ground and the pipestem tied to it.
This was the signal at which the marshals gave the word of com-
mand to charge on the herd. The hunters responded with shouts
and yells, driving the bewildered buffalo in confused circles toward
the camp. When the two youths started with the emblems of
authority to circle the herd their places were immediately taken by
the two boys who had been selected to secure the tongues and
heart for the sacred feast. As soon as the hunters rushed on
the herd and a buffalo was seen to fall, these boys pushed in, dodg-
ing in and out among the animals and hunters, for they r-"st take
the tongue from a buffalo before it had been touched with a knife.
They carried their bows unstrung and thrust the tongues on them.
They had been instructed as to the manner in which the tongues
must be taken. An opening was made in the throat of the buffalo
and the tongue pulled through and taken out; then the end of the
tongue was bent over and the fold cut. It was thonght that if a knife
was thrust through the tongue to make a hole, it would bring bad
luck. Through the slit thus made the unstrung bow was thrust. Ten
tongues were carried on one bow. When the twenty tongues and
the heart were secured, the boys returned with these articles to
the Sacred Tent of the White Buffalo Hide.. Meanwhile the slaughter
of the game went on. The Omah.. were expert hunters and many
a man could boast of sending his arrow clear through a buffalo and
wounding a second one beyond with the same missile. (Pl. 40.)
At the conclusion of the hunt the washa’be and the pipestem were
brought back and delivered to the watho”. The meat was packed on
the horses and taken to camp, where it was jerked by the women. On
the night of the surround the feast of tongues and heart was held in the

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 40

ARROW RELEASE

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 983

Tent of the White Buffalo Hide. The Seven Chiefs, the watho’,
the Washa’be subgens of the Ho?’ga, and sometimes a few of the
leading men, were present. All wore the buffalo robe in ceremonial
fashion. On this occasion, though the subgens prepared the food
they could not partake of it—the buffalo tongue was their tabu.
Their position was that of host; they were acting for the White
Buffalo, of which they were the keepers, and tribal etiquette de-
manded that at a feast the host should not eat any of the food
offered his guests. Those who were permitted to eat at this feast
took their food in the crouching attitude observed at the initial
council when the watho”” was authorized and the route to be taken
on the hunt determined. Sometimes the boys gathered more than
the twenty tongues required and if the supply was more than suf-
ficient for the feast they received a portion, as did other persons.
The feast bemg a sacred one, the consecrated food was prized, as it
was believed to bring health and long life. A share was sometimes
begged and the portion received was divided among a number of
people, who ate of it in the hope that they might thereby secure to
themselves the promised benefits. The tongues and heart were
boiled; only the chiefs and the watho™ were present during the
cooking.

After the feast the Washa’beto™ subgens of the Ho?’ga sang the
ritual of the White Buffalo Hide. The Hide was mounted on its
frame and occupied the place of honor in the back of the tent facing
the east, while the chiefs and the watho™” muffled in their robes sat
with bowed heads and smoked the peculiarly shaped pipe belonging
to the Hide. :

THE WHITE BUFFALO HIDE

The manner in which the ritual of the White Buffalo Hide was
obtained, as well as that of the Sacred Pole, has been recounted (pp.
247-250). When the old man Wako" mo*thi® (fig. 60) had completed
the rituals, he agreed to deliver the White Buffalo Hide to the writers
the following spring or summer. He desired to have this sacred
object, which had been so long his care, with him during one more
winter and until ‘‘the grass should grow again.” He kept the Hide
in a tent set apart for its use that was pitched near his little cabin.
He used to go and sit near it as it hung on a pole tied up as a bundle.
There he would muse on the memory of the days when it presided
over the hunt and its ritual was sung by him and his companions
while the chiefs smoked its sacred pipe and the people feasted on the
product of the chase, enjoying peace and plenty. It was hard for
the old man to adjust himself to the great changes that had taken
place. He realized that his years were tew, that the other sacred
articles belonging to the tribe were in safe keeping, and he said: ‘‘It
is right that the Hide should go and be with the Pole, as it always used

284 THE OMAHA TRIBE [pTH. ANN. 27

to be, and it shall go there when the grass comes again.” Pitying
the old man, the writers acceded to his request, although a large sum
of money had been given him for the Hide, and they left it with him.
In February, 1898, came the tidings that while the old man was at the
Agency (whither he had been called to transact some business),
thieves had broken into his tent and had stolen the White Buffalo
Hide. The grief of the old keeper was most pathetic. For months
every morning he went out and while yet the morning star hung in
the eastern sky he wailed as for the dead. His sorrow shortened his
days, for he survived only a season or two. He bitterly lamented not
putting the Hide where no irreverent hands could reach it—but it
was too late. After months of search the writers traced the Hide,
which had been sold to a man in Chicago, and learned the name of
the thief. Efforts were made to buy back the stolen relic and place
it where the old keeper had wished it to go, beside the Sacred Pole,
but the purchaser would not accede to any plan looking to that end.
The Hide is now deposited with the Academy of Sciences, Lincoln Park,
Chicago.

It is the skin of a small, whitish® buffalo, with hoofs and horns
intact. A row of shell disks are fastened down the back. (PI. 41.)
The exact measurements the writers have been unable to obtain.
The pipe is peculiar. It is of red catlinite, nearly circular in shape,
and represents the hoof of the buffalo. (Fig. 64). The significance of
this pipe is indicated in the last stanza of the first song of Part II
of the ritual belonging to the Hide. (See p. 290.)

According to Mo®xe’wathe, who was hereditarily one of the keepers
of the Tent of the Sacred Hide, there were formerly two Sacred White
Buffalo Hides, one male, the other female. The male hide was buried
with its keeper many years ago, so that it was the female that was in
the charge of Wako"’mo*thi®. The same authority stated that on
the first or second camp, when the tribe was on the annual buffalo
hunt, any man who desired to make a present to the Sacred Tent, so
as to ‘‘count” the gifts, could do so in the followmg manner: He
would send to the keeper and ask him to ‘‘untie the buffalo.’’ The
keeper made a sort of frame of withes and spread over it the Hide, so
as to give it the appearance of a live buffalo. The man who wished to
make gifts, took them and with a little girl stood before the tent but
at a distance from it. Then he sent his presents one by one by the
hand of the little girl to the keeper, who received them. When he
had finished, some other ambitious man would advance with presents
and send them by a little girl in the same manner. These presents

aThe albino buffalo was sacred among all the close cognates of the Omaha and also among the Dakota
tribes. Catlin mentions that the Mandan gave the Blackfeet the value of eight horses for a white buffalo
skin, which they placed with great ceremony in their medicine lodge. Personal names referring to the
white buffalo occur in all the cognates. (For an account of a ‘‘ White Buffalo Ceremony’’ among the
Dakota, see Peabody Museum Reports, m1, 260-275, 1880-86, Cambridge, 1887.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 41

THE WHITE BUFFALO HIDE

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 285

‘

could all be ‘‘counted”’ toward the one hundred which would entitle
a man to entrance into the Ho hewachi and to put the “‘mark of
honor” on his daughter. The reason the presents were sent one at a

Upper surface

Under surface

Fic. 64. Pipe belonging to White Buffalo Hide.

time was to give the man the ability to say, ‘““I have been to the
Sacred Tent so many times.” If he had sent all his presents at once,
they would have counted as only one gift.

286 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

When the tribe was near the buffalo herds the people moved abreast
and not in a file. As the Sacred Tent was then always in advance,
when the Tent stopped and the buffalo was untied all the people had
to stop, so the man was then seen by all the tribe as he made his
presents to the Sacred Hide.

Tue Rrrvuat or THe WuirE Burrato Hipe

The ritual of the White Buffalo Hide is dramatic in character but
hardly a drama in form. It is composed of nineteen songs, divided
into four groups. The ritual deals with the gift of the buffalo to man
and although it pictures in a realistic way man’s efforts to secure this
gift provided for him, yet a supernatural presence more or less per-
vades the ritual from its opening song to the close. The belief in the
supernatural presence was emphasized by the muffled figures of the
chiefs and the watho™ as they sat with bowed heads and smoked the
peculiar pipe sacred to the Hide while the ritual was sung.

The argument of the ritual is briefly as follows:

Part I.—The Pipe
(TWO SONGS)

(1) The pipe ‘‘appears.”’ (2) Man is commanded to take it, that
he may supplicate Wako?’da.

Part II.—The Supplication
(FOUR SONGS)

(1) Creation recalled; the species buffalo created. (2) The buf-
falo’s growth and its perpetuation are provided for. (3) The buffaloes
converge toward man. (4) They come from every direction and
cover the face of the earth.

Part IIT.—Assurance of Wakon’da

(ONE SONG)

(1) The animals are to grow and perpetuate themselves that they
may benefit man.

Part IV.—The Hunt
(TWELVE SONGS)

(1) The chiefs’ song; refers to the council when the route for the
hunt was decided upon. (2) The people start “toward the lowing
herds.” (3) The herds retreat but are seen at a distance. (4) Run-
ners go in search of the herds, aided by the birds. (5) Return of the
runners; joyful murmurs among the people at the good news. (6)
The herald tells of the council’s decision to move on the herd and
repeats the director's admonition. (7) The herald proclaims the sig-
nal for the start. (8) Depicts the field of the hunt; the men seek the
aniruals they have shot. (9) Refers to the custom of cutting up the
meat. (10) The song of plenty and teaching of economy. (11) Re-

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 287

turn to camp of the hunters, when the boys carry the meat for the
sacred feast. (12) The plentifulness of the game causes some hunters
to camp on the field.

Each song was repeated four times. There was a pause after each
part, for all ceremonials had to be performed with deliberation. The
singing of this ritual eccupied the greater part of the night. And
the same rule applied to these songs as to those belonging to the Sacred
Pole. An error made it necessary to begin at the first song again, for
the ritual must go straight through without any break in the order of
the songs.

It is a question with the writers whether the ritual as here given is
entire. The old keeper-priest gave the songs as a whole and the few
old men who remembered them declared them correct and complete.
Still, there may be unintentional omissions. To sing these songs into
a graphophone was very different for the old man from giving
them in their order during the ceremonial, when any omission would
have been rectified at once by aid of the xw’ka, or prompters. The
ritual as it here stands is at least fairly complete, and if any songs are
lacking they would seem to be unimportant to the general outline.

Part I—The Pipe
First Sone

WHITE BUFFALO HIDE

(Sung in octaves) —
ig a ats as nee ee TO eee ee
ize ————— | ae . ——_ =
ey Sate = = == z —
Tha - ni - ba - ha!......... Xu - be li¥e) 3. Woocenosasgcontccec
ee =e e ee: 2S eee er e ° === = =<
= SS Ss Se =
- Tha ni-ba-ha e - tho® be tha - ni - ba- ha, Do® - ba?

1. Thani’baha
2. Xu’be hehe
3. Thani’ba ha, e’tho"be
4. Thani’ba ha. Do™ba

Literal translation

1. Thani’ba, an old form of nini’ba, pipe. The Osage use this
form in daily speech. Ha, vowel prolongation of preceding syllable.

2. Xw’be, part of waxu'be, an object set apart from ordinary usage
and made holy; some consecrated thing that is used as a medium of
communication with the supernatural, with Wako™da. Hehe, ehe, I
say; the added h is for euphony in singing.

3. H’'tho"be, appears, comes into view, of its own volition, from a
covered place, so as to be seen by all.

288 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

4. Don'ba, to see; the word as here used is a part of the phrase
~do™ ba iga (do™ba, to see; 7, plural sign, a number addressed; ga,
command). The phrase is equivalent to “‘Behold ye!”

Free translation
The holy Pipe!
Holy, I say.
Now it appears before you,
The holy Pipe, behold ye!

In this song the pipe is not addressed, but speaks through its keeper-
priest, first by its proper name, then by a term indicative of its func-
tion; it is then asserted that it “‘appears” not by any agency of man,
but by its own power, and commands men to behold. The use of the
word ethovbe gives the key to the meaning of the song—the Pipe
acts, ‘‘appears;” it is not acted upon or made to appear. Although
so simple and concrete, this song throws more light on the native
thought and belief in the use of the pipe than any single song the
writers have found. The pipe is here represented as infused with
“movement,” that special attribute of life, and ‘‘appears” to become
the bearer of man’s supplication to Wako™da. The music fittingly
clothes the thought expressed in the words and makes a majestic

opening to the ritual.
SECOND SONG

o*—e e
Ni-ni - ba xu - ba he tho® tho®-ba ha he thon - be

ft a Sess Sateen =— — =
Gt oe ee = ee Se: st fd

<= +
Ha e- he the I - u -. gthe he - tho" - tho®- ba ha
_# ae ==
EG? Se a =|
== 7 SS ee SS as
4-H + oe 4 4 H = 4————-4 +——_+—
Ea Ane er a A A Ce EEE OT ae
he-tho® be Tha-ni - ni- ba ha he- tho®-tho®-ba- ha he tha
=== 4
AE = aoa —- Se agi gran gence ees eet et Patt te
e =S Oe a CE ace
Ha e-he the I-u - gthe he- tho®-tho® ba ha he tho" be
ptt = —= — =
iG? =a — ———= | 4-\ 4 = — “||
COS} —+ 1 4 4 4 —: 4 SS =
xO Lat ce Seal DOM Cone eT a) Eee ee
Tha -ni - ni-ba ha he - thon - thoo- ba ha he tha
1. Niniba, xuba, he tho*tho"ba ha hetho"be
2. Ha ehe the
3. Iugthe, he tho"tho®ba ha he tho"be
4. Thaniniba ha, he tho"tho"ba ha he tha
5. Ha ehe the
6. Iugthe he tho*tho"ba ha, he tho™be
7. Thaniniba ha he’tho"tho"ba ha, he tha

FLETCHPR-LA FLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 289

Literal translation

1. Mimi’ba, pipe; xuba, part of waxu’'be, holy object. The change of
the final vowel to a is for euphony in singing; hetho"tho"ba, the same as
e'tho"be—prefixing of h, doubling of syllable tho”, and change of final
vowel to a are for euphony and to bend the word to the music, and
to convey the sound of the breath; ha, vowel prolongation.

2. Ha, modified form of ho, now, at this time; ehe, I say; the, this.

3. LIugthe—1, mouth; wgthe, to insert.

4. He, a part of ehe, I say; tha, an oratorical sign at the close of the
sentence, implying something of a command.

Free translation

Holy Pipe, most holy, appears; it appears before you.
Now I bid ye

Within your lips take this holy Pipe, holy Pipe.

The Pipe, it appears, appears before you, I say.
Now I bid ye

Within your lips take this holy Pipe, holy Pipe.

The Pipe it appears; appears before you, I say.

In this song the chiefs, the representatives of the people, are bidden
to accept the holy Pipe, take it within their lips, that the fragrant
smoke may carry upward their supplication. This song precedes the
actual smoking of the Pipe. The music is interesting, as in it the
motive of the first song is echoed, but it is treated in a way to suggest
the movement toward the Pipe, which in the first song stood apart,
clothed with mysterious power. It now comes near and in touch
with the supplicants and lends itself to service. These two songs
complement each other and show both dramatic and musical form.

Part I1.—The Supplication

First Sone

Recitative
(Sung in octaves)

SSS oor
42S oa
se oe nal

Ki - no® shko I ba -' ha- do® ha he e- ae

rlast phrase.

—— a sa TI
——— =
Ser a gee aaa Jao + °° + «+ + eae =!
thi-shto" a- do" pa’ te shko®e he - a- ha Ci gthi!

Kino*shko® ha, I bahado® ha, ehe ehe, thishto", ado® Pa te shko", ehe a ha
Kino"shko® ha, I bahado® ha, ehe ehe, thishto" ado", I"de shko®, ehe a ha
Kino"shko® ha, I bahado” ha, ehe ehe, thishto™ ado", I"shta shko", ehe a ha
Kino"shko® ha, I bahado" ha, ehe ehe, thishto" ado", He te shko", ehe a ha
Kino*shko® ha, I bahado® ha, ehe ehe, thishto® ado®, Nitateshko", ehe a ha
Kino*shkon ha, I bahado® ha, ehe ehe, thishto™ ado", No"shki shko", ehe a ha
Kino*shkon ha, I bahado® ha, ehe ehe, thishto" ado”, No"ka shko*, ehe a ha

83993°—27 ErH—11——19

oR eh P

1m
cove

290 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BrH. ANN. 27

8. Kino"shko" ha, I bahado” ha, ehe ehe, thishto” ado", Tea shko®, ehe a ha
9. Kino"shko® ha, I bahado" ha, ehe ehe, thishto™ ado”, Mo"ge shko®, ehe a ha
10. Kino®shko” ha, I bahado™ ha, ehe ehe, thishto™ ado", Thiti shko", ehe a ha
11. Kino®shko” ha, I bahado™ ha, ehe ehe, thishto® ado®, Zhuga shko®, ehe a ha
12. Kino"shko" ha, I bahado” ha, ehe ehe, thishto® ado®, Nixa shko®, ehe a ha
13. Kino®shko®” ha, I bahado” ha, ehe ehe, thishto® ado®, (itde shko*, ehe a ha
14. Kino®shko” ha, I bahado” ha, ehe ehe, thishto™ ado”, Imbe shko®, ehe a ha
15. Kino®shko” ha, I bahado” ha, ehe ehe, thishto™ ado", Zhitga shko", ehe a ha
16. Kino®"shko” ha, I bahado” ha, ehe ehe, thishto™ ado®, Cite shko", ehe a ha, (i gthe

Literal translation

1. Ki, himself or itself; no"shko", movement, action—it moves
itself; ha, end of the sentence; J bahado", conscious, having knowl-
edge; ha, behold; ehe, I say; thishto”, it is done, it is finished, accom-
plished; ado”, bado", because; pa te, nose (te, suffix, standing) ; shko",
moves; @ ha, behold.

Inde’, face.

3. I"shta’, eyes.
4. He, horns; te (suffix), standing.
5. Nita’, ears; te, standing.

6. No"shki’, head.
a
8
9

No™ ka, back.
Tea’, arm (buffalo arm).
. Mo’ge, breast.

10. Thi'ti, ribs.

11. Zhu’'ga, body.

12. Mixa, stomach.

13. Cir’de, tail.

14. Im’be, hind quarters.

15. Zhin’ga, little one, the calf.

16. Cite, feet; Ci gthe, tracks, footprints.

In this song the creation of the buffalo is depicted. “‘ Movement”
is synonymous with life. The living embryo moves of itself. Ac-
cording to native reasoning it moves because it is endowed with
consciousness. As breath is the sign of life, the nose, whence the
breath issues, is the first to ‘‘move.”’ Next the face moves, then
the eyes, and so on until all the parts of the body ‘“‘move” because
of conscious life. Then the little one, the calf, is born. Finally as
the feet move they leave on the earth a sign of life—tracks.’’¢

The music is recitative and in a minor key. The emphasis on
the keynote, of the last word, (igthe, ‘‘tracks,’”’ indicates the finality
of the creation.

aQbserve in this connection the peculiar pipe belonging to the Hide (fig. 64), in the shape of a track
of a buffalo hoof.

PLETCHER-LA FLESCH] THE QUEST OF FOOD 291

SECOND SONG
(Recitative in octaves )

Ss
—4- — — ee

Nu-ga ha dudi ha i-thit he - he Nu-ga- ha du-di ha...

— eee
=: af —— nae Ss =
[ca— Se ed

i-thi® he Nu-ga ha du-di ha i thi® he he -

|
Nu/’ga ha! du’di hai thi"! he he
Nu’ga ha! du’di hai thi®! he
Nu’ga ha! du/’di hai thi"! he he
2
Zha/wa ha! du’di hai thi"! he he
Zha/wa ha! du/di hai thi™! he
Zha/wa ha! du’di hai thi"! he he
3
Mi’ga ha! du/di hai thi"! he he
Mi’ga ha! du’di hai thi"! he
Mi’ga ha! du/di hai thi! he he
4
Zhi™ga ha! du’di hai thi"! he he
Zhit™’ga ha! du/di hai thi"! he
Zhi™ga ha! du’di hai thi"! he he

Texi he du’di hai thi"! he he
Texi he du‘di hai thi"! he
Texi he du’di hai thi"! he te

Literal translation

1. Nu’ga, male, bull. The word is here used in a generic sense.
Ha, sign showing that the male is addressed; du’di ha, nearer this
way; 7, come; thi", sien showing that the object spoken of is moving;
he he, ehe, 1 say—the h is added for euphony in singing.

2. Zha'wa, large, majestic, imposing; zha’wa ha!, O majestic one!

3. Mi'ga, cow, female. The word is here generic and not specific.
Mi'ga ha!, O mother one!

4. Zhi"’ga, little—the word refers to the young of the buffalo;
zhin’ga ha!, O little one!

5. Texi, difficult to accomplish; he, ha, the sign of address.

This song is closely related to the preceding. In the first stanza
of this supplicating song the newborn male moving yonder is ad-
dressed and asked to come nearer this way—that is, toward man,
for whose benefit he was created. In the second stanza the male
has grown, has reached maturity, and presents the imposing appear-

992 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 2

ance of the buffalo bull. He is asked to come nearer with all his
powers, that man may be helped to live. In the third stanza, the
female, the mother with all her potency, is addressed, and bidden
to come nearer toward waiting mankind to yield him food. The
fourth stanza addresses the calf, with its promise of growth and of
a future supply of food. The calf is bidden, as were its progenitors,
to come nearer and give food to man. In the fifth stanza the word
text is used as a trope. It refers to the great power of Wakor’da
as shown in the vast herds brought about by the multiplication of
single pairs. These moving herds are asked, supplicated, to come
nearer to man, to yield him food and life.

The music is the five-tone scale of F major. Although divided
into three phases it is recitative in character and the motive is
similar to the precéding song, to which it is related.

Tuirp Sone
(Sung in octaves)

loa SSeS. a ae ee 3 =|
et et et = H [_ ae ——
3 soe (net Jere (Se eet ET
In-to® a-i ba-do®" ha-i bi hi the zho"-ge he she-no*-ha ge tho®
ipo ss Se Be 2 ee
a ee gay == ==
os +
In-toO™ a- i cae -do® ha - i - hi the
a a oe 74 — a
fr ———— ae 4
cs vr
to® - a-i ba-do®? ha-i-bi hi the Yo yo du - da!

1. I "to" ai bado® ha ibi’hi the, zho"ge he sheno"ha ge tho®
2. I ™to™ ai bado™ ha ibi/hi the, ’to" ai bado" ha ibi’hi the
3. Yo, yo, duda
Literal translation

1. J"to", now, at the present time; ai bado”, they coming; ha, end
of sentence; ibi’he, they are coming; the, tha, oratorical close of sen-
tence; zho"ge, uzho"’ge, path or paths; he, vowel prolongation;
she'noha, all; ge, many; tho”, the.

2.7 To ato", now.

3. Yo, come—a form of call; duda, this way.

In this supplicatory song the ‘‘moving herds”’ spoken of in the
previous song are now drawing near, converging by many paths
toward man. Such was the motive of their birth, to benefit man,
to respond to his supplications and yield their life when he reverently
calls them: Yo, yo, duda!—‘this way, hither come!” The music
is in the five-tone scale of F sharp minor. The call is on the key-
note an octave and a fifth below the opening of the song, which is
recitative in form, and follows the motive of the two preceding songs,
to which it is related.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 293

FourtH Sone

(Sung in octaves)

— ———— —
—— 4 3 =
SS
se: +. a oe 2
Wi-ax-chiha ha-i bi hi the wi-ax-chihaha a - i bi hi the
o~
SP a es es ee Se , Stet eee We
SS = SS ee = a |
Wi-ax-chi-ha ha - i bi hi the wi-ax-chi - ha_ ha-i bi hi

<= —= == ss = ala = [=]

ee gai Pee 2
_wi-ax-chi ha- ha-i bi - hi the wi-ax-chi ha - i bi hi

Wiaxchi ha, hai bi “hi the
Wiaxchi ha, hai bi “hi the
Wiaxchi ha, hai bi ’hi the
Wiaxchi ha, hai bi “hi the

No®*ba ha, hai bi ’hi the
No*ba ha, hai bi ’hi the
No®ba ha, hai bi *hi the
No®ba ha, hai bi *hi

Thabthi® ha, hai bi ’hi the
Thabthi® ha, hai bi ’hi the
Thabthi" ha, hai bi *hi the
Thabthi® ha, hai bi *hi

Duba ha, hai bi hi the
Duba ha, hai bi *hi the
Duba ha, hai bi “hi the
Duba ha, hai bi "hi

C@ato™ ha, hai bi "hi the
Cato” ha, hai bi ’hi the
Cato™ ha, hai bi "hi the
Cato ha, hai bi *hi

6
Shape ha, hai bi *hi the
Shape ha, hai bi ‘hi the

Shape ha, hai bi ’hi the
Shape ha, hai bi “hi

294

THE OMAHA TRIBE
7

Petho"ba ha, ’i bi “hi the
Petho"ba ha, ’i bi ’hi the
Petho"ba ha, ’i bi ’hi the
Petho"ba ha, *i bi “hi

Pethabthi® ha, ’i bi ’hi the
Pethabthi® ha, ’i bi “hi the
Pethabthi® ha, ’i bi “hi the
Pethabthi" ha, ’i bi ’hi

Sho"ka ha, hai bi ’hi the
Sho*ka ha, hai bi “hi the
Sho"ka ha, hai bi *hi the
Sho*ka ha, hai bi “hi

Gthebo® ha, hai bi ’hi the
Gthebo® ha, hai bi ’hi the
Gthebo® ha, hai bi “hi the
Gthebo® ha, hai bi “hi

Ogeda ha, ’i bi ’hi the
O*geda ha, ’i bi hi the
O*geda ha, ’i bi *hi the
O*geda ha, *i bi “hi

Literal translation

[ETH. ANN. 27

Wiaxrchi, one; ha added to the word makes it to mean “in one

direction; hai, ai, they are coming—the h is added for euphony in
singing; bi, are; “hi, a part of ehe, [say—the final vowel is changed for
euphony; the, the same as tha, the oratorical end of the sentence.

Ce = a

“J

No"ba ha, two directions.
Thabthi” ha, three directions.
Duba ha, four directions.
Cato” ha, five directions.
Shape ha, six directions.

. Petho™ba ha, seven directions; %, contraction of ai, they are
coming.

8. Pethabthi” ha, eight directions.

9. Sho"ka ha, nine directions.

10. Gthebo" ha, ten directions.

11. O"geda ha, from every direction.

In this song the ‘‘moving herds’

)

are depicted as coming wherever

man can turn; they cover the face of the earth; they approach him
O"’geda is one of the nz’kie names in the
Hoga gens and was taken from this ritual.
his head as he sang this stanza and in a broken voice he repeated the

from every direction.

The old priest shook

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 295

word o”’geda, meaning the buffalo are coming from everywhere, and
added: ‘‘Not now! not now!”’ Wako*’da’s promises seemed to him
to have been swept away. He could not face what appeared to be
a fact nor could he understand it.

The music follows the five-tone scale of E major; the movement
of the phrase is dignified and lends itself well to unison singing.

Part III.—Assurance of Wakor’da

(Sung in octaves)
ee Ss
Cg a SS Se es eS
o—é-70 Cat maf Cae J
Sha-de he sha-de he tha ha Nu - ga ha-ne he
- 7 _— =, i =
$ 3 == “D> 4 * = = =
= ee ae Boy hee eae Fae E SSS
=< 4 Ee ee ee ee
tha ha Nu - ga ha-ne he tha ha

Shade he shade he tha ha
Nuga hane ’he tha ha
Nuga hane ’he tha ha

2
Shade he shade ’he tha ha

Zhawa hane ’he tha ha
Zhawa hane ’he tha ha

3
Shade he shade he tha ha

Miga hane ’he tha ha
Miga hane ’he tha ha

Shade he shade he tha ha
Zhi"ga hane ’he tha ha
Zhi*ga hane ’he tha ha

is
Shade he shade he tha ha

Texi hane ’he tha ha
Texi hane ’he tha ha

Literal translation

1. Shade, it is done—a declaration of something accomplished; he,
part of ehe, I say; tha ha, oratorical close of the sentence, calling at-
tention to an important declaration; nuga, male; hane, you have;
"he, ehe, I say.

2. Zhawa, majestic one.

3. Miga, female, mother one.

4. Zhi"ga, little one, calf.

5. Texi, difficult to accomplish.

296 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

In this song Wako"’da gives assurance that man’s supplication for
the animals desired for his food has been heard. Init the form of the
second song of Part II is repeated, both as to words and music, with
the difference that the act supplicated by man in the first song is here
stated authoritatively as accomplished. The change in the motive
of the music after the second he in the first measure is marked and
emphasizes the meaning of the words of the entire song, which was
explained to be the emphatic assertion, ehe, ‘I say,” of Wako™da
that the provision for the perpetuation of the buffalo and the creation
of the ‘‘moving herds”’ was because of the needs of man, and to give
him food in abundance. The music is in D minor and is recitative
in character.

Part IV.—The Hunt

First Sonc—THE CHIEFS AND THE COUNCIL

M. M. )=58 (Sung in octaves)

== e — — —————e
es E (a e t - —z
—— ee
Be - to® thi® hi i-e te do® Be to® thi® hi
——S a =
f ¢ @ as a s ¢ @ @ @ va 4 =I —, =|
= er J a
i-e te do® mo® zho®-ho® tho e tho-e te - do
ESS ee ee :
_—
@ . r , .
Wi - eto*thi®" hi tha -e te do" a - me to®- this hi
Siijes eee :
ee ee
Ss =i =i St) SE
Ty we ce ce
i-e te do® Be to" thi® hi i -e te - do®
- o_e #__9* _» e re
F — . — v7 SS
mo®-zho®-ho" tho -e tho e te do® Wi - e_ to®-tbi®
—? 9+» —__» —~ ——.
ee eee
hi thae te do" a - me to® this hi 1-6 iepemao

1. Be to*thi* hi ie te do”

2. ’Be ’to"thi™ hi ie te do”

3. Mo®zho®" ho™ thoe’ thoe te do”

4. Wi eto"thi" hithae te do" ame, to"thi” hi te te do”
5. ’Be ’to"thi™ hi ie te do”

6. Mo®zho® ho® ’thoe’thoe te do”

7. Wi etothi" hithae te do” ame, tothi® hi ie te do™

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 297

Literal translation

1. ’Be, ebe, who; ’to"thi", eto"thi”, first; hi, the prolongation of the
last vowel sound; ie, speak; te, must; do”, a terminal word or syllable
to indicate a question.

3. Mozho", land or country; ho", prolongation of vowel sound;
‘thoe, uthue, to speak of.

4. Wi, I (the chiefs) ; eto"thi”, first; hithae, I speak—the chiefs must
speak with one mind and voice; ame, they say (the people).

The above song refers to the preliminary council held by the Seven
Chiefs with the Washa’beto" subgens of the Ho?’ga, which had charge
of the hunt, at which the route to be taken by the tribe when going
after the buffalo was determined. The responsibility thrown on this
council was regarded as very grave. This responsibility is indi-
cated by the question in the first line: ‘‘Who must be the first to
speak,” speak of the land (the route to be taken)? The fourth line
gives the answer: “‘I”’ (the chiefs), “I speak” (the chiefs must
speak as with one mind, as one person); ame, they say (i. e. the
people, the words implying the authority placed on the chiefs by
the people; see definition of ni’kagahi, p. 136). The song not only
refers to the council and its deliberations in reference to the hunt
but it voices the loyalty of the people to their chiefs and also the
recognition by the chiefs of their responsibility for the welfare of
the tribe. While the words refer only to the ‘‘land,” the route to be
traveled by the tribe, the music fills out the picture of the purpose
of the journey. The motive is similar to that of the second song of
Part II, that deals with the perpetuation of the buffalo and the moy-
ing herds, and also recalls the Song of Assurance in Part II]. The
song is divided into seven phrases and is in the five-tone scale of D
major.

298 THE OMAHA TRIBE [PTH. ANN. 27

Seconp Sonc—TueE Propte Move Towarp tHE Lowina Herps

(Sung in octaves)

ee a=. 2 52 = ——

Hu - to®- ma - di Wa- pi e- he tha Hu - to® - ma di

foe
SSS ag

wa- pi e- he tha Hu: tow-ma di - pi e- he thao
————
b ——
"4 ; yer
SS ==
es pieces!
Hu- to" ma di wa- pi e-he tha Hu- to" ma di
—
es —— —————— ——————s —
S—p—# o — = rd ae o Ss o-
S| ee et
wa- pi e-he tha. Hu - to® ma- di wa - pi e-he a......

p> 2 —---3— 1 = ——s —f
[2 Sees, a

Bry Coc Ran ESE ebEcDe a Hu- to? - ma di wa - pi e-he _ tha

Huto™ma ‘di wapi, ehe tha
Huto™ma ’di wapi, ehe tha
Huto™ma ’di wapi, ehe tha
Huto™ma ’di wapi, ehe tha
Huto™ma ’di wapi, ehe tha
Huto™ma ’di wapi, ehe tha
Huto™ma ’di wapi, ehe tha
2
Xthazhe ama ’di wapi, ehe tha
Xthazhe ama ’di wapi, ehe tha
Xthazhe ama ’di wapi, ehe tha
Xthazhe ama ’di wapi, ehe tha
Xthazhe ama ’di wapl, ehe tha

Xthazhe ama ’di wapi, ehe tha
Xthazhe ama ’di wapi, ehe tha

Interal translation

1. Huto”, the noise—of the animals, as the lowing of the herds;
ma, ama, they; di, a part of the word edi, there; wapi, to bring (bthe,
I go, is understood, although the word bthe is not present in the
song)—‘“‘I go to the lowing herds to bring back the product of the
hunt,” is the meaning of the line; ehe, I say; tha, the oratorical close
of the sentence.

2. Xthazhe, the bellowing of the bulls.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 299

The music of this song is spirited and suggests movement, not
merely the moving of the lowing herds but the orderly progression of
the people going over the prairies to bring back the spoils of the hunt-
ing field. It is in the five-tone scale of F minor, and is divided into
seven phrases.

Tairp Sonc—THE Herps RETREAT

(Sung in octaves)

iceae ee Ss Se Bee

a =! }— = =
Shu - de a-ki a-ma_ di bthe nahe he the he tha — shu -
E — =| —— |
= SSS SS SS SS
dea - ki a- ma di bthe na he he the he tha shu -
_—_—— a=
F = Ste = | —_. => 25s “Er
Z ey as as a = =e
eis fa sey ee er 2
de a-ki a-ma_ dibthe nahehe thehe _ tha He he he bthe-na
75 soe Se eee a ee
——_«—_o-+—6 oe e-:— E oe se =5 |
ss - ———
% 5
he he the he na shu - de a-ki a - ma di bthena
z 2 oe
ee S/o ey eee
Ses 05s Se eres a
=o aN = = ae
rw wtewe Ts

he he the he tha Shu de a-kia-ma dithe tha

Shu/de aki ama ’di bthe na, hehe the he tha
Shu’de aki ama ’di bthe na, hehe the he tha
Shu/’de aki ama ’di bthe na, hehe the he tha
Hehe he bthe na, hehe the he na

Shu/de aki ama ’di bthe na, hehe the he tha
Shu’de aki ama di bthe na, hehe the he tha

Literal translation

Shu’de, smoke; aki, retreating; ama, they; ’di, a part of edi, there;
bthe, | go; na, a vocable introduced to accommodate the music; hehe,
ehe, | say; the and he, vowel prolongations; tha, the oratorical termina-
tion of the sentence. ‘‘Where yonder retreating herds enveloped as
in smoke, there I go.”

The song recounts the vicissitudes of the hunt; herds sometimes
scent the people and scatter; they are seen in the distance, the dust
raised by their trampling rising and covering them as if enveloped
in smoke.

The music, in B flat major, is rather rapid and partakes of the
recitative character.

300 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

FourtH Sonc—TuHE RunNeERs Go FortH

meng in octaves)
ee oe 4s
coee

ie
@

Wa - zhi*- ga ga-be ga-wi® - xa a - hi® u-= ne the
= —— Se
| = = —

Ga-wi? - xa a - hi a the Ga- wi® -
a a =
hi® u-ne the he Ga-wi® - xa a - hi" u-nethe he Ga-wi® -

Wazhitga gabe gawi"™xa

Ahi® une the he gawi"xa
Ahi" une the he gawi"xa
Ahi® une the he gawi"xa
Ahi" une the he gawi"xa

Literal translation

Wazhi™ ga, bird; ¢abe, black—the word is used as a trope and means
the crow; gawi™xe, soaring; ahi", wings; une, to search; the, to go,
or goes; he, vowel prolongation.

The crow follows the herds—‘“‘ He is a buffalo hunter,” the old’ man
explained. ‘‘He watches to find his chance for carrion.’’ So, when
the runners go out to search for herds, they scan the sky to catch
sight of the crow and other birds of prey, that they may direct their
steps in the direction of the soaring birds. When the herds are found,
credit is given to the guiding birds who thus lend their assistance to
man when searching for the game. (Note the ritual in which the
crow promises to help man, p. 311.)

The music, in A major, is recitative in form, but resembles the
motive of the buffalo songs already referred to in Part II.

FLETCHDR-LA FLE

Recitative

SCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD

Firra Sonc—Return or THE RUNNERS

( Sung in octaves )

301

f~
S$ — | jg —— =
Bt ; : —s = =
‘zeae aaa a | eset
oa —— ;
E-thon-be a-ke - da ha haha ga-e ti-the a-wa-the
i! :
—F ye ——— ot == ==: ae
| Se So = SS ee SS
= o—e* e—-e- Te anette a icein
E-thon-be a-ke- da ha haha ca-e ti-the a-wa-the
if :
See == ——— =e
rane —————
‘6 a
' E-thon-be a-ke - da ha ha ha Ga- e ti the a-wa-the
— ==, 2
t —— ae
fo ?S SS —
E-thon-be a-ke - da ha ha ha ga-e ti the a-wa-the
et e. + @ @o- @ a
- fH vi oe = : . ———— o—* i , |
ECarets a —— — — —S = Se
E-thon-be a-ke - da ha ha ha ga-e ti the a-wa-the
if

Etho"be ake da ha ha ha, ¢ae tithe awa the
Etho"be ake da ha ha ha, ¢ae tithe awa the
Etho*be ake da ha ha ha, ¢ae tithe awa the
Etho"be ake da ha ha ha, ¢ae tithe awa the
Etho*be ake da ha ha ha, ¢ae tithe awa the

Etho"be ake da ha ha ha,
Etho"be ake da ha ha ha,
Etho*be ake da ha ha ha,
Etho"be ake da ha ha ha,

wezhno® tithe awathe
wezhno® tithe awathe
wezhno® tithe awathe
wezhno® tithe awathe

Etho*be ake da ha ha ha, wezhno® tithe awathe

3
Etho"be ake da ha ha ha, gtho"etho” tithe awathe
Etho"be ake da ha ha ha, gtho"gtho" tithe awathe
Etho"be ake da ha ha ha, gtho"gtho® tithe awathe

Etho"be ake da ha ha ha, gtho"etho” tithe awathe
Etho"be ake da ha ha ha, gtho"gtho" tithe awathe

Literal translation

1. Ethobe, appear; ake, aki, I return; e, vowel prolonged; da, do”,
when; ha, end of sentence; ha ha, vowel prolonged; ae, noise, as
made by voices; tithe, suddenly; awathe, I make them.

2. Wezhno",

grateful.

3. Gthogtho", murmur, as many people talking in low tones,

302 THE OMAHA TRIBE [rn ANN, 27

The runner speaks in the song, telling that when he appears on
the eminence near the camp and signals his tidings, then suddenly
the sound of many voices is heard, the people talking of the good
news he brings. The second stanza speaks of the gratitude voiced
by the people over the word he brings to them. The third stanza
refers to the restraint that is put on the camp—no loud talking
permitted, nor any noise, for fear of frightening the herd.

The music is in E major and is recitative and subdued in character.
Even the song is repressed in conformity with the scene to which it
is related.

Srxrtn Sonc—Tue HERALD TELLS OF THE DECREE AND ADMONITIONS OF THE COUNCIL

Recitative
(Sung in octaves) Eel war Bee
—h- =—_S
a ee se ee ee =
Wa-ni - ta a-no® ce e ta a-ma ha E-di_— shne
=e = fax
Ea a ee ee
2S oe er ee eet Se eer ee
tee-atho®-ka a thaha E- di shne tee-atho"-ka a tha ha
—p apr =! === =
pla a
ae ars as —_ 1—e it Ss s
Wa-to® tho he tha ha E- di shne tee-a
aa) —_ SNe j= —. Ses
a SS eS
o-—_@e— e* oe Cd pg ag eg =e
tho°-ka a tha ha E-di shne tee-a tho"-ka a tha ha
ee
pet Bi = = Ss
te + vw v-v wv. vw ei) ae a
Wa-ni - ta ay moo Ce e ta a - ma ha
eae _——— ry a
SS
E - di shne tee - a tho® ka a tha ha

Wanita a’no"¢e e ta ama ha, edi shne te ea tho™ka a tha ha edi shne te ea tho"ka a
tha ha

Wato® ’thohe tha ha; edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha
wani ta a/no®¢e e ta ama ha edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha

2
Wanita a’no"¢e e taama ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho"™ka a
tha ha

Cabe uthohe tha ha; edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha
wani’ta a’no*¢e e ta ama ha, edi shne t’e ea tho"ka a tha ha

FLETCHPR-LA PLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 303

3
Wani’ta a/no"¢e e ta ama ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho"™ka a
tha ha
Gthezhe uthohe tha ha; edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha
wani’ta a/no"ce e ta ama ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha

Wani‘ta a/no"¢e e ta ama ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho*ka a
tha ha
Gani uthohe tha ha; edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho™ka a tha ha
wani’ta a‘non¢e e ta ama ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha
5
Wani’ta a/no"ce e ta ama ha, edi shne te ea tho™ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho"™ka a
tha ha
Gashpe uthuhe tha ha; edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha
wani’ta a’no"ce e ta ama ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha
6
Wani’ta a no"ce e ta ama ha, edi shne te ea tho*ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a
tha ha
Texi uthohe tha ha; edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha
wani’ta a ‘no"¢e e ta ama ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha

Wani’ta a/no"¢e e ta ama ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a
tha ha

Qani uthuhe tha ha; edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho*ka a tha ha
wani‘ta a/no®¢e e ta ama ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha

Literal translation

1. Waniza, animals, game; ano”¢e, surround, inclose; e, vowel pro-
longation; ta, will, intention; ama, they; ha, the sign of the end of
the sentence; edi, there; shne, you go; te, must; ea tho™ka, say they,
who are sitting (refers to council in the White Buffalo Tent); a, vowel
prolongation; ha, modification of tha, the oratorical close of a sentence;
wato”, possessions; ‘thohe, part of uthohe, a collection of sacred articles
(refers particularly to all the materials used in making the washa’be,
the staff or badge of the office of the leader of the hunt).

2. Cabe, black (used as a trope, meaning the crow, one of the birds
used in making the washa’be).

3. Gthezhe, spotted or brown eagle (used in making the washa’be).

4. Gam, the golden eagle (the feathers are tied on the washa’be).

5. Gashpe, broken (a trope, meaning sthe shell disk fastened on the
pipestem. These disks were presented to the White Buffalo Hide
and fastened in a row down the back).

6. Texi, difficult to perform (the word refers to the labor involved
in securing the materials used in making the washa’be).

7. (ani, all—that is, not only the ‘possessions,’ but what they
in their collective form stand for officially.

304 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

In this song of the herald the people are notified that the council
has ordered the hunters to make ready to surround the herd. They
are to follow the washa’be, and to remember all that it signifies and
the help given by the birds—the crow, the eagle—and the elements,
represented by theshell. All these things, difficult to bring together, are
now united to lead the people toward the herd and to help them insecur-
ing food wherewith to sustain the life of the people, both youngandold.

The music, in E flat major, is recitative.

SeventH Sonc—TwHe Heratp Procrars THE TIME TO START

(Sung in octaves) =
F 2—0- 00 0 0 9 0° 0 09> 0 0* 6 = SS aS

ee Se a a to

Ti-tho® ga-wi® ki-hi bthe-e ¢kaha a ha a-ma he-he the-he tha

a ee a ————.
oe 2:6 _@: 2 @: 2@ @: 6 @: 2 Se
eet ee et ee oe ee
Ti-tho® ga-wi® ki- hi bthe-e ckaha a ha a-ma_ he-he the-he tha
SS SS SS See es ee
—s: a = 21 [=
@ o o*¢e-6*-@¢ Sa pp e ss
7 Tee ee oe
Ga-thi= de hoho oho a-ma hehethehetha Ti-tho® ga-wi® ki hi
—— ——— = |
SS = = fon ==. —a—
E Ce ES a aS SS = oe pS eS ee eae.
a a a a
bthe e te e cka a a ha a-ma he he the he _ tha

Titho” gawi™ ki hi bthe e ¢ka ha a ha ama hehe the he tha
Titho" gawi™ ki hi bthe e ¢ka ha a ha ama hehe the he tha
Gathi" ’deho’ ho 0 ho ama hehe the he tha

Titho" gawi™ ki hi bthe e te e ¢ka a a ha ama hehe the he tha

Literal translation

1. Titho", village, camp; gawi”, part of gawi®ze, to circle, as a bird
soars; ki, when; ii, vowel prolongation; bthe, I go; e, vowel pro-
longation; ¢ka, may; ha a ha, vowel prolongation; ama, they; hehe,
ehe, | say; e he, vowel prolongation; tha, oratorical close of the
sentence.

3. Gathi”, yonder walking; ’deho, edea, what does he say ? (the final
vowel changed); ho o ho, vowel swalleannis ae

4. Te, must.

In this song the figure of speech, which likens the herald going
around the camp to the soaring and circling of a bird, recalls the song
of the runner when the birds by their soaring guided to the game.
The herald left the Sacred Tent of the White Buffalo Hide and
passed around the tribal circle by the left; the completion of his
round by his return to the Sacred Tent was the signal that the tribe
had been notified and the people were to start. The song refers to the
questioning of the people as he walked giving the order of the leader.

The music, in G minor, is recitative.

FLETCHER-LA PLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 305

ErautH Sonc—Tue Huntine Fievp

(Sung in octaves) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano
_ Spirited, with marked rhythm

—

SS
= Sa Sa ey o-|-@-.—o

Wita-u the thi" ga thu hi-thi® he Wira-u the thi® ga thu hithi®

ae jon ee ~
= r= : ae aE os =e
4a ar g * ZB as ae Se
a
4
o

Z a ———
== = ; == sz =:
o- 2 + —e +
ran Ter vr
o_# 7 SC el 2 RESET } = — ste
s = a Se Fi ==(ye Se i f | (ome =cE oe
Wita-u the i wa mi hi- thi" he Wita -u
— a > = =| — a
z = ———
SS (2 ——# a— o--
| E | i ee
cop ly ek ee
2 e = b |
i = H A
a a a Be an
* | a +
= — — —
== SS SS = SS
WO min eae ] CUS Oo ss cS

me Toe Wee
the- thi® ga thu hithi™ he he wi®a-u the thi® ga thu hithi™ he he

Wi" au the thi" gathu hi thi" he
Wi* au the thi gathu hi thi" he he
Wi" au the i wami hi thi" he

Wi* au the thi" gathu hi thi" he he
Wi® au the thi" gathu hi thi® he

Wi® au the thi" gathu hi thi" he
Wi® au the thi" gathu hi thi" he he
Wi” au the takiki® hi thi" he

Wi” au the thi® gathu hi thi" he
Wi® au the thi® gathu hi thi he

83993°—27 EtrH—11——20

306 THE OMAHA TRIBE [pTH. ANN, 27

Wi® au the ke gathu hi ke he
Wi” au the ke gathu hi ke he he
Wi® au the xiatha hi ke he

Wi" au the ke gathu hi ke he he
Wi" au the ke gathu hi ke he

Literal translation

1. Wi", one; au, I wounded; the, there; thi", moving; gathu, yon-
der, in a definite place; hi, has reached or arrived at; thi”, moving;
he, ha, the end of the sentence; 7, mouth; wami, blood or bleeding.

2. Takiki", staggering.

3. Ke, lying; «iatha, fallen.

In this song, the wounded, bleeding, staggering, and fallen game
is referred to.

The music, in C major, is vigorous, virile, and suggestive of action.

Ninta Sonc—OutTtine Up THE GAME

Recitative
(Sung in octaves)

: Se
+ @- @
nae ee ad t= =
ie == oo BS SE
I® thi® wo®- tho® ga in gtho™ ho" gi - i- hi inthi® wo"-tho" ga ha

= —
SS

be (2 5 ar
=e +— o—e o—6— 65 3S SS SS —
I® thi? wo*- tho" ga in gtho" ho" gi i-hi i®thi® wo-tho" ga ha
5 —=C.
5 oe =
SS
rad e ++ +twv
I* thi® wo®-tho® ga in gtho" ho® gi - i-hi i thit wo?-tho® ga ha

1
I" thi" wo"tho” ga i"gtho” ho" ¢iihi i* thi" wo"tho® ga ha
I" thi® wo"tho® ga i"gtho® ho® ¢iihi i? thi® wo"tho® ga ha
I* thi" wo"tho® ga i"gtho” ho® ¢iihi i? thi" wo"tho® ga ha
2
I" thi" baho® ga i"gtho™ ho” pa tho” ho” i” thi® baho® ga ha
I" thi® baho® ga igtho® ho” pa tho™ ho® i? thi® baho® ga ha
1* thi” baho® ga i"gtho™ ho" pa tho” ho® i" thi® baho® ga ha
3
I® thi® wo"tho® ga itgtho” ho® ¢itde he i” thi® wo"tho" ga ha
I* thi" wo"tho® ga i™gtho" ho” ¢itde he i® thi® wo"tho® ga ha
T* thi? wo"tho®? ga i"gtho® ho® ¢itde he i” thi® wo"tho® ga ha
Literal translation

1. 7”, mine; thi", you; wortho", hold; ga, the sign of command;
ingtho", eldest son; ho", prolongation of the vowel sound; gihi, gihi,
ankle (the middle 2 is to prolong the vowel).

2. Baho”, to push up, to boost; pa, head; tho", the roundish shape
of the head; ho", vowel prolongation.

3. Cirde, tail; he, vowel prolongation.

FLPTCHBR-LA FLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 307

The customs relating to cutting up the game have been given
(p. 271). The first stanza of this song refers to the hunter direct-
ing his assistants during the butchering, placing the animal on its
back; the second stanza, putting the head so as to hold the body in
position; the third speaks of the tail, used to lift the carcase in order
that the task may be completed.

The music, in E flat, is recitative rather than melodic in character.

TENTH SonG—Or PLENTY AND Economy

(Sung in eval

E ae ee ees 22223 te —— Jf

Te - = mi-ke tha te - a-a-a Te-a- a-a mi-kehetha thi® he he

Tea miketha, tea a, tea a, mikehetha thi" he
Literal translation

Tea, buffalo arm, the fore quarter; a, vowel prolongation; miketha
mikihethe, to put on the hip; thi”, moving (equivalent in this instance
to walking); he, end of sentence.

Teaching economy: The fore quarter, being tough, was the least
desirable part of the animal for food, and was frequently thrown
away. When the hunter took it, he did not carry it with the rest of
his load, but on his hip, so he could drop it if it became too burden-
some. The meaning of the song could hardly be gathered from the
words. It was explained that the song indicated a plentiful supply
of meat; but the good hunter, unwilling that anything should be
lost, took the fore quarter, the most undesirable piece, and, being
heavily laden, he had to carry it on his hip. The song, the old priest
said, was one to instill the teaching that even when there is abun-
dance there should never be wastefulness.

The music, in C major, is recitative.

ELEVENTH SONG—RETURN TO THE CAMP

Recitative
Sue in octaves) ee ~
= —_—
aS SS
I
Shea - ki a@- ma - ha - ki a-ma- ha do® wa-i®
Db 4 e — = : ==.
— : = * —e—e oe
ki a-ma-hawa - no® xthi® a- hagthe a- ma-hado® wa - i”
Calais I ai |
= Sa | ———
Ppt ——e a o oe —_e a a
gthe a - maha Shea - ki - a-ma-ha_ ki - a-ma-ha

She aki ama, haki ama ha Wai" ’ki ama ha, wano*xthi" ahagthe ama ha do", wai?
othe ama ha
She aki ama, haki ama ha

308 THE OMAHA TRIBE [pr ANN. 27

Literal translation

She, yonder; aki, a point on the return (to camp); ama, one moy-
ing; haki, aki, returning to camp; ha, vowel prolongation; wai”, car-
rying a burden; ’ki, aki, returning ; wanorathi, hurrying; ahagthe,
agthe, going home; igh, cathe, going home.

The hunters hasten back to camp, and, as they ¢ go, see one hurrying
with a burden. This is one of the boys, who is carrying the tongues
and heart for the sacred feast. All are going home.

The music is recitative.

TWELFTH SoNG—THE Betatep HUNTERS

(Sung in octaves)

{ee se — ———
[ Gs Ag —8 2 oo a == == 9 == ——|—-=
= = a -) 7] CE ST ar a es
~s-
Te-xi e-he bi-mo" a ha a bi-mo®a ha - a ha - tha
hed y al =
E *y == + == 3 = = —- — = = |
i ee
< LS eee ee Cee mee
he-e he bi-mo® ha ha Bizi e- ha bi- mo® Bi-zi a-ha ._ bi-mo*

Texi ehe bimo”™ aha, «

Bimo™ ahaa e tha
He ehe bimo™ ha ha
Bizi a ha ha bimo™

Bizi aha ha bimo"’
)

Texi ehe bimo™ aha, a
Bimo” ahaa e tha
He ehe bimo”™ ha ha
Shude eha bimo™
Shude eha bimo"’

a}
Texi ehe bimo™ aha, a
Bimo” ahaa e tha
He ehe bimo”™ ha ha
Zia ha ha bimo™
Zia ha ha ha naxthi"

Literal translation

Tevi, difficult; ehe, I say; bimo”, rubbing (57, to press; mo”, rub-
bing as bear een the hands); aha, ehe, I say (the vowel modified in
singing) ; a, ha, tha, syllables indicating prolonged effort ; bizi—bi, part
of bimo”’, to rub, zi, yellow (the word describes the appearance of the
wood when it begins to glow, and is used only to indicate the act of
making fire by rubbing).

2. Shude, smoke.
3. Zia, yellow glow; nazthi”, flames

FPLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 309

This song refers to edi’nethe, building a fire on the hunting field by
hunters who have killed so much game they can not get through in
time to carry all the meat back to camp. The words mark the prog-
ress of kindling fire by friction, twirling one stick in another stick
prepared to receive it, by rubbing between the hands—first the glow,
then the smoke, and at last the yellow flames. The rhythm of the
rubbing can be brought out in the singing of the song, as well as the
efforts used in kindling the fire. While this song is realistic, yet
the making of fire by friction was always an act more or less fraught
with religious sentiment and it probably was esteemed a fitting close
to the ritual sacred to the buffalo.

In hunting the buffalo no songs invoking magical help were sung
or decoy calls used or disguises worn, success being believed to come
through the strict observance of the ritual by the leader, the obedience
of the tribeto the prescribed rites, and theskill of the individual hunter.
From the detailed description of the Omaha tribal hunt here given,
as it was told the writers by those who had taken part in it both as
officials and as ordinary hunters, it is evident that the Omaha’s hunt-
ing was not a sporting adventure but a task undertaken with solemnity
and with a recognition of the control of all life by Wako™da. The
Indian’s attitude of mind when slaying animals for food was foreign
to that of the white race with which he came into contact and perhaps
no one thing has led to greater misunderstandings between the races
than the slaughter of game. The bewilderment of the Indian result-
ing from the destruction of the buffalo will probably never be fully
appreciated. His social and religious customs, the outgrowth of cen-
turies, were destroyed almost as with a single blow. The past may
have witnessed similar tragedies but of them we have no record.

THE PONCA FEAST OF THE SOLDIERS

An old man, a leader among the Ponca, who died some fifteen years
ago, related the following:

When I was a young man I used to see a very old man perform this ceremony and
recite the ritual of the Feast of the Soldiers. This feast took place when many buffalo
had been killed, when food was plenty, and everyone was happy. The hu/thuga was
made complete and a large tent pitched, where were gathered all those who were
entitled to be present. When the feast was ready, a bowl containing soup and bits of
meat was placed near the door of the lodge and the leader said, as the bowl was set
down, ‘‘Itisdone!” When the leader said this the old man went to the bowl and took
it up and held it as he sat and began to recite the ritual. The ritual is in four parts.
There are two names mentioned in the ritual. The name mentioned after the first
part was A’thi"washe. This name belonged to the Wazha/zhe gens. The name men-
tioned after the second part I can not recall; it belonged to the Mako" gens. When
the first name was mentioned the old man made a depression in the ground near the
edge of the fire with the knuckle of his first finger and into this depression he dropped
four drops from the tip of the little spoon which was in the bowl. The offering was to
the spirit of this man. At the end of the second part, when he mentioned the name
of the second man, he again dropped four drops from the tip of the spoon. At the end

310 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

of the third part, which referred to the wolf, he dropped four more drops and at the
close of the fourth part, in which the crow is spoken of, he dropped four drops, making
four times four—sixteen drops in all.

After this ceremony was completed the servant approached the one who presided
and fed him from the bowl. He took the food deliberately and solemnly. He was
fed all that was in the bowl. When he finished, those present could begin to eat.
Each person who had his bowl could take only four spoonfuls and must then pass his
bowl to his next neighbor, who took four spoonfuls and passed the bowl on. In this
manner the bowl was kept moving until the feast was consumed.

The following is the ritual recited on this occasion. Of line 2 the
old man said: ‘‘The teaching implied in these words is that thus the
chiefs had spoken, and there is never any variation or change in these
words.”’ And of line 9 he said: ‘‘It is said that the club as the badge |
or mark of the chief or leader was older than the pipe.”’ The red
clubs mentioned in the ritual represented the chiefs, the black clubs
the officers of the hunt. Concerning the dropping of the broth he
remarked: ‘‘The chiefs, although long dead, are still living and still
exercise a care over the people and seek to promote their welfare;
so we make the offering of food, the support of our life, in recognition
of them as still our chiefs and caring for us.”

Rirvuau
1
1. He! Ni’kagahi e¢ka
2. Esha bi a bado™
3. He! Ni’kagahi ecka
4. Ni’to"ga athite uthishi ke tho”
5. He! ni uwitha ati thagthi® bado®
6. He! Ni’kagahi ecka
2

7. E no” atho"ka bi abado® ecka
8. He! Ni’kagahi
9. He! weti® duba ¢a’be tha bado®
0. Duba zhide tha bado®
11. Gabe the te tho?
12. Thuda the thi"ge xti abthi® ta athi® he esha biabado® ni’kawaca
13. Shi®gazhi"ga wiwita xti thi"ke shti wa”
14. Thuda agitha mo®zhi ta mike esha bi abado® ecka
3
15. He! ugaxe thitge xti ni’kawaga
16. Wani’ta to"ga duba utha agthi bado®
17. Edi aino®zhi bado®
18. Ni’kawaga ecka
19. Wani’ta shukato™ wi?
20. Ushte’ thi®ge xti gaxa bado®
21. U’zhawa xti agtha bado™
22. Wai™gi uzho"ge ke washi® uno*bubude xti mo*thi® bado®
23. Sho™to"ga nuga thathi"she tho"
24. Gitde ke gaathiko™
25. Kigthi/ho"ho” xti mo®bthi” ta athi™ he edi eshe abado®

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD oul

4
26. He! ni’kawaga ecka
27. Ka’xe nuga thathi"she tho”
28. Ugaxe thi"ge xti edi uwehe ta athi™he eshe abado®
29. Xu’ka edi uwehe ta athi"he eshe abado"
30. He! nikashiga aho! ethabi wathe ego" mo"thi” aho®
31. Baxu wi" thactube ego" ithe ado”
32. Gotte zhi®ga ego" mo"thi" ki
33. Baxu ke ibiu xti ethu"be gthi abado"
34. He! nikashiga aho! etha bi wathe ego" ethu"be gthia do®
35. Baxu ke tho® ethu"be gthi ki
36. Wani’ta shuka to" wi? te wiki the xti mo"iyatha ethi® abado®
37. Xu’ka edi uwihe abado®
38. Ni’kawaga ecka
Free translation
1
1. O! Chiefs, e¢ka [ecka, I desire]
2. Thus you have spoken, it is said
3. O! Chiefs, ecka
4. The great water that lay impossible to cross
5. O! you crossed, nevertheless, and sat upon the banks
6. O! Chiefs, ecka i
7. Thus have you ever spoken, it is said, ecka
8. O! Chiefs
9. Four clubs you have blackened
10. Four you have reddened
11. Those that are black
12. Verily, my people, without fear I shall carry, you have said, so it is said
13. Not even my own child
14. Shall stay my hand, you have said, so it is said, ecka
3
15. Without overconfidence, my people
16. Word has been brought back that great animals have been found
17. Near to them they (the people) approached, and stood
18. My people, e¢ka
19. A great herd of animals
20. Verily they (the people) shall cause none of them to remain
21. Verily they (the people) shall go toward home rejoicing
22. Along a trail strewn with fat.
23. I, the male gray wolf, shall move
24. With tail blown to one side
25. I shall gallop along the trail, you have said, so it is said
4
26. O! my people, ecka
27. I, the male crow
28. Verily, without overconfidence I shall join (in giving help), you have said, so it
is said
29. As instructor I shall join, you have said, so it is said
30. The people, astonished at your coming, cry O-ho!
31. Beyond the ridge you disappear as though piercing the hill
32. After a little you return
33. Sweeping closely the hill
34. The people, astonished at your coming, cry O-ho!
35. As you appear on the ridge
36. Verily, one herd of animals I have killed for you, you have said, so it is said
37. Thus you have instructed, it is said
38. My people, ecka

ol THE OMAHA TRIBE [wrn. ANN. 27

FISHING

The streams and lakes accessible to the Omaha abounded in fish,
which were much liked as food. Men, women, and children engaged
in the pursuit of catching fish; while greatly enjoyed, it could hardly
be called sport, for it was engaged in for a very practical purpose.
The names of fish known to the tribe are given on page 106.

So far as can be learned there were no fishhooks of native manufac-
ture, but small fish were caught by means of a device called tako” ho"-
tha eni’de,made as follows: Three or four strings haying bait tied at one
end were fastened by the other end, about 6 inches apart, to a slender
but tough stick; a cord of twisted hair tied to the middle of this stick
was attached to a stout pole. This was thrown into the stream, and
often as many fish as there were lines were caught and landed. This
style of fishing was called huga’¢i, a name now applied to fishing with
hook and line. As the name implies, the bait usually consisted of bits
of meat (hu’tazhu).

Fish were sometimes shot or speared. The former method of
taking them was termed huki'de (hu, ‘‘fish;” ki’de, “‘to shoot’’);
spearing fish was termed huzha’he. Another mode of fishing was by
means of a kind of movable weir of willows tied together, taken into
deep water by a company of men or women, some holding the ends
upright and others the center; all would walk up the stream pushing
this fence of willows before them and so drive the fish into shallow
water where they were shot, speared, or caught by the hand. The
willow weir was called hu’bigide, and this manner of fishing, hu’ko"tha.

VIII
SOCIAL LIFE ,
Konsure TERMS

Kinship terms played an important part in all social intercourse.
They not only designated the actual relationship between persons
but the custom of never addressing anyone—man, woman, or child—
by his personal name or of using a person’s name when speaking
of him, if he chanced to be present, made the use of kinship terms
a practical necessity. These terms were also applied to what
may be called potential relationships, that is, relationships that
would be established through marriage made in accordance with
tribal custom. If the wife had sisters, these women held a poten-
tial relationship to her husband, as they might become his wives
either during his wife’s lifetime or at her death. According to
tribal usage a man had the potential right to marry his wife’s sisters
and also her nieces and her aunts. On the other hand, a man
was under obligation to marry his brother’s widow. Should he fail
in this respect, he was liable to suffer im person or property, either
by the act of the woman herself or by that of her near of kin, in order
to force him to recognize or make good her rights. Because of these
potential relationships the children of the wife called all those whom
their father might marry ‘mother’ and all their father’s brothers
“father.” Moreover, all the children of such relationships called
one another “‘brother”’ and “‘sister.’’ There was no cousinship. All
the brothers of the mother were called “uncle” by her children, and
the father’s sisters were called “aunt.”

The regulation of marriage implied in these potential relationships
was explained to be for the purpose of ‘‘holding the family intact, for
should the children be bereft of their own mother they would come
under the care of her close kindred and not fall into the hands of a
stranger.” This interpretation seems borne out by the approval
still expressed when a woman weds the brother of her late husband
or a man marries the sister of his dead wife or the widow of his brother;
even when there is a marked disparity in the ages of the parties,
it is said, ‘‘The marriage does not make a break in the family
and it shows respect for the dead.” The interweaving of actual and
potential relationships greatly extended the family connection and
supplied the proper terms for familiar and ceremonial address. Men-
tion is made of the custom of speaking of the women of the tribe as

313

314 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

‘‘sisters’”’ (p. 474). At meetings of the Council of Seven duty to the
tribe was ceremonially recognized by a formal mention of kinship
terms between the members. The same practice obtained in several
of the societies within the tribe.

In the Omaha language the term for relationship, or the accent on
the word, was varied according to the sex of the speaker and accord-
ing to his or her relation to the person spoken of, as (1) when a father
or mother was spoken to by a son, (2) when addressed by a daughter,
(3) when spoken of by a male relative, (4) when spoken of by a
female relative, and (5) when spoken of by a person not a relative.

The following table sets forth these distinctions:?

a The first-born male child was ealled Isgtho.; the first-born female, Wihi. Both these names are old
and untranslatable terms; they were strictly ‘‘ baby names”’ and were “ thrown away ”’ at the ceremony
of Turning the Child and bestowal of the ni’kie name (pp. 117, 136). There were no other special “ baby
names’? in use among the Omaha.

SOCIAL LIFE

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

Byes NyZ0jT AA BY aOUZLL,
Byoyysny LA, By /PYYSuOL,
quny apouy
Aq 0) uaxodg

(J) Aya,
(‘w) ey tary,

(4) Byieey ‘(‘w) By/ideN

adetu 10 Maydau fq 0) uayods
(J) AyoY ‘(*w) »Moyoy
(3) Aywoy ‘Cur) ,MoyLoyy
Cy) Bqnos AL ‘(u) ey OSE,
(3) ByLos AT, ‘(-u1) By cost,
(F) AUN “(-u1) /MoquON

(3) euip ed ‘(-u) eq rpeq
1ajzY3NBp 10 uos Aq 0} uayodg

| e8c0YZ/09T A, oN YZ TTA
|
BxYS/NIT AN BAYS OW AL
quny 9pouy)

Aq jo uaxyodg

TOL AIT AN
TOUAIE AA

13 SUL AA
aoatu 10 Maydau Aq Jo uayodg

OTM
OAL
1051
105 /T
BYnOU ny

tp/Bpul
zayqsn"p 10 wos Aq yo uayods

asgnyz NIJ
aN Z 7
Ba G8/N3T

BAYS FT

Wear yval
Re
¢19qj0U,,
SB [] ‘OU JUN ssaIppe OM
UeIp[Iyo ey} [[B 0} epPuN
a1B J ‘OU 8foUN Jo UOspuBId
-jea15 pus ‘uOspuBis ‘UOs OY,

gjoun yous oN
IIY}EYT 94 sv auIVS yy Sur

-eq JoyjJOIg 8 tayyey ayy “ey
-BW1() 94} SuOWe 9poUN Tons ON

13 Aut

mOFT
oF]
20314]
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OUT
Ip /eqy]

pa}ejar Jou auo Aq Jo uayodg

(june
Jay 0} WOIyear ut Jo Uayods sv) adeINT

. (ajoun
I9Y 0} UOBIer UT Jo UayOods ge) BDOINy

(june siq
0} uOTe[AI UT Jo UayOds sv) MaydoN

(9joun sty
0} UOB[AI UT Jo uayods se) Mayday

(@JIM 8,afoun) yuny
(494818 8 ,104}By) JUNW

(ataq401q
8 JOY JOU JO JUBDUADSap JOoIIp ) epuy

aseiiieut Aq apouy

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(aeq}01q §,LayjOUT) apu

AB[-UL-IO JOT
JaqjoupuRsy
AB]-UL-9 4B
TOYFEFPUBID
TOTO
TOY}

dysuoynjas fo sunsay vyourcg

GL
Vat

[fTH. ANN. 27

THE OMAHA TRIBE

316

PUM

19}sis JOp[A

BY9U}aN YZ,

1a}SIs JaSUN0

PBB
104818 JOP[A

/eynUayy,
1a\sIs 1ad0n0

eqedys Ny,
Byedys ny,
JayJOULpUBIF)
Byes NYZ 1A,
ByosulYZ/1A\
JoqIOW

PUM

OYYOIG LOPTA

BY /eavOL
Jayjoig Jaduno

Poeyy
1ayjo1g LOpl[a

BYU WIZ
qoqjOIG 1adun0 KX
By edysny,
ey edysny,

Jay BJpurIyH

aqyey

Aq 0} uayodg

PUM

194818 JOPTol

Aud alt {ZT MA

Jaqsis 1aduNo

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191818 JOpla

DUE AA
1ajsis 1asuNn0
wdys/04t A\
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98 NZ AA

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PUM
royoIg OPT

25 OFT AL

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| Paey
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|
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|

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vd ys /04t A\
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udys,n4qy
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pazefer you auo £q yo uayodg

penunu0j—diysuoypjas fo sua) DYDULC)

(S19]S8I8 10 104818 Jap[a Jay 0} WOT}
-B[at ut Jo uayods sv) sasunod ‘1aysig

(Gc)

-4jorq 10 JayjoIq Jape toy 0} UO0Ty
-B[od UL JO Uayods sev) sasuNod ‘194819

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| (Sdo}SIS 10 199818 Laplo STY 0} UOTRIAL

ul Jo uayods se) sasunod ‘1eyyorg

(saeq4o1q
10 JayjZoIq Jap[e sy 0} UOMRIeI
ut jo uayods sv) aasunod “ayjoiug

(S10]SIS 10 103818 1a5UN0< Sty 0} WOT}
-eja. UL JO ueyods sv) apa ‘1ayOrg

(saeqjorq
10 sayjorq aasunod sty OF uo
-R[ai UL JO UayOds SB) Japa ‘1ayyoug

Jayysnepueis)
uOSspuB.Ly

ray ysneq
og

“SL
“LT

317

SOCIAL LIFE

R-LA FLESCHE]

FLETCHE

‘(ul1e} plo ur)

Nu, toy se jo uaxods st ay ‘A[IULEY B UII BUOY SIT] SPYVUL OAT LIAI B OU UBUE B UA AA
*(palupur ATMou) B80}, 204 431T SB JO Ueyods st 1001s Vy
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318 THE OMAHA TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 27

The proper modes of address were difficult to master by one not
born to their usage and mistakes were regarded as impolite as they
were embarrassing; therefore children were carefully trained in these
forms. This custom of address facilitated story telling, for the nar-
rative was not broken by such expressions as “he says”’ or “she says”
or by explaining the relation “he” or ‘‘she” bore to the hero of the
tale, as the form or accent of the terms of relationship used made this
clear.

CouRTSHIP AND MARRIAGE

Friendship played an important. part in the lives of both men and

women and the intimacies begun in childhood often extended

Fic. 65. Playing on the flute.

throughout life. The friendships among the women had seemingly
fewer dramatic incidents than those between young men, the lives of
the former being less exposed to the stirring incidents of the warpath
and the chase. Nevertheless, instances have come to the writers’
knowledge of enduring friendships between women under circum-
stances that would be apt to test the strength of affection and kind-
ness. Friends were apt to be confidants and few secrets appear to
have been withheld from one’s intimate companion. A man would
cleave to his friend, follow him in the face of danger, and if necessary
protect him with his life. To be false to a friend in either love or war
marked such an individual as without honor and especially to be

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE J SOCIAL LIFE 319

shunned. Young men befriended one another in minor matters as well
as in the graver affairs of life. A young man would be assisted by his
friends to deck himself. Two friends would paint each other’s faces,
fasten each other’s ornaments, and at the close of the toilet they
were resplendent in their finery. Not only would a friend help to
make his friend look well but he would act as a go-between and
secure an interview for his friend with the chosen girl. Such meet-
ings generally took place at the spring, in the early morning.
Girls never went alone to get water for the family; two sisters, an
aunt and niece, or else two intimate friends and neighbors started off
together. The young men haunted these places; they lay hidden in
the grass or among the bushes, so that one could suddenly seize a
favorable opportunity to speak with the girl of his fancy. These
encounters were sometimes accidental but generally the lover made
his presence known to the girl by his love song played on the flute
(fig. 65). Music was composed especially for this flute, as songs that
were sung were not played on the instrument, its compass being
too limited. The following is a favorite flute song:

LOVE CALL
—_—_—___
A ee —=- e
i A za =I qf -3- a = = e == e —_?
ie" =e @ a CSTE ae at | f= = . f: =

4 3 — A
ae —— —_,,
Gee erent al
= —~_

As custom did not permit young men to visit young women in
their homes, the opportunities for the young people openly to become
acquainted were limited to gatherings for tribal ceremonies and during
the confusion incident to breaking up or making camp when the tribe
was on the annual hunt. The stream and spring were at all times
the favorite trysting places. Men sometimes composed their own
love songs and by the song the girl not only identified her lover but
became aware of his nearness. There are pathetic as well as humor-
ous stories told which hinge on these individual love songs. It has
been stated that a true love song, one that had for its purpose the
honorable wooing of a maid, did not exist among peoples living in
the stage of development represented by the native tribes of Amer-
ica. This statement does not hold good for the Omaha and
their close cognates. The following songs belong to the love-song
class. The words are few; soft, breathing vocables float the voice
throughout most of the melody. Where there are words, they gener-
ally refer to the morning but most of the songs have only vocables.
These songs are called bige’waa". The music expresses the purpose

320 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

of the song. The songs are all major and generally joyous in feeling,
although there are others that express considerable subjective emo-
tion. Sometimes in singing songs of the latter class, of which no. 2
is an example, the hand is waved at a little distance from the mouth
to produce a vibrating effect.

BICE’ WAAN No. 1
Light and smoothly os =

> oe ae Pa

No words—voecables Ha-he he ha, ete.

+o as E

7 aa i 5)

"e = oa Et H —

IG 4-4 oe ee ee ———
= Fs FS Ss +~ee

Pi a
z.: o_o 9 = . = 2
ig) SS Se Se]

BICE’ WAAN No. 2

pies with ise I IO

Gat == peor 22 2 fi 2 3S aaa zee ae

No words—vocables Ha-he he ha he, ete.

Giles. SS es HSS ==)

al Rigg +
$ —- sw —
4-2: |e a |e-}3— oe
ie" 2S S28 = a aaa ==
a
$3 H Be ,
SS
“~— Cs @ = aa —_— = = =
_— ~— 3 fe a ~
—

There is another class of songs that have been mistaken by some
writers for love songs. These songs refer to flirtatious and amorous
adventures. They were not sung in the presence of women but by
men when by themselves. The existence of this class of songs was

FLETCHDR-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 321

withheld from the knowledge of women of the better class.. These
songs were called wau’waa”, ““ woman songs.”” They were composed
by men yet they always represent the woman as speaking, betraying
her fondness for some one and thus violating social etiquette by
speaking of her personal liking for a young man. They sometimes
refer to uncongeniality in the marriage relation; the unhappy wife
begs her lover to fly with her to another tribe. In most of these
songs the act of the man is made to originate with the woman.
The following belongs to the wau’waa” class of songs. It reveals
something of social customs and also fairly well portrays the char-
acter of this class of songs, of which few if any are what might be
termed ribald.
WAU’ WAAN

s ee:
Gi

Da-du® na i - ba-hu® bi-a-ke the the Da - du®-na i - ba-
es =——
i eet ae NE i er

|
a ae ee
=

Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation_on the piano
—~

[== bens
*

eee
a t— +
Cee =] ° [2 o-
— + a - t
i= ic j=
=a
FTE
= te ey ees ay eee os |
= —s [S53

Tissier gee
y

“4-
SS
SSS
e oa = pr} ——
Da-du® na i - ba- hu’, bi-a
s =ni | Lo Sipe — =
a Sao Se +
o ad ne a
| a

83993°—27 Era—11——21

322 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

a see ce = See

ke the the........ er

a ne E - be- i" - te a - be-

e-he ni- ke the the wa - ge"-tha ma e- he
cs — —
= a es ice =
ae 2 ee ae | —— == =
- ——} oe ee e ote
oe oe eed
Ps te S pad Pd PS a pe
== = a 2 = = =
=e = e—— = r
Pr jess an re i= =e
= SSeS Sa
eam = aa
mi- ke the the! the! E-zha zhe we-btha-de the th the! tha! hi

r
s2 4 a
— wee Be == 5 =— =

Dadu® na ibahu® biakithe, the

Ho*adi uthagthaa thu" izhazhe wibthade the tha
Dadu® na ibahu® biakithe the; hi

Ebei"te the! abeda™ ehe mike the; the
Wagu"tha ma ehe mike the; the

Izhazhe wibthade the, the hi

6° lz ba LI
ee

©;

Literal translation

Dadu", an exclamation denoting anticipated trouble from fear of
consequences; na, a part of ena, a woman’s exclamation indicating
surprise; ibahu", known; biakithe, I have made myself; the, vocable;
horadi, last night; uthagthaa, you sang; thu", a part of tethu"di, when;
izhazhe, name; wibthade, I spoke your; the, feminine ending of a
sentence; the, vocable; ebei"te, who is it?; abeda”, when they said;
che mike, I said, sitting; Wagutha, her lover’s name; ma, a suffix indi-

FLETCHDR-LA FLESCHE | SOCIAL LIFE 323

eating that he was moving, passing along. The word the (the next
to the last word in each line) is the feminine termination of a sen-
tence; the final the is a vocable which serves as a sort of refrain;
hi, a punctuation word equivalent to a period.
Free translation
Dadu® na—I have made myself known, the!
Dadu® na—I have made myself known, the!
Last night when you sang I uttered your name, the!
Dadu® na—I have made myself known, the! hi.
“Who is it that sings?” the! they said, and I sitting there, the!
“‘Wagu"tha is passing,’’ I said, the!
It was your name I uttered, the! hi.

As with all Indian songs, both as to words and music, there is no
setting or introduction. Nothing is said of the girl or her surround-
ings. The stanza opens with her lament addressed to her lover, who,
having won her affection, has so possessed her thoughts that when
he sang without the tent and the family asked ‘“ Who is it that sings?”
the girl unconsciously lets drop his name. All eyes are turned on
her and then she realizes what she has done. When next day she
meets her lover she tells him in distress of her betrayal of their secret.
The young man responds by making this song, in which he betrays
the girl’s confidence to his companions and scores his conquest.

The structure of the song reveals a groping after metrical form.
The choice of words and their arrangement are not colloquial and indi-
cate a desire to express the story effectively and not in a common-
place way. The use of the vocable the at the end of each musical
phrase is of interest, and its introduction into the fifth line after ebeite,
“Who is it that sings ?,” has the effect of a sigh—it adds to the dramatic
expression and gives a touch of pathos to the narrative.

The opening lines present at once the theme of the song, therein
resembling the chorus of a ballad, which always sets forth the central
thought or feeling around which the circumstances of the story
cluster. In this Omaha ballad there is no elaboration in literary
form and the music is equally simple; but we find here indications
that the Omaha had begun more or less consciously to desire that the
rhythm of emotions should have an answering expression in measured
language. It is not improbable that the nascent poetic form of this
class of songs may account in a measure for their popularity. While
all other songs depended largely on vocables for carrying the voice, the
‘‘womansongs”’ were wellsupplied with words that always told a story.

Men and women were socially on a moral equality. Tribal custom
favored chastity and those who practised it stood higher in public
esteem than those who did not. In the case of a woman who in
her youth committed indiscretions and later led a moral life, while
her former acts were remembered, they were not held against her

324 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27)

or her husband or children. Both men and women were allowed to
to win back by subsequent good conduct their lost position.

When a young man asked the hand of a girl in marriage he observed
a certain conventional form of address. The words were not always
the same but the aspect put on the proposal was practically uniform.
The young man extolled the girl and her relations; he did not vaunt
himself; he pleaded his constancy and asked, rather than demanded,
that she become his wife, craving it asa boon. There were signals
other than songs or flute calls to let a girl know her lover was near.
A tent pole might fall or some other noise be made which she would
know how to interpret and so be able to meet the young man if a
meeting had been agreed on. Marriage was usually by elopement.
The claims on a girl by men holding a potential right to marry her
almost necessitated her escaping secretly if she would exercise her
free choice in the matter of a husband. When a young couple during
their courtship determined on taking the final step of marriage, they
agreed to meet some evening. The youth generally rode to a place
near the lodge of the girl and gave the proper signal; she stepped out
and they galloped off to one of his relations. In a day or two the
young man took the girl to his father’s lodge, where, if she was re-
ceived as his wife, all claims by other men as to marriage were can-
celed by this act, but gifts had to be made to the girl’s parents and
shared with her relatives, in order to ratify the marriage. To bring
this about, the father of the young man made a feast and invited the
relatives of the girl. .When this invitation was accepted and the
presents received, the marriage was considered as settled beyond
all dispute. In the course of a few months the father of the bride
generally presented his daughter with return gifts about equal in
value to those he had received and the young husband was expected
to work for a year or two for his father-in-law. This latter claim
was frequently rigidly exacted and the father-in-law was sometimes
a tyrant over his son-in-law’s affairs.

The following story is told of a man who was highly respected,
industrious, and thrifty. He never married; why, no one knew, for
he was an attractive man. He had a brother who for some reason
was always unsuccessful in his wooing and as he greatly desired te
marry a certain girl the bachelor brother was moved to say: “‘I will
help you to get the girl you want.’”’ To the surprise of everyone, the
girl included, the bachelor was seen at the spring, where he wooed the
girl and planned their elopement. At the appointed hour he signaled
her, she came to him, and together they rode to the lodge of one of
his near relatives where the brother was in waiting. The bachelor
explained to the girl that he had been wooing her for his brother, and
the girl, having compromised herself by running away with her sup-

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 42

AN ELDERLY BEAU

| FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 825

posed lover, concluded to accept the transfer; the marriage so strangely
entered on turned out pleasantly for both parties.

The marriage ceremony as described above depended for its
completion on the recognition of the girl as the son’s wife by the
father of the young man, but should this formal consent be denied
by either parent, while this act interrupted the festivity, it did not
invalidate the marriage or haye any effect on the issue of such mar-
riage; it merely made the lives of the young couple difficult and
uncomfortable. There was no tribal usage or tradition which made
it possible to deprive a child of its rights to or through its father;
according to tribal custom all a man’s children had equal claim on
him and he was responsible for all his progeny.

Cohabitation constituted marriage whether the relation was of
long or short duration, always provided that the woman was not the
wife of another man, in which case the relation was a social and :
punishable offense. Prostitution, as practised in a white com-
munity, did not exist in the tribe.

It was obligatory that a man and wife should belong to different
gentes and not be of close blood relation through their mothers. It
was counted an honor to a man to marry a woman who had tattooed
on her the “mark of honor” (fig.105). Marriage with a man either on
or about to go on the warpath was not permitted; such a union was
looked on as a defiance of natural law that would bring disaster on
the people for the reason, it was explained, that ‘‘War means the
destruction of life, marriage its perpetuation.” The same law was
thought to be operative when a hunter failed to kill game; it would
be said: ‘‘His wife may be giving birth to a child.”

In the family the father was recognized as having the highest
authority over all the members, although in most matters pertaining
to the welfare of the children the mother exercised almost equal
authority. In the event of the death of the mother and father, pro-
vided the father had no brothers, the uncle (mother’s brother) had
full control of the children and no relative of the father could dis-
pute the right of the uncle to the children. During the lifetime of
the parents the uncle was as alert as their father to defend the
children or to avenge a wrong done them. The children always
regarded their uncle as their friend, ever ready to help them.

When a marriage was arranged by a girl’s parents, with or without
her consent, it was apt to be with a man in mature life and estab-
lished position. The would-be husband made large presents to the
girl’s parents and relatives. When the time came for the marriage the
girl was well dressed, mounted on a pony, and accompanied by four
old men she was taken to the lodge of her husband. Young men
derided this kind of marriage, saying, ‘‘An old man can not win a
girl; he can win only her parents.” (PI. 42.)

326 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Polygamy existed, although it was not the rule; in the majority
of families there was but one wife. A man rarely had more than
two wives and these were generally sisters or aunt and niece. These
complex families were usually harmonious and sometimes there seemed
to be little difference in the feeling of the children toward the two
women who were wives to their father. No special privileges were
accorded to the first wife over the others. Polygamy was practised
more among the prominent men than among any other class. On
the former devolved the public duty of entertaining guests from
within and without the tribe. This duty brought a great deal of labor
on the household. There was no serving class to render help to man
or woman, so that the wife could not hire anyone to assist her in any
extra labor or in her daily work or her varied avocations, as in the
dressing and tanning of skins, the making of tent covers and clothing,
not to mention the embroidery put on garments and regalia. It will
be remembered that embroidered garments, robes, pipestems, and
other articles were required for gifts that went toward a man’s
“count,”’ which led to his tribal honors. Looking at the duties and
customs of the tribe, it seems that the question of domestic labor
had a good deal to do with the practice of polygamy. “I must take
another wife. My old wife is not strong enough now to do all her
work alone.”” This remark was made not as if offering an excuse for
taking another wife but as stating a condition which must be met
and remedied in the only way which custom permitted.

Divorce was not uncommon, although there were many instances
in the tribe in which a man and woman lived together throughout a
long life in monogamous marriage. If a man abused his wife, she
left him and her conduct was justified by her relations and by tribal
opinion. As the tent or dwelling always belonged to the woman,
the unkind husband found himself homeless. The young children
generally remained with the mother, although the father’s brothers
would be expected to assist the woman in their support. If the
woman was immoral, she was put away and sometimes punished by
her husband. In that case no one interfered to protect her. These
punishments were sometimes very severe. Generally speaking, the
family was fairly stable; tribal sentiment did not favor the changing
of the marriage relation from mere caprice.

The Omaha woman worked hard. Upon her depended much of the
livelihood of the people—the preparation of food, of shelter, of cloth-
ing, and the cultivation of the garden patches. In return, she was
regarded with esteem, her wishes were respected, and, while she held
no public office, many of the movements and ceremonies of the tribe
depended on her timely assistance. In the family she was generally
the center of much affection. There were many happy Indian fami-
lies in which affection bound all hearts closely together.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 327

One can sometimes judge of the light by the depth of the shadow
east. An old Omaha man stood beside a husband whose wife lay
dead. The mourner sat wailing, holding the woman’s cold hand and
calling her by the endearing terms that are not uttered to the living.
“Where shall I go, now you are gone?” he cried. ‘‘My grandson,”
said the old man, ‘‘It is hard to lose one’s mother, to see one’s children
die, but the sorest trial that can come to a man is to see his wife lie
dead. My grandson, before she came to you no one was more willing
to bring water for you; now that she has gone you will miss her care.
If you have ever spoken harshly to her the words will come back to
you and bring you tears. The old men who are gone have taught
us that no one is so near, no one can ever be so dear, as a wife; when
she dies her husband’s joy dies with her. I am old; I have felt these
things; I know the truth of what I say.”

CARE AND TRAINING OF CHILDREN

In the Omaha family the children bore an important part; they
were greatly desired and loved. Mention has been made of the belief
that women who bore the ‘‘mark of honor’’ would become mothers
of many children who would live to grow up. The baby was its
mother’s constant companion, although other members of the family
often helped to take care of it. (Fig. 66.) More than one instance
is recalled where the father took considerable care of the little ones
and it was not an uncommon sight to see a father or grandfather
sooth or amuse a fretful child. Soon after birth the baby was
laid in its own little bed. This was a board about 12 or 14 inches
wide and 3 feet long. On this was laid a pillow stuffed with feathers
or the hair of the deer, over which were spread layers of soft skins.
On this bed the baby was fastened by broad bands of soft skin, which
in recent years were replaced by similar bands of calico or flannel.
There was no headboard to the Omaha cradle-board but the skins that
were laid over the pillow were so arranged as to form a shelter and pro-
tection for the top of the baby’s head. While the child slept its arms
were bound under the cover but as soon as it awoke they were released.
The cradle-board (w'thuhe) was principally used in carrying the baby
around and it served as a bed when the little one was asleep. A good
portion of the time the baby lay on a soft skin in a safe warm place
where it could kick and crow, while the mother sat by with her sewing
or at some other employment. If the mother’s duties took her out of
doors the baby might be laced on its cradle and hung up in the shade
of a tree; or, if the mother happened to be going away on horseback
the baby in its cradle was hung at her saddle, where it rode safely
and comfortably. When the child was old enough to cling to its
mother it was thrown over her shoulder, where it hugged her tightly
around the neck while she adjusted her robe or blanket. The robe

828 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

worn by the women was tied by a girdle around the waist, the upper
part was placed over the clinging child, and the ends were crossed in
front and tucked into the girdle. Then the mother gave a gentle
but decided shrug, when the child loosened its arms and settled itself
into its bag-like bed, from out of which it winked and peered at the
world or fell fast asleep as the mother trudged about her business.
It is a mistake to suppose that Indian babies never cry. They do
cry, most lustily at times, but efforts are always made to soothe a child.
No true lullaby songs have ever been heard in the tribe by the writers,
but both men and women make a low murmuring that resembles some-
what the sound of the wind in the pines and sleep soon comes to the
listener. There was a belief that certain persons were gifted with an
understanding of the various sounds made by a baby; so when a little

Fic. 66, Omaha mother and child.

one cried persistently, as if in distress, some one of these knowing people
was sent for to ascertain what troubled the child. Sometimes it was
said that the baby did not like the name given it and then the name
would be changed. Sometimes the difficulty was of a more practical
kind, as in the case of a baby whose mother, being particularly desirous
of having her son lie on the softest of beds, had put next to him the
soft skin of a buffalo calf; whenever the child was laid on its bed its
cries kept everyone awake. In her distress the mother sent for a
person who understood the talk of a baby. This person was evi-
dently a keen observer, for he at once saw what the trouble was—the
fur tickled the child! He turned the skin and the baby was pacified.

The birth of twins was considered a sign that the mother was a
kind woman. It was said, ‘‘Twins walk hand in hand around the

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 3829

hu’thuga looking for a kind woman; when they find her, she becomes
their mother.”” When a woman desired to ascertain the sex of her
coming child, she took a bow and a burden strap to the tent of a
friend who had a child not yet old enough to speak and offered it the
articles. If the bow was chosen the unborn would be a boy; if the
burden strap, a girl. If a teething child looked at one, at the same
time grinding its teeth, stretching out its arms, and clenching its
hands, it meant to break friendship with that person. A child who
had lost either one or both of its parents was called wahor’thirge
(‘no mother”), “orphan.”

As soon as a child could walk steadily it passed through the cere-
mony called Turning the Child, and, if a boy, through the supple-
mental ceremony of cutting the lock of hair in consecration of its life
to the Thunder and to the protection of the tribe as a warrior. (See
p. 122.) After this experience home training began in earnest. The
child had now its name, marking its ni’kie rites, and its gentile
relationship. Careful parents, particularly those who belonged to the
better class, took great pains in the training of their children. They
were taught to treat their elders with respect, to be particular in
the use of the proper terms of relationship, to be peaceable with one
another, and to obey their parents. Whipping was uncommon
and yet there were almost no quarreling and little downright dis-
obedience. Much attention was given to inculcating a grammatical
use of the language and the proper pronunciation of the words.
There was no ‘‘baby talk.” Politeness was early instilled. No child
would think of interrupting an elder who was speaking, of pestering
anyone with questions, of taking anything belonging to an older
person without permission, or of staring at anyone, particularly a
stranger. Yet the children were bright and had their share of curi-
osity but they were trained not to be aggressive.

Little girls were subject to restraints that were not put upon the
boys. The mother was particular in teaching the girl how to sit and
how to rise from a sitting posture. A woman sat sidewise on the left,
her legs drawn round closely to the right. (Fig. 67.) No other posture
was good form for a woman. Sometimes old women sat with the feet
stretched out in front but that was the privilege of age. All other
attitudes, as kneeling or squatting, were only for temporary purposes.
Concerning this point of etiquette mothers were rigid in the training
of their daughters. To rise well, one should spring up lightly, not
with the help of both hands; one hand might be placed on the ground
for the first movement, to get a purchase. “A girl was taught to move
about noiselessly as she passed in and out of the lodge. All her
errands must be done silently. She must keep her hair neatly
braided and her garments in order. At an early age little girls as-
sumed the role of caretaker of the younger children. The boys had

330 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

to help about the ponies but not much training in etiquette fell to the
lot of the boy—he could jump about and sit in any manner he chose,
except after the fashion of a girl. Later he had to learn to sit steadily
on his heels, to rise quickly, and to be firm on his feet.

When quite small the two sexes played together but the restraints
and duties put on girls soon separated them from the boys and when
girls were grown there were few recreations shared in common by the

Fic, 67. Sitting posture of women.

sexes. In olden times no girl was considered marriageable until she
knew how to dress skins, fashion and sew garments, embroider, and
cook. Nor was a young man a desirable husband until he had proved
his skill as a hunter and shown himself alert and courageous.
Politeness was observed in the family as well as in the presence of
strangers. The etiquette in reference to the fire was always observed
and care was taken not to interrupt a speaker, and never to accept

FLETCHDR-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 331

anything from another without recognition by the use of an expression
the equivalent of ‘‘thank you;” this equivalent was the mention of a
term of relationship.

To elucidate further the teachings and training given to children
and youths, the insistence with which industry, good manners, and
consideration for others were impressed upon the young, the follow-
ing notes, taken beside a camp fire one evening in early September
years ago, are here given. An old man, no longer living, was on that
occasion in a reminiscent mood and somewhat inclined to question
the advantage of influences that were creeping in among the people.
As he talked he sat playing with a little stick, tracing figures on the
ground, while the firelight shed a ruddy glow on the faces of those
who made the circle. In the distance the tents stood pale and
specterlike, overhead the stars were brilliantly white in the clear dark
sky and no sound but the snapping of the burning wood broke in on
the flow of the old man’s words.

The children do not receive the training that we men did from our fathers. Every-
thing is changed. I remember some of the sayings that used to be common in my
young days: sayings that were supposed to hold us young people in order and teach
us to be mindful of our elders and not become self-indulgent. Write them down; I
would like the Omaha to know how children were talked to in the old times—chil-
dren from 10 to 15 years of age.

When a boy used a knife in cutting meat the old men said: ‘‘The knife eats more
meat; you should bite it.’’? This saying means, the use of the knife makes one lazy;
a man should rely on his own resources; the one who so trains himself is ready for any
emergency.

In old times kettles were scarce and the same kettle would often serve several
families. It was also customary never to return a borrowed kettle entirely empty but
to leave a little of the last portion that was cooked init. Ifa lad should help himself
to that which came home in the kettle the old men would say: “‘If you eat what is
brought home in the kettle your arrows will twist when you shoot” [will not go
straight], adding in explanation: ‘‘The youth who thinks first of himself and forgets
the old will never prosper, nothing will go straight for him.”’

There is a part of the intestine of the buffalo, called washna, that is very tender,
so that the old people who have no teeth, or but few, can eat it, chew and digest it.
If the lads want to eat this tender bit the father would say: ‘‘ You must not eat the
washna, for if you do, and go with a war party for spoils, the dogs will bark at you.”’
Why the dogs would bark was left a mystery, which fact would make the young people
afraid to take the washna, and so the old people could enjoy it in peace.

When a young man attempted to drink the broth in the kettle, the old men would
say: ‘‘A young man must not drink the broth; if he does, his ankles will rattle and
his joints become loose.”’

When the marrowfat was tried out and the lad desired some of it with his meat, the
old men would say: ‘‘If you eat of the marrowfat you will become quick tempered,
your heart will become soft, and you will turn your back to your enemy ” [be afraid].

In my day the young men were forbidden to smoke, for smoking, we were told,
would make young men short winded and when they went into battle they would
be quickly overcome.

The old men used to tell the young men that they must learn to make arrows. They
said: ‘‘If one does not make arrows he will borrow moccasins, leggings, and robes and

332 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27
be disliked by the persons from whom he borrows.’’ This meant that one must be
industrious in order to have things of one’sown. The old men alsosaid: ‘‘If you don’t
make arrows yourself and a young man who is industrious shows you his arrows, you
will be tempted to steal from him.’’ Also: ‘‘If you are not industrious you will borrow
a horse from a young man who may be insignificant [of no position in the tribe], and
you may be proud that you ride a horse even if it is not your own; you will borrow
a bridle, too, and you will be disliked by the men from whom you borrow.’’ Also:
“Tf you are not industrious, when a herd of buffalo is slaughtered you may come across
a young man whom you may consider insignificant but who has killed a buffalo by
his energy; you will look longingly at the best portions of the meat, but he will give
to another who is known to be thrifty and generous and you will go away disap-
pointed.”’

Boys used to be made to swallow a turtle’s heart so as to make their hearts strong.
I was an orphan, and tender hearted and when any woman talked to me I would
easily weep. I did not like this, but I could not help it. I swallowed a turtle’s heart
and since then I can control myself. He [pointing to a man in the group about him]
has swallowed three. The turtle is hard to kill; even when the heart is cut out it will
still quiver and the turtle’s head will be able to bite after it is severed from the body.
The heart is flat and about an inch long. The boy took the heart and swallowed it
by himself. Only the heart was used.

In eating the rib of the game, if the young man tried to unjoint it the old men say:
“You must not do that; if you do, you will sprain your ankles.”

Once when I had killed an elk I wanted to eat the marrow in the bone; so I roasted
it but when I was ready to eat it some old men saw me, and they said: “‘If you, a young
man, eat that, your leg bone will become sore.”’

The lad must not pick the bones of the rabbit with his teeth, but must pull off the
meat with his fingers. If he used his teeth they would become cracked. He must
use his fingers in order that his teeth may be sound.

Tf a lad desired to eat the turkey’s head he was told: ‘If you eat that, tears will
come into your eyes when you hunt. You will have watery eyes.’’ If he should
wish to play with the turkey’s legs after they had been cut off, the old men said:
“Tf you play with turkeys’ legs your fingers will be cold in winter and liable to be
frost-bitten; then you can not handle anything.”

The fat about the heart of the buffalo was given to children that they might have
strong hearts—be courageous.

The liver of the buffalo must be eaten raw. This was said to make a man courageous
and to give him a clear voice.

We were taught that when a man wounded a buffalo a lad must not shoot an arrow
at it. He would be justly chastised if he did, as the buffalo belonged to the man
who first wounded it.

I was told: You must not be envious and maim the horse of another man if it is a
fine horse to look at. You must not take another’s robe or blanket, or his moccasins,
or anything that belongs to another. You will be tempted to do these things if you
are not industrious and if you yield to the temptation you will be shunned by all
persons. A man must be energetic, industrious—kiwa’shkon. If you are not indus-
trious your blanket will be ragged, your moccasins will be full of holes, you will have
no arrows, no good, straight ones; you will be in poverty and finally you will go to
neighboring tribes to avoid meeting the members of your tribe, who should be your
friends. If you are lazy, by chance you may have a horse that is stalled and you
will think that you own property. You may have a horse that is blind and you will
think yourself well off. You may have a horse with a disjointed hip and you will
think yourself rich. If you are lazy, your tent skin will be full of holes. You will

FLETCHPR-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 333

wear leggings made out of the top of an old tent that is smoked yellow; for a robe you
will wear a buffalo skin pallet pieced with the fore part of a buffalo hide—such is a
lazy man’s clothing. An industrious man wears leggings of well-dressed deer skin;
his robe is of the finest dressed buffalo skin and he wears earrings—such is the dress
of the energetic, industrious man. If a man is not industrious and energetic, he will
not be able to entertain other people. A lazy man will be envious when he sees men
of meaner birth invited to feasts because of their thrift and their ability to entertain
other people. If you are lazy, nobody will have pleasure in speaking to you. Aman
in passing by will give you a word with only aside glance and never stand face to face
in talking with you. You will be sulien, hardly speaking to those who address you—
that is the temper of the lazy man. The energetic man is happy and pleasant to speak
with; he is remembered and visited on his deathbed. But no one mourns for the
lazy man; nobody knows where he is buried; he dies unattended. Even when only
two or three are gathered to a feast the industrious and energetic man is invited.
People in speaking of him say: He is pleasant to talk with, he is easy of approach.
Such a man has many to mourn his death and is long remembered. A thrifty man is
well spoken of; his generosity, his help are given to those who are weaker than he
and all his actions are such as to make others happy. Such are some of the things
that used to be said by the old to the young men.

Yes, girls were also talked to by the old men and all this talk to both boys and girls
was to prevent their becoming thieves through envy. When they saw valuable
things and desired them, they should know that if they were industrious they could
have such things for themselves. And these sayings were also to prevent the young
men from growing up in laziness so that they would go from house to house in order to
live. Girls were required to know how to scrape and to dress skins and to tan them;
to cut and make tent covers, garments of all kinds, and moccasins. There were many
other things that a woman must know. She had much to do, and upon her work the
people depended.

These are some of the sayings to girls: If you do not learn to do these things [men-
tioned above] and abide by the teachings of the elders [about thrift, honesty, ete.],
you shall stop at a stranger’s house and your place will be near the kettle pole, your
hand shall rest on the kettle pole and without being told to go you shall go for water,
and when you have brought the water you shall look wistfully into the door of the
lodge, and they will tell you to open a pack so that they may do their cooking. On
opening the pack you will take a bit of the dried meat, thrust it slyly into your belt,
and take it away with you and eat it stealthily—but it shall not satisfy you. Food
eaten in fear satisfies not the hunger.

The thrifty woman has a good tent; all of her tools are of the best; so is her clothing.

Hear what happens to the thriftless woman: She shall stop at a stranger’s place;
there are holes in her moccasins but she has nothing to patch them with, so she will
cut a piece out of her robe to mend her moccasins with; then she will borrow her
neighbor’s workbag and from it take sinew stealthily and tuck it into her belt.

If you are a thrifty woman, your husband will struggle hard to bring you the best of
materials for your tent and clothing and the best of tools. If you have a good tent,
men and women will desire to enter it. They will be glad to talk with you and your
husband.

If you are willing to remain in ignorance and not learn how to do the things a woman
should know how to do, you will ask other women to cut your moccasins and fit them
for you. You will go on from bad to worse; you will.leave your people, go into a
strange tribe, fall into trouble, and die there friendless.

If you are thrifty, build yourself a good tent or house [earth lodge], and people will
like you and will assist your husband in all his undertakings.

L 06009 b1;

334 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27
ETIQUETTE

In the tent and in the earth lodge the fire was always in the center
and was the point from which certain lines of etiquette were drawn.
The space back of the fire, opposite the entrance, was the place of
honor. It was therefore the portion of the tent given to guests, to
which they always directed their steps when entering a lodge; it
answered to the reception room or parlor of a white man’s dwelling.
Skin robes were spread here to make the visitor comfortable and wel-
come. The guest on entering must never pass between his host and
the fire. When the guest was seated no one, not even a child,
would pass between him and the fire. If by any chance it became
necessary to do so, notice was given to the person passed and an
apology made. This etiquette applied to the members of the family
as well as to guests. When a guest arrived he took his seat quietly
and remained quiet for a little time, no one addressing him. This
was for the purpose of giving him time to “catch his breath” and
“compose his thoughts.’”’ When conversation opened it was genial,
although formal, and if there was any matter of importance to be dis-
cussed it was never hastily or quickly introduced. Deliberation was
a marked characteristic of Indian etiquette.

When a guest was ready to leave, he rose and, using the proper
term of relationship, added, Sho"pa’ze ha (‘‘I have finished,”’ i. e.,
my visit), or he said, te ha (‘permit me’’) and without further cere-
mony departed.

There was a peculiar courtesy practised toward the parents of a
man by his wife and toward the parents of a woman by her husband.
A man did not directly address his wife’s father or mother, nor did
any of his brothers do so. If the parents were visiting in the same
tent with their son-in-law or any of his brothers, conversation could
be carried on but it was generally done indirectly, not directly be-
tween these persons. A wife did not directly address her husband’s
father but this did not apply to his mother. This custom has been
explained by old Omaha men to mean that respect was thus shown by
the younger to the elder generation. This rule of conduct was not,
however, rigidly practised. There are stories told in which a man and
his son-in-law were very close friends, living and hunting together.

Mention has been made of the custom of never addressing an indi-
vidual by his personal name; etiquette demanded also that a per-
son’s name should not be mentioned in his presence. It may be
recalled that a man’s name referred to the rites in charge of his gens
or to some personal experience—a dream or a valorous deed. The
personal name sustained therefore so intimate a relation to the indi-
vidual as to render it unsuitable for common use. It is doubtful,
however, whether this characteristic was the fundamental motive

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 335

for the custom under discussion; it is more likely that the benefits
to be derived from the daily emphasis of kinship as a means to hold
the people together in peaceable relations had to do with the estab-
lishment of the custom, which was strengthened by the sanctity
attached to the personal name. This interpretation seems to accord
with the comment made by an aged Omaha on the custom of the
white people of addressing one another by name, particularly mem-
bers of the same family: ‘‘It sounds as though they do not love
one another when they do not use terms of relationship.”

While only kinship terms were used in social intercourse, no one,
not even children, being called by a personal name, there was a term
employed in making a formal address to a stranger: kage’ha, ‘‘friend;”’
this term was used also between men not closely related to each other.
Its use was confined strictly to men. When a man of distinction was
spoken to, etiquette demanded that he be addressed as i”sha’ge,
‘aged man;” the term was one of respect and implied his possession
of wisdom, dignity, and position. A woman addressed another of
her sex as wihe’, ‘‘younger sister,” and when speaking to a boy or
a young man she had to use the term kage’, ‘‘ younger brother.”’

Under no circumstances would politeness permit a person to ask
a stranger his name or what business brought him to the tribe. If
one was curious he must await the development of events. It is said
that men sent on an embassy from another tribe have come, trans-
acted their business, and departed without anyone learning their
personal names.

A curious reversal of these social customs is shown in the following
sayings about birds:

The whip-poor-will sings its own name, ha’kugthi (‘translucent
skin’’).

An unidentified bird having a brown back, yellow breast, and a
black ring around the neck, says, Oki'te dada"? (‘Of what tribe are
you?”).

The meadow lark, which heralds the time for the ceremonies con-
nected with the children (see p. 118), sings, (ni’tethu"gthi tegaze
(‘‘ winter will not come back’’).

Generally two meals were taken, one in the morning, the other at
night. When the food was cooked it was removed from the fire and
the kettles were set near the mother’s place in the tent. The family
took their places in a circle around the fire. If there were neigh-
bors or informal guests, they sat with the family. The mother
apportioned the food into bowls, which she set on a skin spread in
front of those who were to eat. In the duty of passing the food she
might be assisted by her elder daughter or some near kinswoman
or an intimate friend. After all had been served, including herself,
the father or the principal guest made the offering of food, lifting a

336 THE OMAHA TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 27

small portion and dropping it into the fire, in recognition that all
food was the gift of Wako™da. After this ceremony everyone was
at liberty to eat. If for any reason this ceremony was omitted, no
one touched his food until everyone had been served. If there
were many present the mother would be apt to say, ‘‘Eat; do not
wait.”’ After that, anyone who had been served would be at liberty to
partake of the food. Each person was served separately except in the
case of infants or very young children. When the meal was at an end
the dishes were handed back to the mother. In returning his dish,
each person gave thanks by mentioning a term of relationship.
When a child was too young to speak for itself the father or mother
offered thanks for it. Should a dish be returned with a portion of the
food uneaten, an apology or explanation was made to the mother or
hostess. At an informal meal at which guests were present the host
and hostess ate with their visitors. When only the family were
present, the thanks to the mother were not exacted from the children.
The exchange of hospitalities, however, was so frequent that the
little ones soon learned what was expected of them in the presence of
company. Ifa child or a guest seemed to be confused as to the right
expression of relationship to use, the host or hostess helped the
embarrassment by suggesting the proper term. Children were cor-
rected if they made noises or grimaces when eating. Silence with
the lips, when eating, was not exacted except from the chiefs when
they were taking their soup: This act must be done quietly. It
was said there was a religious reason attached to this custom, but
just what could not be definitely ascertained.

At a formal feast men served the food. The offerimg to Wako®’da
was made by the man of highest rank present. Etiquette demanded
that after the food was placed before the company a prominent
man should say to the servers, ‘‘ Have you provided for yourselves?”
On the occasion of a formal feast the host, the one who gave the feast,
never partook of the food. This custom obtained whatever the feast
might be; whether it was given by a man to the chiefs, or by a member
to a society, or by a group, as a subdivision of the Ho®’ga, on the
occasion when the ceremonies in its charge took place.

It was also in accord with etiquette to eat all placed before one;
if, however, it was not possible to do so, the untasted food should be
carried home. This custom was made practical by the custom of
guests bringing their own bowls to use; untasted food was regarded
as a reproach to one’s host. If a kettle was borrowed for any pur-
pose, on being returned a little of whatever had been cooked in it
must remain in the vessel. This remnant was called the’ruze.
Anyone disregarding this custom could never borrow again, as the
owner must always know how the kettle had been used and what had
been cooked in it. An incident is told of a white woman who

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 43

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

AND WIFE

PE’/DEGAHI

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE Bot

scoured a borrowed kettle before returning it to the owner; the well-
meant act was resented as showing a lack of respect and courtesy
toward the latter.

Looking into a lodge and seeing all the inmates sitting or lying on
the ground, it would hardly oecur to one unfamiliar with Indian life
that the ground space of a lodge was almost as distinctly marked off
as the different rooms in our composite dwellings; yet such was the fact.
The father occupied the middle of the space to the left of the fire as one
entered. Themother kept all her household belongings on the left,
between the father’s place and the entrance. It was thus easy for her
to slip in and out of the lodge without disturbing any of the inmates
when attending to the cooking and getting the wood and water. If there
were young men in the family, they generally occupied the space near
the door to the right, where they were in a position to protect the
family should any danger arise. If there were old people, their place
was on the right, opposite the father. The young girls were farther
along, more toward the back part. The little ones clung about the
mother but were welcome everywhere and seldom made trouble.
Each member had his packs in which his fine garments and small
personal treasures were kept. These packs were set against the
wall back of the place belonging to the owner.

In the earth lodge the compartments were quite commodious.
The willow seats were lounges by day and beds by night. There was
ample space beneath"them for stowing packs, although storage spaces
adjoined the lounges. In cold weather skins were sometimes hung
between the inner circle of posts, making an inclosed space about
the fire where the family gathered—the children to play games or to
listen to the stories of the old folk. It was a picturesque scene that
can never be forgotten by one who has enjoyed the welcoming cheer
and kindly hospitality of an Indian family circle in its earth-lodge
home.

Young girls were carefully guarded; they never went to the spring
or to visit friends unless accompanied by an older woman—mother,
aunt, or relative. Young married women seldom if ever went any-
where alone. Custom permitted only elderly women to go about
unattended.

Etiquette demanded that when husband and wife walked abroad,
the man precede the woman. (PI. 43.) This was explained by the
old men and women, ‘‘The man ought always to go first; it is his
duty to see that the path is safe for the woman.”

Women held no official position in the tribe but under certain cir-
cumstances they were consulted during the annual buffalo hunt
(see p. 277); they were respected, the value of their industry was
recognized, and their influence was potent in all affairs pertaining to
the home.

83993°—27 ETH—11

bo
bo

338 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

AVOCATIONS OF MEN

The avocations of men were chiefly those connected with their
duties as providers for and protectors of the family. As hunter
(p. 270) the man secured the meat and the pelts but the work of trans-
forming these into food, clothing, and shelter did not belong to him.
As warrior (p. 474) he was obliged to be on the alert and ever
ready to respond at once to the ery of danger. Men made all their
own weapons.* Bows and arrows were used for the hunt as well as
for battle (for the method employed in making these see p. 449). The
manufacture of stone implements was accomplished in two ways:
(1) by flaking by pressure from an elk horn, or (2) by placing the piece
of flint between the folds of a strip of rawhide, holding this between
the teeth as in a vise and working it sideways so as to break or chip
the edge of the flint within the skin without injury to the teeth, a
somewhat difficult and hazardous process. Men made all the stone
implements used in felling trees, as the stone ax and wedge; these
were ground into shape and smoothed, a slow and tedious operation.
Disks about four inches in diameter and an inch in thickness were
made in the same manner. These disks (i”’thapa) were used to crush
kernels of corn into meal, also wild cherries into pulp for cooking;
they were mainly used for grinding corn when traveling, as the large
mortar and pestle were inconvenient for transportation.

The making of wooden articles was also the task of the men. The
mortar (w’he), which was a necessity in every household, was formed
from a section of a tree-trunk a foot or so in diameter and about three
feet long. One end was chipped to a point so that it could be thrust
into the ground to hold the utensil steady when in use; the other end
was hollowed out to form the receptacle for the corn, by the follow-
ing process: Coals were placed on the surface and were kept ‘‘alive”’
by being fanned as they slowly burned their way into the wood,
until a sufficiently large cavity had been burned out, when the mortar
was smoothed with sandstone and water, inside and outside. The pestle
(we’he) was between three and four feet long, large and heavy at one
end, and smaller and tapering at the other. When in use the small
end was inserted into the mortar, the weight of the large end giving
added force to the pounding of the corn. Wooden bowls (zho™w’xpe)
were made from the burrs of the black walnut. These were burned
into shape as described and polished with sand and water; expe-
rience and skill were needed to make the bowl symmetrical. Some of
these bowls were beautiful in the marking and grain of the wood as
well as in form. The one shown in the illustration (fig. 68) was made
in the eighteenth century and was prized as an heirloom. Each of the
several societies had its ceremonial bowl or bowls. Wooden ladles

a The manufacture of the shield, the war club, and the spear is dealt with on p. 448.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHD] SOCIAL LIFE 339

were made with the handle so shaped that it could be hooked on the
edge of the bowl so as not to drop into the contents. Smaller bowls
for individual use were not uncommon. Spoons were made of wood
or of buffalo horn; the latter kind were in general use although tabu
to one subdivision of the Tha’tada gens (p. 162).

In clearing the ground for planting, the heavy part of the work
was not infrequently done by men as were the cutting and trans-
porting of the large posts needed for building the earth lodge (p. 97).
The weaving of the slender ends of the roof poles to form the circular
opening over the fireplace was always done by men.

Fic. 68. Bowl made from walnut burr.

All rituals-and religious rites were in charge of men; therefore the
painting and tattooing of symbols devolved on them.

The life of the man was not an idle one; he could not pass his time
in self indulgence, for want and danger were never far distant, and
plenty and peace for the family and the tribe depended on his indus-
try, skill, and courage.

AVOCATIONS OF WOMEN

The avocations of women all pertained to the conservation of life.
She transmuted the raw material provided by the man into food,
raiment, and shelter; the home was the product of her labor and all
its duties belonged to her.

Bringing the wood for the fire was a part of the woman’s task. For
this purpose she used the burden strap; the broad band was worn
across the chest and the long thongs were used to tie the wood ina

340 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

bundle at her back. The illustration shows a burden strap that
had been the lifelong possession of a woman who died at a great age
more than twenty years ago. It is made of buffalo hide; on the
side of the broad band worn next to the body the wool had been left
to make it soft; the other side had been painted red. (Fig. 69;
Peabody Museum no. 27578.)
The care of the garden has already been mentioned. This was the
principal outdoor work of the women; not that their labors were
otherwise confined to the house,'for during warm weather everything
that could be done out of doors was performed under a shade set up

Fic. 69. Burden strap.

outside the dwelling. (Pl. 44.) Cooking, sewing, and the eating of
meals all took place under this temporary structure.

COOKING AND FOODS

The appliances for cooking were simple. A pole called who" uthu-
gashke (‘to tie on what is cooking’’) was set on the edge of the fire-
place so as to slant toward the fire and from this ‘‘ kettle pole ” the
pot (ne’xe) washung. In old times the Omaha women made pottery
of a rather coarse type, ornamented with incised lines. These pottery
kettles could be hung or set over the fire. Horn spoons, tehe’ (the
word means “buffalo horn’’), were used. The wooden spoon was
called zho"’tehe (zho”, wood), ‘wooden buffalo horn;” later the metal
spoon, mo”’¢etehe (mo"ce, metal), ‘metal buffalo horn,” still kept

| tehe’ as part of the name. There were no plates or forks and it is

AN3ZOS OILSSWOG

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FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 341

doubtful if flint knives were ever used to cut food when eating.
Bowls of pottery and of wood were used, which bore the general
name uxpe’. Gourds sometimes served as cups. The introduction
of copper or brass kettles and of steel knives made changes in
domestic life and in many ways lightened the task of the women.
It is said that in the olden days women had to make and keep on
hand a supply of pottery vessels for visitors, and that when a great
feast was to be held the kindred and friends of the women came and
helped to make the necessary supply of dishes. The custom for
cuests at a feast, when not from a great distance, to bring their own
bowls and spoons may have taken its rise in the pottery-making
time.

Among the rootsand plants used for food was the ‘‘pomme blanche,”’
called nu/gthe. The root was dug from the time the plant first
appeared until late in the fall. The line of march taken on the tribal
buffalo hunt was sometimes determined by the localities where this
desirable plant grew in abundance. It was eaten raw. The dark
skin was peeled by the help of the teeth; the inner flesh is white
and though rather tasteless it is not unpleasant. The roots were
preserved by slicing, and drying them in the sun, after which they
were stored in bags, like the shelled corn. They were cooked by
being boiled with the meat, particularly the tripe of the buffalo.

The ground nut (Apios tuberosa) called nu, was boiled, then peeled,
and eaten as a vegetable.

Artichokes (Helianthus tuberosus L.), called po” xe, were used in
the early spring. They were eaten only raw and were spoken of as
the food of homeless boys who had no near relative to feed them.

The root of the great yellow water lily (Nelumbium luteum), called
te’thawe, and the bulb of the lily (Sagittaria variabilis) were gathered
in the sprig. The root of the latter lily was called gi”. It was
boiled and eaten as a vegetable and was said to taste like salsify. The
root was never cooked with meat. It was gathered only in the
spring, as later in the season the bulb became spongy and unpleasant.
The root of the Amphicarpxa monoica, called ho"bthi” abe, was gathered
in the fall from the storehouses of the field mouse. This little animal
gathers these roots in large quantities. The Indians kept the roots
in skin bags during the winter. Before boiling, the outer skin was
removed by rubbing the root between the palms of the hands. The
flesh is whitish before cooking and reddish afterward; it is sweetish in
taste and very nutritious.

Slippery-elm bark was used for flavoring. Small bunches were
dropped into fat that was to be used in cooking.

A milk weed or silk weed (Asclepias syriaca L.), known to the
Omaha as waztha’, was used as a vegetable. The tender shoots were
cut and boiled; sometimes corn and meat were added to give flavor.

342 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Mushrooms (mika’exthi, “looks like tripe”) were eaten boiled or
fried in fat.

The leaves of Ceanothus americanus, ‘‘ New Jersey tea,’ were made
into a tea to be taken with the food; this was called tabe’hi.

The shoulder of game was always roasted and because it was so
cooked it was called waba’ eno".

The thigh was cut in thin slices and jerked. This meat was always
boiled even when it was fresh. The broth (tezhe’ga) was eaten with
the meat.

The marrow (wazhi’ be) from the fore-leg and hind-leg bones was con-
sidered a delicacy. The bones were roasted and served hot with the
roasted shoulder. A brush made by pounding the end of a sprig of
the wild cherry was used in serving the marrow. This cherry stick
brush was called wazhi'be ibagu'de.

The ribs (tethi’te) were used only when fresh; they were roasted,
never boiled.

The tezhu’, a special cut already described, was either roasted or
boiled; it was also jerked.

Birds were both boiled and roasted. All roasting was done by
thrusting the bird on a stick which was then stood up before the fire.
This mode of cooking was called bagno”.

The methods of preparing and cooking corn have been already
described.

Salt was obtained from a stream near the present city of Lincoln,
Nebraska, known to the Omaha as Salt creek, the waters of which
left on the grassy banks a white saline deposit. This fine salt the
women brushed into piles by means of feathers and afterward it was
deposited in bladder bags for future use.

DRESSING AND TANNING SKINS

Among the most important of the woman’s duties were the care
and preparation of the pelts, as on these the people depended for
clothing and shelter. The work of dressing and tanning, which was
arduous, bore the general name wato”the. When the tribe was on the
annual hunt a certain part of the work of dressing the skins had to
be done at once in order to preserve the pelts for future use and
tanning.

First, the green skin was washed in order to remove all evidences
of the slaughter.

Second, slits were cut along the edges, and through these slits pegs
were driven so that the hide could be stretched taut on the ground,
the imner side uppermost.

Third, an implement made from the leg bone of the elk, called
we bazhabe (fig. 70; Peabody Museum no. 40109), was used to re-
move any fleshy portions adhering to the green skin, which was

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 343

called taha’nuka, literally, ‘‘wet skin.’’ This work on a single skin,
which usually occupied two or more hours, was called waba’zhabe.
When this task was finished the skin was left to dry in the sun.
When it became dry and hard it was called waha’cage. If the hide
was to be used as a robe or to serve as bedding, it was then folded up
to be packed back to the village, where the work of tanning was

We’bazhabe We'uhi
Fic. 70. Implements for dressing skins.

always done. But if the skin was to be used for moccasins or a tent
cover, it would have to be made ready for tanning on both sides. In
that case the dried hide would be turned and the hair scraped off with
an implement called we’ uhi—a short adze, sometimes called we’ ubazho"
(really the name of the handle), figure 70 (Peabody Museum no.
27576). The process of scraping off the hair was called wa’u. The

344 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

hide was next turned skin side up and scraped to an even thickness
with the same implement; this process (fig. 71) was called by the
same name as that by which the hair was removed. After this the
skin was folded in an oblong shape convenient for packing and was
taken home for tanning. Often a family would have a number of
skins to prepare in this way when on the hunt and the women would
be kept busy day and night if the hunters were successful.

Fic. 71. Seraping a skin.

Not only did the skins have to be attended to at once in order to
save them but the meat had to be jerked immediately, otherwise it
would spoil and be attacked by insects. Jerking (wa’ga) was done by
cutting the flesh in very thin slices and hanging these on frames, so
that the wind and sun could dry them rapidly. If a rain set in just
after a hunt, quantities of meat and pelts were apt to spoil, owing
to the difficulty of preserving them in a warm, moist atmosphere.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 345

The rapidity with which the women worked was remarkable. In
jerking the meat men sometimes helped if necessity required.

When the people reached home the tanning was done at the con-
venience of the women. For this process the brains of the slaugh-
tered buffalo were saved in bladder bags, where they became dry
and hard. These dried brains were boiled. Then the hard skin was
stretched on the ground and the boiled brains were smeared over
it by means of a brush made of a bunch of wild sage (artemisia).
It is said that the artemisia was used to counteract the unpleasant
odor of the brains. This process was called 7thixthi. If there were
no brains available, broth from boiled meat was substituted.

Next, the skin was immersed in a stream, weighted down with
stones and left there over night. This soaking was called washpo” the.
The water was wrung out and the skin stretched lightly on a frame
set either upright or flat; a knife-shaped implement, called we’bamor,
was used to press out the remaining water. Dry corn meal was then
rubbed on the skin to absorb any moisture yet unexpelled.

The final process was called wathi’kivde, meaning softening the
skin by friction. A post was driven into the ground, a small sinew
rope (we'thikitde) was fastened to it in a loop, and the skin run
through the loop and pulled from side to side. This pulling was
done inch by inch and was repeated three or four times, making the
skin soft and pliable for use.

Skins to be used in making moccasins were browned by smoke.
This process was called wana’githe. The skins for tent covers were
not smoked but were kept white. The same process of tanning and
softening was used in preparing robes, except that the hair was left.
Deer and elk skins, not being so harsh as the buffalo hide, did not
require as much labor in tanning. The processes employed were
similar to those above described.

QUILL WORK

Embroidery with porcupine quills was a feminine accomplishment.
The Omaha women did fairly good work but it is doubtful if they
were as expert as the women of some of the northern tribes. The
following was the Omaha method of preparing and dyeing the quills:

The quills were plucked as soon as possible after the porcupine
was killed, for if the skin became dry the quills were liable to break.
The quills were sorted as to length and size and laid in bladder bags,
the outer or black ends being placed together. The largest quills, those
on the tail, were kept by themselves and were used in ornamenting
comb cases and workbags. The long ones of medium size were
reserved for fine work. The hair of the porcupine and that of the
turkey’s tassel were used for very fine embroidery—finer than was
possible with the quills. Fine quills were used in embroidering the

346 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

line on the middle of the upper part of the moccasins; the larger
ones were used in decorating the flaps about the ankle. The Omaha
did not often ornament garments with quill work.

It is said by some of the old women that in early times only black,
red, and white were used; that red and black were the only native
dyes; and that yellow, blue, and green were introduced by traders.
Yet yellow and dark blue were made from roots known to some of
the women, so these may have been used before the day of the trader.

The black dye was made from a yellow earth, or clay, called wace’-
zhide nika. This earth was put into a vessel over the fire and a piece
of tallow added. The earth was stirred constantly until it was
roasted black. A decoction was then made by cutting the inner
bark of the maple into strips, adding leaves from the trees that had
been mashed and boiling these in water until it became a dark red.
The roasted earth was added to the boiling decoction. After the
earth had been boiled in it, the water was very black. The mixture
was then taken off the fire and the quills were put into it and left
over night; in the morning they would be found dyed black.

The red dye was made from the root of a small plant that grows
in the marshes or lowlands. This root was boiled in water and the
quills were boiled with it for a short time until all were colored a
bright red. The Omaha called this dye ‘‘feather dye.’’ The plant
has not been identified botanically. The red quills were dyed early
in the morning, before the first meal was eaten, as the process was
thought to succeed best at that time. It is said that but few
persons were competent to dye a good red.

The yellow dye was made from the early buds of the cottonwood,
“the buds out of which the leaves spring.’”’ This color was also
made from the roots of a vine (not identified). After these roots
had been boiled the quills were dropped into the water but were
allowed to remain only a very short time.

White was the natural color of the quilis; they were never bleached.

Verdigris was used for coloring green.

The quills were never split. They were held in the mouth to
make them pliable, as they needed both warmth and moisture to
bring about that condition. Cold water would not serve the purpose.

To flatten them for working, the black end, or tip, was held by the
thumb and finger of the right hand, the nails being used to flatten
the quills, which were warm and moist and pliable, being taken
directly from the mouth for this flattening process. A number would
be treated in this way but just before using them in sewing the same
treatment would be again applied.

Quill work was called w’thicke, an old, untranslatable term.

The patterns were not often traced. They were generally evolved
by the worker as she r sceeded. In olden times only the awl was

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 45

COSTUME AND ADORNMENT OF WOMAN

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BUREAU OF AMERICAN

ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 46

COSTUME AND ADORNMENT OF MAN

FLETCHHR-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 347

used to pierce the holes for the sinew and quills. A stitch was taken
but not through the skin and the sinew was passed through and
pulled tight. Then another stitch was taken in the same way but
the sinew was not pulled tight. A little loop was left and through
this loop the blunt ends of the’ quills were put. If, for example, four
quills were to be used, they were placed one on the other through the
loop, which was then tightened. A quarter of an inch from the first
stitch of sinew a similar stitch was taken and in the loop four quills
were fastened in the same way. Then the first quill was bent toward
the second Idop and the first quill of the second loop was bent toward
the first loop, and the braiding went on, back and forth, until all
four quills were in place, the last quill being doubled under and the
sinew used in a stitch to hold it in place. In this way little by
little the pattern progressed.

Quill work for pipestems was made as follows: Two long threads
were doubled, making four threads. The free ends were wound
about a stick and fastened to a stationary object. The doubled
ends were made fast to the belt of the worker. A few inches of the
doubled ends were left unworked for fastening to the pipestems.
The quills were woven one at a time in and out over the four threads.
Two threads formed one column. The ends of the quills were fas-
tened between the two threads of a column. The new quill was
fastened in the same place by the blunt end.

No trustworthy information has been obtained relative to symbolic
designs being worked with quills on garments worn by the Omaha.
The designs employed were generally geometric, this characteristic
being due probably to the stiffness of the quills. Later these designs
were reproduced by narrow ribbons hemmed on to the cloth or skin.
This style was in greater favor among the Omaha women than
embroidering with beads. (PI. 45.)

WEAVING

Among the Omaha weaving was not practised on a large scale. So
far as is known, cloth was not woven nor were the people acquainted
with the cotton plant. One of the birds found in the honor pack
belonging to the Sacred Tent of War was lined with cloth which may
have been of native manufacture. If the cloth lining was strictly a
native product it probably was obtained through barter or gift from
some tribe which practised the art of weaving. Omaha women wove
scarfs which were used as belts, being wound around the waist, by
both men and women. The term applied to these scarfs suggests
the material out of which they were formerly woven—tezhi” hirde
(tezhi™’, “little buffalo,” or ‘“‘calf;’ hitde, “hair.”) Scarfs bound
about the head were worn exclusively by men. (Pl. 46.) Women
used the scarf to gird the robe or blanket about their waists. They

348 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

also wove bags, which were generally made from broad, short scarfs,
doubled and sewed together at the sides. These bags were used by
men as receptacles for ceremonial objects, as shown by the bags of
different sizes found in the pack belonging to the Shell society of
which the old chief Big Elk was the keeper. (See p. 554.) Women
made use of-these woven bags for various purposes. They had also
bags of deerskin to contain their sewing materials—sinew, awl, and
bladder cases containing dyed porcupine quills.

Necklaces of beads were woven, the different colored beads being
arranged so as to make elaborate patterns (pl. 47; Peabody Museum
no. 27551.) The short necklaces which were tied about the throat
were woven on horsehair. The longer ones woven on thread were
worn about the neck, being allowed to hang down in front.

The loom used by the
Omaha women was a
very simple device. The
strands forming the warp
were fastened at each end
to a stick slightly longer
than the width of the
scarf or necklace to be
woven; a thong was at-
tached to each end of the
sticks holding the warp
and by these thongs one
stick was fastened to a
post and the other one
to the woman’s belt.
She sat on the ground so
as to stretch the threads
of the warp taut and then
wove the woof in accordance with the design she desired to produce.
The different weaves and patterns used by the Omaha women are
shown in the illustration given of the bags of their manufacture
(figs. 114-116, 118, 120, 121). To weave the long necklaces required
considerable counting and careful arrangement of the beads in order
to produce the chosen design.

Ropes for lariats and cords were made from the nettle ( Urtica gra-
cilis Ait.), which was gathered in the fall when dry. The fiber was
separated from the woody part by pounding between stones and was
then braided. The native name for the plant was ha’nugahi. The
fiber was called mi’no"zhiha, ‘‘maiden’s hair.’””’ When the hemp rope
was introduced by traders it was given the same name. Lariats were
also made in former times, of buffalo hair. Such ropes, usually of
eight strands, were called taha’thi¢i". Few knew how to braid them.

Fic. 72. Hairbrushes.

PLATE 47

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SSS

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SRR eS enon

OSIRIS

BEAD NECKLACES

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 349
PERSONAL ADORNMENT

Toilet appliances were few. The hairbrush, mika’he, (fig. 72; Pea-
body Museum no. 27561), and the paint stick (peu’gago"ibatho”, ‘to
part the hair’’) were the two requisites. The paint stick, as its name

Fic. 738. Costumes of young men,

implies, served a double purpose. It was made of wood and was about
6 or 8 inches long, one end tapering to a blunt point. The case
in which the stick was kept was generally ornamented and sometimes

350 THE OMAHA TRIBE [PTH, ANN. 27

had a pointed flap which served as a cover to protect the stick and
keep it from dropping out.

The brush (mika’he, possibly from mi, ‘““woman;”’ ka’he, “to comb,”
although this is not a certain derivation) was made of stiff grass called
by the same name. One end of the brush was tightly wound about to
form a sort of handle. Both of these articles were used by both men
and women. The hair was kept neatly brushed and glossy. Buffalo
fat, well fried out, was sometimes used on the hair but it was more
commonly employed on chapped lips, face, and hands.

The men wore the hair either flowing or
cut close to the scalp, leaving only a stiff roach
extending from the forehead over the top of
the head to the neck. All wore the scalp
lock. The sister or wife braided this lock in
a fine, even braid. On this lock the eagle
feather war honor was worn. A bone case
was made, in which the quill of the feather
was fastened securely; the feather could thus
be made to stand erect or slanting, or to
hang, according to the honor accorded the
wearer. The bone case was fastened to the
scalp lock. When the hair was worn flowing,
the middle parting line was painted red and
the circular line of parting around the scalp
lock was generally kept painted the same
color.

The word for paint varied with the use to
which the paint was put. Thus, we’uga was
paint for a tent; wage’zhide meant red paint
for the person (wace’ is part of wace’¢o",
“clay”; zhide, “red”; wage’tu, ‘‘blue paint,”
etc.).

Men generally painted their faces or bodies
in accordance with dreams or in representa-
tion of some achievement or accorded honor. Young men used
merely fanciful designs. Before the advent of looking-glasses a
young man was painted by his friend. Men were frequently nude
except for the breechcloth. When going to battle, on the surround
at the tribal buffalo hunt, when taking part in the He’dewachi
ceremony, at the races, at the Hethu’shka society, and the Pebble
society, the painting on their faces and bodies had a serious sig-
nificance, partaking of the nature of an appeal or prayer. Except
with very young men, painting could hardly be called strictly an
adornment. (See pls. 46, 49, 50, and fig. 73.)

Fic. 74. Man’s necklace.

FPLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE ial

The regalia worn by men indicated grades of war honors (p. 438).
Earrings were worn. Piercing the ears was a costly ceremony, each
hole generally representing the gift of a pony to the man who did
the piercing; so the number of holes in a man’s ears was an indica-
tion of the wealth of his near kindred. The necklace (wano™ pi”)
(pl. 47 and fig. 74) was a part of an Omaha man’s adornment, as
were the beaded garters (hi’thawi”), tied below the knee outside
the legging. (Fig. 75; Peabody Museum no. 27545.) Bells were

Fig. 75. Man’s garters.

sometimes fastened about the garter and their tinkle emphasized
the rhythm of the dance. The belt (i pithage) was worn, and to it
was attached the embroidered case of the paint stick, and a little bag
which contained tinder and flint for making fire. Perfumery (i’/nub-
tho"kithe) was commonly used by the men. Braids of sweet grass
were worn about the neck, under the robe. Columbine seeds were
pulverized, mixed with water, and sprinkled over the robe to perfume

352 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27

it. A man attired for a dance often presented a gay appearance.
The skin of the skunk or of the fox was sometimes bound about the
leg below the knee, the tail hanging as an ornament on the outside
of the leg.

Women parted the hair in the middle from the forehead to the
nape of the neck (pl. 45). The hair, thus divided, was arranged in two
braids, the ends of which were bound together and brought up to

Fic. 76. Mounted warriors.

the back of the neck so as to let the braids fall in a long loop behind
the ears. The parting was painted red and similar treatment was
bestowed on the cheeks, back to the ear. A narrow necklace was
worn about the throat. Earrings also were worn, and a braid of
sweet grass was often tucked in the belt.

A man frequently painted his horse to represent a valorous act in
which the man had won honors, or he might paint the animal in a

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 48

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

Y SENOS SERS

EN XY -
Lop

CRUPPER FOR HORSE USED BY WOMAN

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 3853

manner intended as a symbolic representation of a vision. (Fig. 76.)
Such a decoration partook of the nature of a prayer. The bridles

Fig. 77. Painting a tent cover.
of horses were sometimes ornamented and occasionally the young
men decked the manes and tails of their animals with bright ribbons or
bands painted in gay colors.
Women embroidered the
cruppers for their horses,
which were cut in such fash-
ion as to spread over the sides
of the animals, as shown in
the accompanying illustra-
tion. (P1.48). This crupper
formerly belonged to an
Omaha woman by whom it
was used some fifty years

ago.
Men outlined designs on
their tentcovers. These rep-
Fig. 78. Paint brush. resented symbolically their
visions and so were more than a mere decoration, as they implied
an invocation in behalf of the household. In the putting on of

83993°—27 EtrH—11 23

354 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

the color a man’s wife or children might assist. The illustration
(fig. 77) shows how the tent cover was spread on the ground, the
design sketched in, and then the color applied by the assistant.

Robes were sometimes painted, this work being done in the same
manner as the painting on the tents.

Paint brushes were made from the porous bone of the hip joint
and shaped as shown in fig.
78. ‘The paint was applied
with the blunt edge of the
bone brush.

The peculiar headgear
shown in plates 36 and 49
was worn only by chiefs;
it bore the name watha’ge,
which was applied to all
caps cut to fit the head.
The style of headdress
shown in plate 50 was
called tezhi”’hivde, which
was the name applied to
the woven scarfs, as al-
ready explained on page
347,

CLOTHING

Wa'thaha is the general
term for clothing. It
seems probable that in
earlier days fewer gar-
ments were worn than in
recent years; yet some of
the articles of clothing,
judging from their names,
must have been long in
use. To this class belong
the leggings (uto”’). These varied in their cut. The simplest style
consisted of a straight piece of skin folded and sewed at one side.
A string at the top fastened the leggings to the belt. This style
was used for little boys. A more elaborate style was that with
a long pointed flap, which hung from the hip to below the knee.
Other forms were the legging having a wide band of embroidery
down the side and the kind called wuto”to"ga, ‘‘big leggings,”
with large flaps at the ankle; these were worn exclusively by the
chiefs. The ornamentation on the big leggings, or chiefs’ leggings,

Fig. 79, Ornamentation of chiefs’ leggings.

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 49

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

OF
Nc
OS 00

COSTUME AND ADORNMENT OF MAN

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 50

COSTUME AND ADORNMENT OF MAN

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 355

was peculiar. The round dots represent hail. (Pl.49 and fig. 79.) It
will be remembered that the Nu’xe gens, the people whose rites were
connected with the hail in both the Ponca and the Osage tribe,
camped with the gentes which composed the division that represented
the Upper World; and it will be remembered also that it was from
that division of the Omaha tribe (the I"shta’¢u"da) that the authority
of the supernatural was symbolized in the rites that were employed
in confirming the office of chief. The decoration put on these gar-
ments of the chief had reference to the sacred and responsible char-
acter of his office.

Fic. 80. Shirt.

The shirt, wno”zhi" (“to stand in’’), figure 80, was generally
ornamented with bands of embroidery, fringe, or painted devices of
various kinds.

The moccasins of the Omaha were made without soles and the
embroidery was confined to a narrow band on the top of the foot
and the flap about the ankle. There was no marked difference in
style between the moccasins worn by men and those which belonged
to women.

The tunic of the woman was called by the same name as the shirt-——
uno” zhi". It was formerly made of two skins fringed at the sides
and tied together so as to hang from the shoulders and leave the
arms free. The tunic fell below the knee.

356 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

The woman’s leggings bore the same name as those of the men.
They were shorter and were fastened by a garter at the knee
and tied at the bottom with the moccasin string. In later times
the tunic became shorter and was worn over a scant skirt laid in
plaits at the hips and plain in front and behind. (Fig. 81.) This skirt
was held in place by the belt which was bound about the waist. The
skirt was called wate’, a term now applied to a dress. Calico has
taken the place of skin as the material for a woman’s clothing but her
gala dress consists of a skirt of strouding, or cloth, sometimes em-
broidered with ribbon work on the
front, and a short sack.

THE WAL’ OR ROBE

The one article of clothing that has
played an important part in the dress
of the people is the wai”, or robe.
The same word is now applied to the
blanket. The robe is probably one
of the oldest types of garment. The
manner of fashioning and of wearing
the robe has acquired during the cen-
turies a ceremonial and a personal
significance that does not belong to
any other garment, although this is
shared in a degree by the moccasin.
(Pl. 51, a, Peabody Museum no.
51842; pl. 51, b, Peabody Museum
no. 27579.) These two, the robe
and the moccasin, may be considered
primal articles of clothing and they
deserve special consideration as re-
vealing the native ideas and their ex-
pression. Looking at the significance
of the garment in the light of religious
observances, social usages, and indi-
vidual habits of the Omaha, this significance appears to have a per-
sonal and a social aspect.

Fig. 81. Woman’s costume.

PERSONAL SIGNIFICANCE

(a) As distinguishing a man from the horde. In the Sacred Legend
already referred to, which recounted the epochal events in the history
of the people, it is said: ‘‘As the people came forth from the water
they were naked and shame they knew not. But as the days passed
they desired covering and took the fiber of weeds and grass and
wove it about their loins.’”’ According to the interpretation of the

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 51

MOCCASINS WORN BY MEN (a) AND WOMEN (bd)

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 357

old keeper, this passage referred to the natural birth, as well as to
the development of the people, who then dwelt near ‘‘a great water,”
and whose “‘ desire for covering’’ marked the arousing of self-conscious-
ness. The words used in the Legend are itha’kigtha wade, ‘‘to cover
ones’ self with;’’ and the expression is distinct from wa/thaha, the
word for clothing. The words used in the Legend carry the idea of
something placed on the body of a person with the motive of
withdrawing himself and differentiating himself from his fellows—a
simple act of self-consciousness expressive of the idea fundamental to
costume, decoration, and regalia.

(b) As symbolizing dependence on the supernatural. Nature was
looked on subjectively and anthropomorphically; all life was con-
sidered as one and as related. Man’s physical existence is sustained
by other forms of life. Eating the products of the earth and the flesh
of the animals is essential to bodily vigor. And this physical de-
pendence on living forms was carried a step further in the idea that
man’s spirit (wazhi”’), his will, his power to do, can be strengthened
by being supplemented by the spirit or power of the bird, the animal,
or the plant, since he believed, first, that all things on the earth or
above in the sky are permeated by the same life or force that man
is conscious of within himself; second, that this invisible life or force
is continuous, not to be broken even by physical death; and, third,
that the qualities or potentialities of one form can be transmitted to
another form so as to augment power. Moreover, as man has to
make an effort, has to perform some act in order to secure food for the
nourishment of his body, the Omaha seems to have argued by analogy
that he would have to go through some form of appeal if he desired to
have his spirit strengthened. The visible medium of help for both
body and spirit was some natural form imbued with life from Wako"’da.
Tn accordance with these beliefs, rites seem to have grown up around
the quest for food and the dress worn at these ceremonies exemplifies
these beliefs.

In common with other tribes the Omaha conserved in his religious
ceremonies those articles which had contributed to the betterment of
the people in their long, slow struggle upward. One of the earliest, if
not the earliest, garment which served to protect the body from cold
and storm seems to have been the unfashioned hide. This garment
retained the semblance of the animal and the comfort the skin con-
tributed to the body seems to have served to increase the native confi-
dence in the close relation he conceived to exist between all other visible
forms and himself. Although in later times his ordinary clothing
ceased to exemplify this close relation, yet when the Omaha entered
on sacred ceremonies with the desire of securing supernatural aid
there was a return in his apparel to the primitive form. For example,
in the rites preceding the tribal buffalo hunt, when the main supply of

358 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

meat was to be secured, the priests and chiefs wore the uncut buffalo
robe, the hair outside, so wrapped about their bodies that as they
sat they presented somewhat the appearance of a group of buffalo.
This manner of wearing the robe was explained as being in recognition
of the transmission of life from the buffalo to man that the latter might
live. Again, the warrior when going to battle might wear a wolf skin
over his shoulder or put on himself the skin of some swift bird of prey.
This semblance of the living creature not only indicated an appeal for
help but was believed to promote the transmission of the help and to
make it more direct in the hour of need.

(c) As proclaiming personal achievements. It will be recalled that
war honors were graded and could be bestowed only at the public
ceremony called Wate’gictu, and that each grade had its peculiar
decoration, so that a man’s costume and regalia proclaimed the
character of his deeds, his personal achievements. The decorations
which appeared on the face, body, or garments of a warrior not only
indicated what had been the character of deeds performed by him in
battle but they asserted his right to appeal to certain powers for
supernatural aid.

SocraL SIGNIFICANCE

(a) Marking the kinship group. As the life of the people became
more complex, the idea seems to have developed of making the skins of
the helpful animals subservient to man under his new requirements.
This idea seems to have found expression in the moccasin. To make
this foot gear it was necessary so to cut the skin that when the parts
were sewed together all semblance of the animal was lost and the form
pertained wholly to man. The moccasin also became typical of man
as a social being. In the Omaha and its cognate tribes the moccasin
held an important place in rites which laid stress on the obligation of
a gens and which were social in character. For example, when the
ceremony took place which marked the initiation of the child into the
tribe and it was given a name which belonged to its gens, moccasins
were put on its feet with song and ritual as it was “turned by the
winds” and sent forth “into the walk of life.” Among the Ponca,
a subdivision of the Ni’kapashna gens to whom the deer was tabu
put on their dead moccasins made from deer skin, so that on the jour-
ney the spirit might be recognized by its own people and not lose its
way. The same custom obtained in the Tapa’ gens of the Omaha
tribe, which had the same tabu. The We’zhi*shte gens followed a
similar custom and put on the feet of their dead members moccasins
made from the skin of the elk, the elk being tabu to the living.*
Less serious in character but still related to the ideas embodied
in the above rites is the following saying: ‘‘On a journey if one’s

a Similar customs pertaining to moccasins in connection with the dead obtained among the Osage.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 359

moccasins wear out and they are set on the trail, pointed toward
home, and are told to go back and tell of the welfare of the wearer,
they will do so.” The moccasin was formerly the only part of per-
sonal attire which was not regarded as interchangeable between tribes,
as each tribe had its peculiar cut and ornamentation and a man’s tribe
could be recognized by the moccasins he wore.

While the war bonnet can hardly be called a garment, yet it was a
marked article of dress and was of special social significance, as it
emphasized interdependence among men. While all the materials
used in its construction were symbolic, its manufacture was attended
with ceremonies significant of the development of social ideas. The
special point of interest in connection with this article is that no man,
whatever his rank or his record, could make or purchase for his own
use a war bonnet. In olden days it had to be built by his fellow-
tribesmen. Its feathers represented the war record of the warriors of
the tribe, who thus gave their consent, to place upon a fellow-tribesman
this picturesque mark of distinction. In like manner the hair fringe
on a war shirt represented the consent of the warriors to allow the
owner so to decorate his garment.

The dress of societies served to mark their respective membership
and stimulated a feeling of brotherhood independent of the ties of
blood, thus promoting the social growth of the tribe.

Looking back along the pathway of progress from those early con-
ditions wherein man’s fears and needs held him in vague dread, from
the time when his appeals to the supernatural were a constant
duty to the time when these appeals were relegated to particular
times and seasons, we note that under the regulating influence of
established rites and ceremonies and the growth of social order,
mental bewilderment gave way and conditions arose that were
favorable to the development of a secular life, a life in which the indi-
vidual could enjoy a freedom hitherto impossible for him. This per-
sonal freedom under the influence of social order and secular life was
apparent in the varied manner of wearing the robe. During the
long stay among the Omaha of one of the writers the different ways
in which the robe was worn and shifted to meet the requirements of
varying moods arrested her attention and a study of the subject
ensued, the results of which are here given.

The blanket began to supersede the robe even before the extinction
of the buffalo made the latter no longer possible to obtain. The well-
dressed robe was almost as pliant as the blanket and it was during
the period when only robes were worn that this garment seems to
have become expressive of the wearer’s moods and actions. ‘The
adjustment never seemed to be the arranging of a costume for effect
but a free expression of a passing emotion. The picture presented by
the draped figure told its story with simplicity and truthfulness.

360 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eTH. ANN. 27

While each man wore his robe in a manner characteristic of the indi-
vidual, either gracefully or otherwise, yet there was a typical way of
expressing certain purposes or feelings by the adjustment of the robe
that was persistent and easily recognizable.

LANGUAGE OF THE ROBE

The Omaha had never been trammeled by his clothing; every
limb had been free to answer to any impulse, to respond to any
wave of emotion. His clothes were few; and the waz”, or robe, was
never lacking and lent itself easily to the needs of the moment.
There still lives in the memory of one of the writers a June day
nearly thirty years ago when an Omaha girl was seen flitting among
the tall prairie flowers, shifting her white blanket to suit her varying
moods—now gathering it closely about her slight, swaying figure,
now letting it float as she swept in ever-widening curves, or at the
slightest sound hiding her glossy head and laughing face among its
soft folds. All the beauty and poetry of her race were in the pretty
maiden, who was as wayward and blithe as the fleecy clouds drifting
above her through the deep blue sky. With the Omaha, as with other
peoples, the airy pleasures of youth must give place to the prosaic
duties of mature life. So the blanket of the woman was worn very
practically. It was belted at the waist, thus affording a close cover-
ing and also a pouch or pocket within which she could snugly tuck
her baby or carry some other burden on her back. Her figure sug-
gested littie of beauty.

The freer life of the man was manifest in his use of the robe. The
accompanying illustrations show some of the ways in which the robe
was worn and shifted and suggest something of the interesting
language of this garment.

The first of the series shows hesitation (pl. 52, a). The man has
not determined whether he will go forth to take an active part in the
particular affair occupying the people or will sit down and become a
mere spectator.

Next appears a young man walking (pl. 52, b). The robe is
thrown loosely over the left shoulder and gathered on the left arm.
The right arm is free and the limbs unincumbered. The folds of the
garment add grace and dignity to the figure. Youths thus attired
could often be seen walking with elastic step over the hills.

The third illustration depicts a young man about to run (pl. 52, c¢).
The blanket hangs over the left shoulder, relieving the arm of its
weight. In long runs, as when on the annual hunt the runners were
sent out to search for a buffalo herd, the robe was gathered in a
roll, passed over the left shoulder and tied beneath the right arm.
In races the robe was dropped altogether.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 52

THE LANGUAGE OF THE ROBE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 53

THE LANGUAGE OF THE ROBE

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 361

In the picture of the old man walking (pl. 52, d) the adjustment
of the robe indicates the weakness of age, the desire for bodily
comfort, and the slow and feeble step that bears the burden of the
years.

The next figure is that of a young man watching for his sweet-
heart (pl. 53, a). Courtship was by stealth and the lover when going
to the trysting place guarded against recognition. He concealed
himself in his blanket, one eye only being visible. In the picture

Fig. 82. Language of the robe—Anger.

he has arrived at his destination; a slight movement of the head has
caused the blanket to fall back a little and leave both eyes free to
watch for the maiden as she comes to the spring to draw water for the
household.

In strong contrast to the observant lover is the pose of the man
who stands watching some transaction of public interest (pl. 53, b).
His attitude is quiet and firm, the robe is not definitely adjusted, and
resembles somewhat the picture representing “‘hesitation;’’ but there

362 : THE OMAHA TRIBE [PrH. ANN. 27

is no indecision in the mind of the wearer—he will be ready for
speech or act when the opportune moment arrives.

Now the man. is addressing the tribe or council (pl. 53, c). The
moment waited for has arrived and he steps forth to speak his
thought, to impress his views upon his tribesmen.

In “The admonition” the adjustment of the drapery suggests a
pause, a change of mental attitude (pl. 53, d). The mind of the
speaker has reverted to some past experience in his long career, from
which he draws a lesson and gives it as an admonition to the people.

Perhaps the most striking illustration of this expressive use of the
garment was its adjustment in the case of anger (fig. 82). Stung by
sudden wrong or injury, the man grasps the edges of his robe and hast-
ily draws it up over his head, thus withdrawing from observation.
The rousing of his anger has made him intensely conscious of his per-
sonality and he responds to the primitive impulse ‘“‘to cover him-
self,” to put something upon himself, that he may feel consciously
separate from his fellows. The draped figure of the man hooded, by
the robe which he holds with tense hands not only emphasizes the
impulse which the legend assigns as fundamental to the garment—
that of the desire to differentiate one’s self from the horde—but it
suggests the steps we have traced in the use and purpose of the
garment from the uncut animal skin up to the period when it could
express man’s personal emotions, a freedom he could have achieved
only within the arena of society.

PROPERTY

Household furniture was simple. The robes used for bedding
were of hide taken from the buffalo bull in the winter when the fur
was the heaviest. This bedding was called wmi’zhe. The pillows
(i'behi”) were of soft deerskin stuffed with the long winter hair of the
deer. There were no contrivances for seats in the tent. In the earth
lodge were couches, already described (p. 98). The cooking and eating
utensils, the mortar and pestle for grinding corn, and the packs for
storing food and clothing—all those things which pertained to the
household were the property of the wife. Hers, also, was the tent.
All other things were individual property and belonged to the mem-
bers of the family. Even the articles belonging to the children were
considered as their own, and were not disposed of without their con-
sent. In the Omaha tribe there was no communal property. The
land was the bountiful “mother earth”? which brought forth food for
all living creatures. There was no property in land or in springs, as
the country was well supplied with never-failing springs and streams.
Proprietorship in garden plots was recognized as long as the plots
were used but the produce belonged to the woman.

FLELCHER-LA FLYSCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 363

To a man belonged his regalia, clothing, weapons, and other per-
sonal property. Horses were not exclusively the property of the
men. Women owned their own ponies and disposed of them as they
pleased. Children owned their ponies and a parent did not assume
the right to give away one of them without the child’s consent.

At death, the articles that had been in immediate use by the
“deceased were buried with the body. Other possessions, as extra
weapons and utensils, passed to the children if they were old enough
to use them, otherwise to the brothers of the dead man or woman.

Hospitality was the rule and food was shared as long as it lasted
but food was not communal property. No corn was raised and kept
for the use of the tribe nor was any meat set apart for general use.
An offering of meat was made at the ceremony of Anointing the Pole
but the meat was contributed by members of the tribe.

Societies owned certain articles, as wooden bowls, packs contain-
ing regalia, and medicines (see p. 518). Songs were the property of
certain subgentes, societies, or individuals (pp. 233, 249, 373). Some
songs, however, were free to the people, particularly the songs belong-
ing to the Wa’wa® ceremony (p. 376).

AMUSEMENTS

In their play the children were apt to mimic the occupations of
their elders. At an early age the girls began to play ‘keep house.”
Miniature tents were set up. The mother’s robe or shawl was often
seized for a tent cover; the poles were frequently tall sunflower stalks.
If the boys were gallant, they would cut the poles for the girls. It
was a matter of delight if the tent was large enough to creep into.
Generally the feet and legs would protrude but if the heads were well
under cover it was easy to “make-believe.” Both boys and girls
liked to play ‘‘going on the hunt.’”’ The boys took two parts—they
were hunters sometimes and sometimes ponies. When the latter,
the girls tied the tent cover in a bundle and fastened it and the tent
poles to the boy pony, who might be a docile creature or a very frac-
tious animal and particularly troublesome when fording a stream
or if the camp was attacked by enemies, as such ponies always
stampeded. Sometimes men carried through life their pony reputa-
tion. Women would laughingly point out some elderly man and say:
“He used to be a very bad pony”’ or else ‘‘a very good pony.’ The
boys who played warrior wore war bonnets made from corn husks,
which cost much labor to manufacture and were quite effective when
well done. Children made many of their playthings out of clay and

-some of the boys and girls were very clever in modeling dishes, pipes,
dolls, tents, ete. The writer once came across a miniature clay coffin
with a bit of glass set in, beneath which was a clay baby. Some child
had seen the funeral of a white person and had devised a new play-

364 THE OMAHA TRIBE [erH. ANN. 27

thing. Dolls were improvised by children from corncobs. Sometimes
mothers made dolls for their little girls and also small dishes for the
young housekeepers. The hobby-horse of the boys was a sunflower
stalk with one nodding bloom left on the end. Races were run on
these ‘‘make-believe’’ ponies. Generally the boys rode one stalk and
trailed two or three others as ‘‘fresh horses.”’

The game of uhe'basho" sho” (literally, ‘the crooked path’’) was
the game familiarly known to us as “ Follow my leader.”’ The children
sang as they ran and made their merry way through the village, each
one repeating the pranks of the leader. The line was kept by each
boy holding to the string about the waist of the boy in front. It is
said that the song which accompanied this game had been handed
down by generations of children. Certainly every Omaha seemed to
know it. (Fig. 83.)

“FOLLOW MY LEADER”’

fg See (fae Peas PEE reEetos Essa ae |

The quiet games often played about the fire were “cat’s cradle”
(wa’baha, meaning ‘‘the litter’’) and a game resembling jackstraws,
in which a bunch of joints of prairie grass was dropped from one’s
hand and the players strove to pull out one joint after another without
disturbing the bunch. The player could use a joint to disentangle
those he was trying to secure. Another game, called dua, was played
with a long stick one side of which was notched. The person who
could touch the greatest number of notches, saying dua at every
notch without taking breath, was winner.

The boys enjoyed the game called wahi’gagnugithe, ‘bone slide.”
Formerly ribs were used; sticks are now substituted. Four or five
could play at this game. The sticks are about 44 feet long, made of
red willow, and ornamented by banding with bark and then holding
them over a fire. The exposed part turns brown and when the bands
are removed the sticks are striped brown and white. Each boy holds
a number of sticks and throws one so it will skim or slide along the
level ground or the ice. The boy who throws his sticks farthest wins
all the sticks; the one who loses is tapped on the head by the winner.
The Ponca call this game mo"i’bagi", “ arrow throwing.”

During the annual buffalo hunt when the tribe remained in a
camp for more than a day the boys, ranging from ten to fourteen
years of age, would engage in a sport called zhiga uti” (zhinga,
“little,” referring to the little birds (wazhi"ga, ‘“‘bird”’); uti”, ‘to
strike”). The boys armed themselves with sticks about a yard
long, to which small twigs were attached; then ranging in line through
the prairie grass they scared up the little birds. As these rose, the
boys threw their sticks into the air and the fledglings, mistaking

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 365

them for hawks, tumbled into the grass to hide, only to be caught
by the hands of the boys. One lad was chosen to carry the quarry.
As soon as a bird was caught, it was killed, scalped, and thrown
at the boy appointed to take charge of. the game; then it was his
duty to run ahead and fall into the grass as if shot. On rising, he
took the bird and strung it on his bow string. This little pantomime
was enacted with every bird caught. When a number of birds had
been captured, the boys retired to a place where they could roast

Fic, 83. Group of Omaha boys.

the birds and enjoy a feast. Boys of the Wazhi"’ga itazhi subgens
of the Tha’tada gens could join in the sport but could not touch the
birds or share in the feast, as small birds were tabu to them.

In winter the boys played whip top. They made their own tops
out of wood. Sometimes a round-pointed stone served as a top,
and was spun on the smooth ice.

A ball game called tabe’gagi (tabe, “ball;” gagi, ‘to toss by striking’’),
which resembles somewhat the game known as shinny, was played by

366 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BrH. ANN. 27

two groups, or parties. This is the game before referred to (see p. 197)
as sometimes played between the two divisions of the tribe, which
had a cosmic significance in reference to the winds and the earth.
When it was played between the two divisions of the tribe it had to
be formally opened by a member of the Ko®’ce gens in the manner
already described. When it was played merely for pleasure between
two groups of boys, if among the number there chanced to be a boy
from the Ko" ¢e gens, he would be the one to open the game and first
to toss and strike the ball. Two stakes, as goals for the two sides,
were set at a considerable distance apart. The players with the ball
started from the center. The aim of each player was to drive the ball
to the goal of his side, while the players on the opposing side tried to
prevent this and to drive the ball to their own goal. The bat used was
a stick crooked at one end. When boy neighbors played together, the
‘“sides’’ were chosen in the following manner: A boy was selected to
choose the sticks. He took aseat on the ground and another boy stood
behind him. The standing boy held his hands over the eyes of the
seated boy. Then all the sticks were laid in a pile before the latter.
He took two sticks, felt them, trying to recognize to what boy they
belonged. Then he crossed his hands and laid one stick on one side and
the other on the other side of the place where he was sitting. When
all the sticks had been taken up and laid on one or the other pile, the
standing boy removed his hands and the boy who had chosen the
sticks indicated to which pile or side he would belong. There were no
leaders in the game—the ball was tossed and the sides fell to playing.
When men played this game, large stakes were often put up, as gar-
ments, robes, horses, bows and arrows, and guns. No stakes were
ventured when boys were the players.

Pa’ gitzhahe was a game adopted from the Pawnee some generations
back. It was played with a hoop and a peculiar stick which was
thrown so as to intercept the rolling hoop. (Fig. 84; Peabody
Museum no. 37776.)

Lads sometimes indulged in a game called wa’thade. This game,
which may be called ‘“‘dare,”’ consisted in lads doing ridiculous things,
which required exertion to accomplish. Some of the number were
detailed to see that the boys actually did the things called for.
Many are the laughs the older men have over these “hazing” sports
of their youth, as they recount their escapades.

Girls had a game, tabewaba’zhnade (tabe, “ball; waba’zhnade,
“stick’’), played with two balls tied together and a stick. Two goals
were set up several yards apart. The players were divided into two
parties, each with its goal. They started in the middle and each
side tried to prevent the other’s balls from reaching the goal.

There were two games which were rarely, if ever, played except for
stakes. One of these was played exclusively by women; this was

FLETCHER—LA FLESCHE | SOCIAL LIFE 367

‘alled kor’ ci (ko", part of the word kode, the name of the plum; ¢i,
“‘seeds”’). The appliances were few and simple—a wooden bow] and
five plum stones. Twoplayed atatime. First, the number of counts
that should constitute the game
was determined—50 or 100
points. Sticks were used for
keeping tally. The plumstones
were ‘“‘burned”’ so as to show
certainforms. Two on one side
had moons, two on one side had
stars; there were three black
sides and three white sides.
The bowl containing the plum
stones was tossed and the com-
binations of the stones as they
fell had certain values. These
counts were as follows:

Two moons and 3. black
counted 5 if the game was 50,
and 10 if the game was 100.

Two moons and 3 white, 2
stars and 3 black, and 2 stars
and 3 white had the same
count as the above. These
counts were called xwu’be, and
whoever tossed and got any
of these throws might keep on
tossing so long as she could
make xu’ be.

One moon, | star, and 3 white
counted 1.

One moon, 1 star, and 3 black
counted 1 in a game of 50, and
2 in a game of 100.

One moon, 1 star, 1 black,
and 2 white counted nothing.

Two moons, 1 black, and 2
white counted nothing.

Two moons or 2 stars, 1
white, and 2 black counted
nothing.

The stakes put up were necklaces, moccasins, earrings, and paint.

The gambling game of the men was called 7/wti”, “hiding the stone.”
For this game there were used four moccasins and two small stones.
Four persons played—two to hide the stones, two to watch and guess.

Fic, 84. Implements used in game of pa/ginzhahe.

368 ; THE OMAHA TRIBE [wTH. ANN. 27

The two sides had their backers and watchers, who often contributed
to the stakes, which consisted of all manner of articles—garments,
weapons, horses, and other property. The number of chances to con-
stitute a game was agreed on. Then the players sat down. Before
one of the couples were laid four moccasins, the heels toward the
player, two moccasins to a man. These each had a small stone
which they were to hide under the moccasins before them while the
men who sat opposite guessed under which of the moccasins the stones
were hid. During the process of hiding, which was accompanied with
many feints and movements intended to conceal the decisive act,
songs were sung by the side supporting the guessers. The following
belong to this class of songs:

GAME SONG No. 1.

SS Se
—o-@ -——@—a 9
I ya ha i hoi thai ya hai hoi thai ya ha i ho i tha i
hee A A — =
= = Se
_——— SS SS ee
= a oe:
ya ha i ho i tha 1 ya ha i ho 1 tha i ya) ha a hoa thaws

D.C.

A
a ae a E
=e SS =a a = =|
SSS —o—e oe. 9 sO Se
ya ha i ho i tha i ya ha i hoi tha i ya ha i ho i tha

The only words in song no, 2 are: J’e zhi" ga dada" shkaxe, “Little
stone, what are you making?’’ All the rest in both songs are
vocables.

Sometimes the game was played without moccasins, when the little
stone or a small ball of buffalo hair was tossed between the hands.
The outstretched arms were moved from side to side and the ball
was dexterously passed from one hand to the other. This form of the
game was very attractive, as the movements of the arms conformed
to the rhythm of the song, and if the player was graceful as well as
rhythmic, it was a pleasure to watch the game. The following song
was a favorite for this game:

FLETCHER-LA FLUSCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 3 69

GAME SONG No. 2.

if —— =
Ha a a ho e tha Ha Pi ho e tha a
=p A A P
=| at —= ——
2 — = =|
C= ae o—e Bet be re
Haeseaee asshole verstha “a ho) a-a, “ho: ‘e! tha I - e zhi" - ga
= ap 4 = Tice aa N
CSS SSS SS
= * g—@ = - == =2 = =
da-da® shka-xe? Ha aa ho e thaa Ha a a ho e tha

Foot racing was another pastime. Races generally took place
among the Omaha, however, after a death, when gifts contributed by
the family of the deceased youth or maiden were distributed among
the successful competitors. At these races sharp contrasts marked
the occasion. The race generally took place a short time after the
burial. A feast was given by the parents, after which if the deceased
was a young man his young men friends took part in the race; if a
girl, her young companions competed for her possessions. The dis-
tribution of the goods was made by a personal friend, while the
parents often retired to the grave, where the sound of their wailing
could be heard above the noise of the contestants.

There was no ceremony in the tribe that corresponded to the
drama, the acting out of a myth, a legend, or a story. There were
dances and movements which were dramatic in character, as when at
the meetings of the Hethu’shka society a man acted out his warlike
experience (p. 466); also during the closing scenes at the ceremony of
Anointing the Sacred Pole (p. 243). The dance at the Ho®’hewachi
was dramatic in purport and expression (p. 502); the secret societies
had their dramatic acts in which both men and women took part
(pp. 509, 565). The nearest approach to a drama was the He’dewachi
ceremony (p. 251), but this was too fragmentary rightfully to claim
to belong to the drama class. The tribal rites combined religious and
social elements, and these ceremonies and the meetings of the differ-
ent societies formed the principal social recreations of the people.

There was one amusement in which both sexes of all ages, except
infants, took great pleasure; this was swimming. The Omaha swam
by treading, moving hands and legs like a dog, or by keeping the body
horizontal and throwing the arms up and out of the water alternately
as the body was propelled by the legs. The people were good swim-
mers. The current in the Missouri is always strong, so that it requires
a good swimmer to make a safe passage across the stream. During

83993°—27 stH—11——-24

370 THE OMAHA TRIBE [PTH. ANN. 27

the flood season the current is too rapid for anyone to venture to cross
the river. Diving was practised by boys and girls and was enjoyed
by men and women also. In these water sports the sexes did not
mingle; women and girls kept together and apart from the men and
boys.

Story telling was the delight of everyone during the winter evenings.
It was then that the old folk drew on their store of memories, and
myths, fables, the adventures of the pygmies and of the gajazhe (the
little people who play about the woods and prairies and lead people
astray)—all these and also actual occurrences were recited with
varying intonation and illustrative gesture, sometimes interspersed
with song, which added to the effect and heightened the spell of the
story or myth over the listeners clustered about the blazing fire
The uncle (the mother’s brother), who was always a privileged
character and at whose practical jokes no nephew or niece must ever
take offense, often made the evening merry with pranks of all sorts,
from the casting of shadow pictures on the wall with his fingers to
improvising dances and various rompings with the little ones.

In the spring, after the thunder had sounded, the boys had a festiy-
ity called ivde’gthece (inde, “face;”’ gthege, “striped’’), the word
referring to the mask worn by the boys. A dried bladder, with holes
cut for the mouth and eyes, was pulled over the head; the bladder
was striped lengthwise in black and white, to represent lightning. The
boys carried clubs and scattered over the village. Each boy went
to the tent of his uncle (his mother’s brother) and beat with his club
against the tent pole at the door, while he made a growling sound in
imitation of thunder. The uncle called out, ‘‘What does Striped
Face want?” The boy disguised his voice, and said, ‘‘I want leg-
gings or moccasins or some other article.’ Then the uncle called him
in and made him a present. Should the uncle refuse to give anything
the boy might punch a hole in the tent or do some other mischief.
But generally the sport ended pleasantly and was greatly enjoyed
by old and young.

Ix
MUSIC
INSTRUMENTS

The drum was the most important of Omaha musical instruments
and generally accompanied most of the songs, both religious and
secular. The large drum, called ne’xegaku (ne'xe, ‘‘a water vessel;”
gaku, ‘‘to beat”), was made from a section of a tree hollowed out
and partially filled with water containing charcoal. <A buffalo skin,
dressed or undressed, was stretched taut over the open end. A drum
was always tuned before being used and if necessary during a cere-
mony it was tuned again. Tuning was done by tipping the drum so
as to wet the skin cover from the water within and then drying it
before the fire until it yielded the desired resonant tone in response
to the tap of the drumstick. The tones were full and clear and could
be heard at a great distance on a calm day. Drums were beaten
either with a single strong stroke or with a rebounding movement—
a strong stroke followed by a light one.

The small drum (ne’xe gaku bthacka—bthagka, ‘‘flat””) was made by
stretching a skin over a small hoop. This kind of drum was used by
the ‘‘doctors” when attending the sick and in magical performances.
It was beaten with a small stick, the movement being a rapid tap-
ping—an agitated pulsation.

The whistle (nzgude) was about 6 inches long; it was made from the
wing bone of the eagle. It had but one opening and but one tone, a
shrill sound, which was repeated with moderate rapidity, to simulate
the call of the eagle. This instrument was used only in certain parts
of the Wa’wa® ceremony.

The flute or flageolet (fig. 85), nigude tuga (tu™ga, ‘“‘big”’), was
generally made of cedar; it was about 20 inches in length and an
inch in diameter. The holes—six in number—began about 4 inches
from the lower end and were about an inch apart. The stop was
placed 5 or 54 inches from the mouthpiece at the end. This instru-
ment had a flutelike tone but, being made by the ‘‘rule of thumb,”
lacked accuracy of pitch. To be acceptable, a flute must give forth
a full, vibrating tone when blown with all the six holes closed. It
was interesting to watch men, old and young, take up a flute to test

371

oo THE OMAHA TRIBE [PTH. ANN. 27

it; they would readjust the stop piece, bound to the top over the
opening and usually carved, and if after several trials the instrument

Fic. 85. Flute or flageolet.

could not be made to give this vibratory tone the flute would be laid
aside and no words would avail to make the man take it up and playa
tune onit. Thecompass of the nigudetu"ga
was an octave. The intervals did not
correspond exactly to our diatonic scale.
Two kinds of rattles were used: the
tasha’ge, literally ‘‘deer hoofs” (fig. 86),
and the pe’re, ‘‘gourd rattle” (fig. 87, d).
The tasha’ge was made by fastening the
deer hoofs by thongs in a cluster to the
sides of a beaded sticksome 8 to 10 inches
long, the handle being ornamented with a
a long tassel of buckskin thongs. The
pe’xe, as its name indicates, was made
from a gourd from which the contents had
been carefully removed and the interior sur-
face of which made smooth, so that nothing
should impede the contact of the fine
gravel or beads with the inner side of the
gourd and blur the sound. Through the
holes made in both ends of the gourd, in
order to remove the contents, a stick was
thrust, closing them tight. One end of
the stick protruded an inch or more from
the top of the gourd; the other end, which
formed the handle, was bound with buck-
skin, so adjusted as to make it firm and
not to slip from the gourd. This kind of
rattle was symbolically painted and used in

Fic. $6. Deer-hoof rattle (native
drawing). the Wa’wa"ceremony. The pe’xewas used

also in the Wate’gi¢tu rite, when war honors were conferred. The Shell

and Pebble societies and the ‘‘doctors” used this kind of rattle.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] MUSIC 373

Sones, Stnernc, AND RuyTHM

Song was an integral part of the life of the Omaha. Through song
he approached the mysterious Wako"’da; through song he voiced his
emotions, both individual and social; through song he embodied feel-
ings and aspirations that eluded expression in words. As is amply
demonstrated in this volume, the Omaha did not depend on words to
convey the meaning of his songs, so many have few or no words, the
voice being carried by vocables only, and yet the songs were able to
convey a well-understood meaning.

Songs, like the language, were transmitted from one generation to
another and care was taken to preserve accurately both songs and
language. No liberties were permitted with either. As to the songs,
the writers have phonographic records of the same song sung by differ-
ent groups of singers, the records having been taken at an.interval of
more than ten years, yet the songs show no variation. An interest-
ing Instance occurred some ten years ago. An old Ponca was visiting
the writers, when, in a period of silence, he was heard to hum a familiar
Omaha song. He was asked to sing the song into the phonograph,
and did so. Then he was asked, ‘‘Where did you learn the song?”
Among the Omaha,” he replied. ‘‘When did youlearn it?” ‘‘When
Iwasalad.” ‘‘Have you always sung it as yousing it now?” With
a look of astonishment he replied! ‘‘There is but one way to sing a
song!”’ As he was a man then more than 70, his version of the song
must have been of full fifty years’ standing. On comparison of his
rendition of the song with three other records of the same song from
different singers in the possession of the writers, no variation was dis-
covered. This incident, so far as it goes, indicates a fair degree of
stability in the songs of this people. In many of the societies a fine
was imposed if a member made mistakes in singing. As has been
shown in preceding pages, a mistake in the singing of ritual songs
invalidated the ceremony and made it necessary to begin again. It
will be recalled that in the ceremonies connected with the Sacred
Pole and the White Buffalo Hide if a mistake was made, a rite of con-
trition had to be performed, after which the ceremony was begun
anew so far as singing the songs was concerned.

Songs were property. They belonged to a society, to a gens, or to
an individual. They could generally be purchased from the last-named
but the right to sing any of the songs belonging to societies or gentes
could come only through membership or birth.

In singing, the Omaha was not concerned with his audience, he was
not seeking to present a musical picture, his mental attitude was
wholly subjective, he was completely occupied with voicing his own
emotion, consequently he paid little attention, generally speaking, to
any shading or what we term ‘‘expression.”” This statement can

374 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27

be fully appreciated only by those who have sympathetically watched
the faces of Indian singers when they were singing with all the power
of their lungs to the accompaniment of the drum. Nevertheless,
beneath the noise moved the melody of which the singer was alone
conscious.

Among the Omaha there was a standard of musical tones. The
tuning of the drum has been spoken of and anyone who has observed
the process can not deny that there was a standard of tone sought
after. Among singers there were men and women who were recog-
nized as ‘‘good singers.’’ Their services were sought and paid for.
They formed the choir or leaders on occasions when song had an
important part, as in the Wa’wa", the Hethu’shka, and elsewhere.

Few Indian songs were ever sung solo. Almost all were sung by a
group, many by a hundred or more men and women. The volume
not only strengthened the tone but steadied the intervals. A single
singer frequently wavered from pitch, but when assisted by a friend
or friends the character of the tone at once changed and the pitch
was steadied by the union of voices. It has been the constant ex-
perience of the writers that the Omaha objected to the presentation
of their songs on a piano or reed organ as unsupported arias. As
almost all their songs were sung by a number of singers, the melody
moving by octaves, the overtones were often strongly brought out,
and this may account for the Indian’s preference for a simple har-
mony of implied chords, when their songs were interpreted on these
instruments. ‘‘That sounds natural!” was their comment on hearing
their songs so played, even when it was explained to them that they
did not sing their songs in concerted parts; yet they still persisted,
“Tt sounds natural.”

The harmonic effects are more noticeable when women join in the
singing. Women form part of many of the choirs, even of the warrior
societies, and they join in the choral songs during religious ceremonies.
The women sing in a high falsetto, consequently one often heard the
melody sung in two octaves. When the song dropped too low for a
natural tenor the singer took the octave above. In the same way, by
octaves, the bass and contralto voices adjusted themselves in the unison
singing.

The octave is seemingly the one fixed interval. The songs are not
built on any defined scale. What has often been taken for a minutely
divided seale is probably due to certain qualities in the native tone
of voice, which is reedy and lends itself to vacillation of tone. The
same song sung by a group, piano, and then sung forte is often hardly
recognizable to the untrained listener. The noise of strenuous sing-
ing drowns the music to an alien audience accustomed to hear music
objectively. presented.

FLETCHHR-LA FLESCHE] MUSIC old

In a few instances the songs herein given have been interpreted by
adding a simple harmony and in every instance the harmony given
has been tested among the Omaha and been preferred by them when
the song was played on the piano or organ. This manner of presenta-
tion has been chosen in order to give some of these songs a chance
to be really heard by the average person, for only the exceptional and
musically gifted can discern the possibilities that le in an unsupported
aria; moreover, the single line of music stands for a song that is
sung in octaves by a group of male and female voices and therefore
is not a true picture of the song itself.

Rhythm is a marked characteristic of Indian music. Most songs
present one or more rhythms in their rendition, for besides the
rhythm of the melody with its rhythm of phrase the singers pulsate
their voices, thus adding an inner rhythm, so to speak, to the general
rhythm. This custom of pulsating the voice tends to produce the
effect of uncertain intonation and interval. This statement is based
on many experiments with different singers during a number of
years. When in transcribing a song these pulsations were noted, so
that when the song was played on a piano or organ the pulsations were
represented by rapidly repeated notes, the rendition was always
declared to be incorrect. In every instance in which a note was
pulsated by a singer the tone had to be represented by a single
note on the instrument and no argument would prevail to permit
the pulsation to be indicated by rapidly struck notes on the piano
or organ. In love songs, which frequently have long notes, the
hand is sometimes waved at slight distance from the mouth so
as to break the continuity of sound and give the tone a wavering
character.

Frequently the aria of a song is in triple time, 3/4, 6/4, or 9/4, while
the drum is played in 2/4 or 4/4 time. In these songs the two conflict-
ing rhythms are syncopated and play against each other in a bewilder-
ing manner. The precision with which these complicated rhythms are
given by the Omaha is remarkable. In the Wa’wa" ceremony the
movement of the pipes adds another rhythm, so that the ear and the
eye are addressed simultaneously by the rhythm of the melody, of the
drum, and of the swaying pipes, all forming, however, one harmonious
rhythmic presentation. The rhythmic movement of a song must never
be altered; to do so in even a slight degree blurs or destroys the song
for the Indian.

In view of the above statements, it will be seen that the mere aria
can not portray an Indian song as it really sounds when interpreted
by the Indian singers, and these facts seem to justify their pref-
erence for a harmonized version of their songs when translated on
the piano or organ.

376 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

THe Wa’wa® CerREMONY

The Omaha name for this ceremony, Wa’wa® (‘‘to sing for some-
one’’), refers to one of the marked characteristics of the ceremony,
the singing of songs accompanied by rhythmic movements of the two
peculiar objects essential to the ceremony, the ninz’ba we’awan (nini’ba,
“ipe;”” we’awa™, “ to sing with.’’)

According to the Sacred Legend, it was while a council was being
held between the Omaha, including the Ponca, the Cheyenne, the
Arikara, and other tribes, to bring about friendly relations, that this
ceremony, with all its peaceful obligations, became known to the
Omaha. The extent of country over which this rite once held sway
has been referred to. (See p.74.) It was a ceremony which made for
the securing of peace between unrelated groups through the establish-
ment of a ceremonial tie which should be regarded as of a nature as
inviolable as that between father and son.

The two objects essential to this ceremony were similar to pipe-
stems and ornamented symbolically but they were not attached to
bowls and were never used for smoking. Still they partook of the
significance of pipes in their sanctity, they were spoken of as pipes,
and were held in the greatest reverence.* Songs formed an important
feature of the ceremony and the singing was always accompanied by
rhythmic movements of the pipe bearers and also of the pipes. This
movement was spoken of as nini’ba bazho", “shaking or waving the
pipes.”

Each stem was of ash; a hole burned through the entire length per-
mitted the passage of the breath. The length was seven stretches
between the end of the thumb and the tip of the forefinger. The
stem was feathered, like an arrow, from the wing of the golden eagle.
Around the mouthpiece was a band of iridescent feathers from the
neck of the duck; midway the length was a ruff of owl feathers; over
the bowl end were stretched the head, neck, and breast of the mallard
duck, tied in place by two bands of buckskin painted red, with long,
flowing ends. Beyond the owl ruff were three streamers of horsehair
dyed red, one at the tip of the stem, one at the owl feathers, and one
midway between. These hair streamers were bound on by a cord
made of the white hair from the breast of the rabbit. From each
stem depended a fanlike arrangement of feathers from the tail of the
golden eagle, held together and bound to the stem by two buckskin
thongs; the end, which hung from the fan-shaped appendage, was
tipped with a downy eagle feather. One of these fan-shaped feather
arrangements was composed of ten feathers from the tail of a mature
golden eagle. These were dark and mottled in appearance and
were fastened to the blue stem; this pipe (fig. 87, @) represented the

a Throughout this section these articles will be referred to as pipes.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE | MUSIC Sat

feminine element. The other stem, which was painted green, had its
appendage of seven feathers from the tail of the young golden eagle.
The lower part of these feathers is white; the tips only are dark.
These were the feathers worn by men as a mark of war honors and
this pipe (fig. 87, b) symbolized the masculine forces. It is to be
noted that among the Omaha, as among the Pawnee, the feathers
which were used by the warriors were put on the stem painted green
to represent the earth, the feminine element, while those which were
from the mature eagle and which stood for the feminine element,
were fastened to the stem painted the color of the sky, which repre-
sented the masculine element; so that on each pipe the masculine
and feminine forces were symbolically united. Near the mouthpiece

Fic. 87. Objects used in Wa/ wa® ceremony.

was tied a woodpecker head, the upper mandible turned back over
the red crest and painted blue. The pipes were grasped by the
duck’s neck, the mouthpiece poimting upward. When they were laid
down, the stems rested in the crotch of a small stick painted red,
which was thrust at the head of a wild-cat skin spread on the ground.
This skin (fig. 87, c) served as a mat for the pipes when they were
not in use and as a covering when they were being transported.
The wild-cat skin was required to have intact the feet and claws,
and also the skin of the head. Two gourd rattles (fig. 87, d), a
bladder tobacco pouch (fig. 87, e) to which was tied a braid of sweet
grass, a whistle from the wing bone of the eagle, and three downy
eagle feathers completed the articles required for use in the ceremony.

378 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

Two parties, composed of persons having no blood relationship,
were the principals in the ceremony. One was associated with the
man who presented the pipes, the other with the man who received
them. Among the Omaha the first was called wa’wa" aka, ‘the one
who sings;” the second was spoken of as a’wa” zaka, ‘‘the one who
is sung to.” A man of one gens could carry the pipes to a man
of another gens within his own tribe but not to a man belonging
to his own gens; or he could take the pipes to a man of another
tribe. The relation ceremonially established by taking and receiving
the pipes was equivalent to that of father and son and the two
parties were spoken of by these terms.

Only a man who had had the Wa’wa® pipes presented to him
four times was considered to be sufficiently instructed in the rites of
this important ceremony to inaugurate a Wa’wa" party. Before he
could take definite action looking toward gathering the party together,
he had to obtain the consent of the Seven Chiefs (see pp. 206, 376),
particularly if he proposed to carry the pipes to another tribe.

A large amount of property was required to make up the gifts
which must attend the presentation of the pipes; consequently
the man who initiated the party was generally assisted by his rela-
tives or close friends. The gifts that went with the pipes were
eagle-feather bonnets, bows and arrows, red pipestone pipes, em-
broidered tobacco bags, otter skins, robes, and, in later years, brass
kettles, guns, and blankets. The return gifts were horses (in earlier
days burden-bearing dogs), bows and arrows, pottery, robes, and
skin tent-covers. All these gifts, because they helped toward the
peace and welfare of the tribe, could be counted as wath” ethe either
toward chieftainship or toward admission into the Ho” hewachi and
thus the assistance given the ‘‘father” or the ‘‘son” of a Wa’wa®
party accrued to the giver’s benefit by adding to his ‘‘count.”’

A Wa’wa® party consisted of a dozen or more men. Sometimes the
wives of a few of the leading men accompanied them and assisted in
the work of the party. All the members contributed toward the gifts
to be made and also toward accumulating provisions that would be
needed on the journey, if a distant tribe was to be visited, and for the
feasts to be given the receiving party during the four days and nights
occupied by the ceremony. Ponies were sometimes taken as pack
horses and occasionally the visiting men rode but generally the
journey was made on foot. The pipes, incased in the catskin cover,
were carried by their bearer, who with the leader of the party walked
in advance, the other members following closely. If game was
abundant, hunting was permitted to some extent; otherwise the party
moved rapidly to its destination. No songs were sung on the journey
but in those sung during the ceremony there were references to the
traveling and the various events preparatory to the actual ceremony.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] MUSIC 3 79

Owing to the loss of the Omaha ritual used when “‘tying the
pipes” —a loss consequent on the death of the old men who knew
it—a comprehensive comparison between the Pawnee version,
already secured,’ and the Omaha form of the same ceremony is im-
possible. While nearly all the articles used and their symbolism
are identical, yet the absence of the ear of corn from the Omaha cere-
mony forms the most striking difference between the two. With
the Pawnee the corn is spoken of as ‘‘Mother,” and typifies Mother
Earth, to whom the whereabouts and fortunes of man are known
(op. cit., p.44 et seq.). In the Omaha ceremony the corn has no place.
With the latter tribe the eagle is the ‘‘Mother.” She calls to her
nestlings and upon her strong wings she bears the message of peace.
With the Omaha, peace and its symbol, the clear, cloudless sky, are
the theme of the principal songs and the desirability and value of
peace are more directly expressed in the Omaha songs than in those
of the Pawnee of this ceremony. It is the custom among the Omaha,
when preparing the feathered stems, to draw a black line near the
bowl end. The line does not show, for it is covered by the neck of the
duck, but it is there, with its symbolism. It represents the neck or
throat of the curlew. This bird in the early morning stretches its
neck and wings as it sits on its roost, and utters a long note. This
sound is considered an indication that the day will be cloudless. So,
to all the other emblems on the stem this prophetic call of the curlew
is represented as adding its song to the forces that make for the
symbol of peace. In the I™ke’vabe gens, which had the keeping of
the tribal pipes, the name Ki’ko"to"ga, ‘‘curlew,”’ is found. The
name refers to this symbolic mark on the Wa’wa™ pipes. An old
Omaha explained that ‘‘the eagle, whose feathers are on the pipes,
and the wild cat, whose skin is their covering, are both fierce crea-
tures and do not fail to secure their prey; but here, with the pipes, all
their powers are turned from destruction to the making of peace
among men.”

Another emphasis of peace in the Omaha ceremony is found in the
signification of the name given the child, who plays the same part in
both the Pawnee and the Omaha version of the ceremony. Among
the Omaha as with the Pawnee, the child represents the coming gen-
erations, the perpetuation of the race; but the Omaha emphasize the
innocent character of the child, the absence of the warlike spirit.
The name given the child is Hu™ga, the Ancient one, the one who
goes before, the leader. In this name the continuance of the human
family is implied but the name in this ceremony becomes the syn-
onym for peace because ‘‘the child thinks no harm.” The word
Hu’ga forms a refrain in nearly all the Omaha songs of the ceremony.
The meaning of the word and of the refrain were explained to the

aSee The Hako, in the Twenty-second Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pt. 2.

380 THE OMAHA TRIBE [PTH. ANN. 27

writers as given above. A like refrain does not occur in the Pawnee
ceremony. ‘The prominence given to peace in the Omaha version
apparently confirms the account given in the Sacred Legend, that
this ceremony was introduced to the people when a great council
was being held in the interest of establishing peace among several
tribes. This council seems to have taken place at a period in the
history of the Omaha when the thoughtful members of the tribe were
concerned for the very existence of the tribe itself, owing to the break-

‘ing away of groups, and “the old men” were devising means by which
to hold the people more firmly together. This ceremony, which
could take place only between unrelated persons, and which had a
wide recognition among many tribes scattered over a vast territory,
laid special stress on peaceful relations. So while among the Pawnee
we find the teachings of peace embodied in the ceremony, they were
not emphasized and dwelt upon with the same degree of insistence
as among the Omaha. This difference becomes explicable when we
consider the internal condition of the Omaha tribe and their rela-
tions to other tribes at the time the ceremony appears to have been
adopted by them.

Among the Omaha the symbols on the stems were interpreted as
follows: The green color represented the verdure of the earth; the
blue color represented the sky; and the red color, the sun, typifying
life. The straight groove, painted red, that ran the length of both
stems stood for the straight path, representing the path of life and
was interpreted to mean that if a man followed the straight path the
sun of life and happiness would always shine upon him. The red
streamers were the rays of the sun; the white cords that bound them
the light of the moon, for night was believed to be the mother of day.
The eagle was the bird of tireless strength. The owl, again, repre-
sented night and the woodpecker the day and sun; these birds stood
also for death and life respectively. The downy feathers at the end
of the thong that bound together the fan-like appendages were some-
times spoken of as symbolizing eggs and again, as the feathers of the
young eagle, which fell from the bird when it matured and was able
to take its flight. The gourd represented eggs and the reproduction
of living forms. The band and the four lines painted on these were
symbolic of the boundary line of the sky, the horizon, and the four
paths of the four winds, at the four directions over which help
comes to man. The tobacco pouch was similarly painted and to it
were attached a braid of sweet grass, and a mat of buffalo hair such
as falls from the animal when shedding its coat. The latter sym-
bolized food and clothing and meant: ‘‘If you accept and follow the
teachings of this ceremony, you shall go forth to search for food in
safety and in peace.” The sweet grass was used for its scent and was
added to the tobacco when a pipe was smoked during the ceremony.

FLETCHHR-LA FLESCHE] MUSIC 381

As has already been mentioned, in the Omaha form of the cere-
mony the eagle is the prominent figure; it supplants that of the corn
in the Pawnee version. In the latter the pipes are taken up from
their resting place on the wild-cat skin without song or ceremonial
movement. In the Omaha ceremony the pipes are taken up wrth
movements representing the eagle rising from her nest. These
motions are accompanied by songs, some of which are of musical
interest and beauty.

If the Wa’wa® party were taking the pipes to another tribe, when
they were within a days journey four men were chosen to carry the
tobacco pouch, which was painted symbolically with the circle and four
dependent lines, and to which the braid of sweet grass and the mat
of buffalo hair were attached. All four men wore the buffalo robe
with hair outside, girded about the waist; the one who carried
the tobacco pouch wore a downy eagle feather tied to his scalp
lock. This person was called Ninia’thi® (from nini, “tobacco,” and
athi", “to carry’’—“‘ tobacco carrier”). The four passed on rapidly
to the lodge of the man whom the leader of the party had designated.
Having arrived there, they entered the lodge and passed around thefire
by the left. The tobacco pouch was placed in front of the man visited.
The four then took their seats to the right of the entrance, filled a pipe
(but not from the pouch brought), and offered it to their host. He
then inquired who had sent him the tobacco bag. The bearer gave
the name of the leader of the party and discoursed on the value of
peace and peaceful relations between the two tribes. The host then
sent for his relatives and followers to consult as to whether they
could make the return gifts requisite and so accept the pipes. Only
the inability to give the twelve to thirty ponies required as presents,
ora recent death in the family, was considered a sufficient reason for
honorably refusing the honor of receiving the pipes. If, however, the
consultation with his relatives and friends resulted in a favorable
decision, the host said to the young men: ‘‘ Bid them hasten. Come,
we are ready.’ The leader of the party was spoken of as wa’wa”
wu'zhu but he was addressed as “‘Father” and all of his followers as
“Fathers.” The man who received the pipes was addressed as
“‘Son”’ and his party as ‘‘Sons.”

The messengers hastened back and met the Wa’wa® party, who
had slowly continued their journey. When very near the village the
party halted, took the pipes from their covering, and placed them at
rest on the crotched stick and the cat skin and sat down. They were
met here by their host or one of his relatives, always a man of promi-
nence, who bade them welcome. Then the party arose and two of the
three principal singers took the pipes; the third stepped between them,
holding the cat skin, in which was wrapped the crotched stick. The

382 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27
leader and other members took their places behind. Then the fol-
lowing song was sung:?

SONG OF APPROACH

Harmonized by John C. Fillmore to translate the music on the piano

hp = 182 (Aria sung in octave unison)

— ooo =e |_———- o
=o=s= =e 2 a
—
f Trem. = = =
so epee ee
[yore —— Pe
a ee — —— = —
Con Ped
ie Se ee et Sess se
bp feo Se eee: Sa Lee ae
gt ies Sa pie
i = 4 | [2 = = Sees eal
or je SS sg
“stese Fetese #452 5.5, 5,5
(ena ee
4 = = — = a i |: ==" ——
= —— a
= = = _ Ko
= = =e a == Pe i
Ses Ses St aa = =:
Tlu® - ga
ig ay ie
zi) Dm =i Se a ; E ———
ae z= a Se ee ==
=> > =
——9-8-0-0 q—-9-9-0 09 ptitr tres re iin
a a as e EEN BE ==
Peewee eee = Se = ae ==
Pao asec ee
= oe =o = A Ee a = = = I
us een
ase —_ -
Pie a oo ee eee =a Ss ar Z|
o-a—e-o | 4+— a6 $33 Sa 3 Z ry ae
Ee
ie eld EE eS = ae eS ="
aes ml Tha i!

aThe aria issung in unison; the harmonization is added to translate the song to our ears and is so
preferred by the Indians when played ona piano. The bass should be played lightly.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCH] MUSIC 383

Thethu haiba

Thethu haiba thethu haiba the haiba a he
Thethu haiba the haiba

Thethu haiba Hu®ga

Thethu haiba a he

Thethu haiba the haiba

Thethu haiba Hu%ga

Literal translation: Thethu, here; haiba, they are coming: Hu"’ga
refers to the child as a symbol of innocence, docility, and peace.

The song refers to the approach of the pipes. The people welcome
the party, crying: ‘‘They are coming here!”

In singing this song the stems are waved to the rhythm of the
music and the rattles are shaken with an accented beat but no
drum is used. At the close of the song the party moves forward a
little space, then a halt is made, and the song is repeated. There are
four halts, at each of which the song is sung. The fourth halt is
made at the entrance of the lodge, which has been prepared and
stands ready for the ceremony. The actual entrance is in silence.
When the west side of the lodge is reached, the pipe bearers stand
facing the east and sing the following song:

(Sung in octaves)

E poe a a ae a a a a ee Sa = |
SSS ———_——————— oe =
Ho i-tha-the i -tha-the ho i - tha-the i- tha-the
fa =s2s-—s 4 4— |= 48 os
a a ee 2

E a = isa = = mits =|
= a + eee

Literal translation: Ho! exclamation; ithathe, I have found; tha,
end of sentence. The words of the song are few but their meaning
was explained to be: ‘‘Ho! I have found the man worthy to receive
the pipes and all the blessings which they bring—peace, the promise
of abundant life, food, and happiness.’’ The words also imply a rec-
ognition of the qualities which make the man worthy of the selec-
tion, and which instigated the choice by the leader.

The following song was sung as the host and his relatives entered
the lodge:

My = 132 (Sung in octav

ga a $=
Ps Sasa ees eee igo 222 Se
h

eS
=
o
D

The hu-wi- ne the hu-wi - ne the hu-wi - ne he

384 THE OMAHA TRIBE [erH. ANN. 27

The huwine the huwine the huwine a he Hu'’ga
The huwine the huwine a he Hu”ga

Literal translation: The, this; huwine, I seek; a he, vocables; Hu’ ga
refers to the child, here the symbol of peace.

This song refers directly to the host and again implies that the
one who was sought was one to whom peace was considered of great
value; that the man’s character was such as to hold the respect of his
people and whose influence was for order and peace. The refrain
Hu"'ga has a double reference—to the ceremony and to the character
of the one to be made a “son.”

After the singing of this song the pipes were laid at rest. The
wild-cat skin was spread a little distance back of the fireplace, the
crotched stick thrust into the ground at the head of the animal, and
the stems were laid in the crotch; the pipe with the white feathers,
representing the masculine force, lay uppermost. The rattles were
placed under the winglike appendages; the ends with duck heads
rested on the skin. After the skin had been spread and the stick put
in place, the song used laying down the pipes was sung. In sway-
ing the pipes the rhythmic movements simulated the eagle descend-
ing, then rising and again descending, until it rested on its nest.

¢. = 80 (Sung in octaves)

regi? = anak =e = —— 2 = S = 3
Ge Sore SSes= = aS = = fase
=e =e

wee lee

There are no words to these songs; only vocables are used.

The pipe bearers now took their seats behind the pipes, which were
never left alone throughout the entire ceremony (fig. 88). After
the pipes were at rest the host left the lodge and the rest of the party
busied themselves with unpacking and getting settled. The men
usually occupied the lodge where the ceremony was to take place; if
there were women in the party, a tent was prepared for them near by.

Soon after sunset the host reentered the lodge and took his place
on the north side not far from the door. His relatives and friends
were seated on both sides, the older men nearer the center, the young
men toward the door. The Wa’wa" party sat between the pipe
bearers and their host’s party; the leader’s seat was toward the north.

The servers of the party sat on both sides of the entrance. It was
their duty to fill the pipes and attend to the fire and the cooking.

FLETCHER-LA PTLESCHE] MUSIC 385

About the door were gathered the poor and the onlookers, who had no
part in the ceremony. A feast had been prepared by the Wa’wa?
party but it was not served until near midnight. The pipes could
not.be taken up until some one of the host’s party should rise and
say: “‘Fathers, you have come to sing; we desire to hear you.”” This
invitation required the gift of ahorse. Then the leader of the Wa’wa®
party and the host both arose and advanced to the man who had
spoken, as the act implied a gift. The host, standing before him, lifted
both hands, palms outward, and then dropped them slowly. He then

Fic. 88. Pipe bearers and pipes in Wa’was ceremony.

passed his right hand over the left arm of the giver from the shoulder
to the wrist and repeated the movement with his left hand on the
man’s right arm, the sign of thanks. He then walked slowly in front
of his kinsmen and friends, speaking to each man by a term of rela-
tionship, raising his right hand in further token of his thanks. The
leader of the Wa’wa® party then advanced to the giver and repeated
the same movement indicative of his thanks. Raising his right
hand, palm outward, he turned toward the left and then toward the
right, to give thanks to all the host’s relatives and friends gathered in

83993°—27 ErH—11

386 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

the lodge. While this was going on within, an old man of the poorer
class arose and passed out of the lodge, beginning as he went a song of
thanks and finishing it outside the lodge. He introduced the name
of the donor. of the horse and to make sure that it was heard he called
the name twice at the close of the song. This triple form of thanks
was observed whenever a gift was made to the Wa’wa® party.

At the conclusion of the thanks the pipe bearers arose and the pipes
were taken up ceremonially. The movements simulated the eagle
rising from its nest and making ready for flight. There are no words
to the songs used to accompany these movements. These songs
were repeated four times. The beauty of this part of the cere-
mony was greatly enhanced when the pipe bearers were graceful
and could imitate well the flying, circling, rising, and falling of the
bird. The feather appendages moved like wings as the pipes were
swayed and both the eye and the ear were rhythmically addressed.

The following is one of the songs sung on raising the pipes.
Only vocables are now used when singing these songs. Note the
closing cadence when the eagle is up and away.

{= 108 (Sung in octav es)

gina Se ee

[ SS —— = — == =| |

St SOS et er Se Ser el 25 | a= 2 a
cee aS j= == of —~ 22 ane =

When the pipes were raised the three bearers, with the two pipes
and the wild-cat skin, turned to the left and circled the lodge. The
other members of the party followed, bearing the drum. A rhythmic
side step was taken as the party faced their seated hosts, and the
pipes were swayed so that the feathers moved like the wings of a bird
slowly flying. The fire was always replenished just as the pipes
started, so that the flames as they leaped filled the lodge with light
and the shadows cast by the moving feathered stems seem to make
real their simulation of the eagle’s flight. If the song was familiar,
as often happened, it was taken up by all present as the pipes
approached and passed before the sitting people.

The following noble choral has been heard sung by three hundred or
four hundred voices, male and female; no one is excluded because of sex
or age, for, itis said, ‘‘The pipes are free to all.””, The volume of tone,
the variety of voice quality, the singing in octaves, gave strong har-
monic effects, and it was notsurprising that the Omaha objected to such

FLW TCHER-LA FLESCHE] MUSIC 387

songs being given on an instrument as unsupported arias. The
following harmonization was added to meet the demands of Omaha
singers, who only gave their approval when the song was played as
here presented. ‘‘Now it sounds natural” was their simple but
unmistakable verdict.

(Sung in octaves) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano
j= 182 With religious feeling

4j———— SS, =
een br =| = +—— a ca a} =z =I
= (oS Se asl =: @ r ord
ae 4 | 4 mal 4 = —_—
= ee eo
Sa eer“) aA g o—e-9
| ~~
oa pe og
(ee Ee ee ey ee a a ee ey ee ey ee
= |
SS i ae ea =e at See ee
| | | | | | |
= = «L- “|
a == 4=14—4 — a8e = =
2 2S SS SS
o— 3 | e S216
| SS be ms lpoape as=
\—— —|pe oe eo o
SS o= Se eee ==
7d ee _————
mip) eee el | (mime lanl
=> >
fr No = i = ase= |
1 ee
4 | > = = | al =| =: |
So pe da a i = = ‘Son
= = lz 2. 25 ge |
nal i | a vr se ad ie
eS ae
s SS ta | 4 i + = oO
ae Se
= oe fhe Stas Sig, Som, ae

The akede hiao tha

Ho tha kede hiao tha

The akede hia the he

Hiao tha kede hiao tha kede hia thehe

Literal translation: The, this; awake, what I meant (wa omitted in
singing) ; de, sign of past tense; hia, here it is; 0, vocable; tha, end of
sentence. The second line has the same meaning as the first, the
sounds being changed for ease in singing. The literal translation of

388 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BrH. ANN. 27

the words of this song gives little idea of its meaning, but to the
Omaha the song had a profound significance and its import as ex-
plained by the old men is borne out by the character of the music.
The past tense refers to the teaching given in the past, to the fathers,
whereby the blessing of peace could be secured, and this blessing is
now brought here by the ‘‘tireless eagle’? who bore it from the past,
bears it in the present, and brings it to the “‘Son” with whom it will
remain as a gift from Wako"’da. Once, at the close of this song, a
venerable man turned to the writers (all had been singing as the pipes
passed around the lodge) and said: ‘‘Truly the pipes are from Wa-
ko™da.”

The music of this choral presents points of interest, particularly
as indicating what we term modulation, that is the passing from one
key to another. On this point the late John Comfort Fillmore, a
musical scholar of ability, wrote in 1892: ‘‘The song begins in the key
of B flat. . . . the original key is kept until the fifth measure, in
which the first clause ends with the relative minor chord. The next
phrase of three measures is in the key of E flat (subdominant), the
third measure effecting a transition to the key of F by means of the
chord of G (over-third of E flat), followed naturally by the chord of C
(dominant in F). The last clause begins in F, modulates to C, in the.
second measure and closes the period in that key. This key, the
major over-second of B flat, the original keynote, would seem to be so
remote as to make it impossible to preserve unity within the limits of
a short 12-measure period. But the melodic flow isso smooth and the
harmonic connections so natural that I, at least, do not get from it
the impression of anything forced, harsh or unpleasant, nor do I feel
the need of a return to the original tonic.”’* Much study was bestowed
on this song by Professor Fillmore and many harmonization experi-
ments were tried on Omaha Wa’wa® singers. during Professor Fill-
more’s visit to the Omaha reservation in Nebraska. The arrangement
here given met with the expression of approval, ‘‘It sounds natural,”
when it was played to them on a reed organ, the only instrument
there available.

ain A Study of Omaha Indian Music, in Archxological and Ethnological Papers, Peabody Museum,
Harvard University, 1, 295, Cambridge, 1893.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] MUSIC 389

After the close of the preceding choral the pipe bearers again
moved about the lodge, waving the feathered stems to the rhythm
of the following song:

Transcribed by John ©. Fillmore
M. M. {=—63 (Sung in oetaves)

Gees SS SS
SS SS a es
= =
22 ee af Meat tf
-F—— 4 $$ ~ ams Sa =
SSS
——— = Saal =o —e—e o- e
Hu® - ga Hu® - ga
ee
4 (a —
=== = = ——
=< = ——_- = =
ee ne OO Ore Og es oO ———s ee
—_— “—_—_——
Hu® - ga
yee Sf sf :
Gaeta Gla eal
Se te ae ae oe ee
Hu®- ga Hu® - ga Hu® - ga

The awake tha we the awake tha we

Tahesha we the awake tha we

Hutga the awake tha we Hutga

The awake tha we Hu"ga

Tahesha we tha awake tho we

Hu*ga the awake tha we Hutga

The awake tha we Huga

Literal translation: The, this; awake, what I mean; tha, oratorical
end of sentence; we, vowel prolongation; tahesha, an old word the
meaning of which is lost. This word appears as a personal name in
the I"ke’¢abe gens, which had charge of the Sacred Tribal Pipes.
It probably had a symbolic meaning connected with the articles
or with the teaching of this ceremony. We, vowel prolongation;
Hur’ga, the name of the child who has a part in this ceremony.
This song followed and supplemented the preceding choral, which

referred to a teaching that had been handed down. In this song
the subject of this teaching was enunciated: ‘‘This is what I mean’”’
(the present tense is used)—‘‘ Hu”ga,’’ peace, which is to be accepted
with the docility of the child. The song was a favorite one and
was often expatiated on to the writers, particularly the teaching
of the Hu™ga. This word is a modification of Hoga, a name (as
already noted) which played an important part in the history of
the Omaha and cognate tribes. It means ‘‘one who went before,”
an ancestor; also ‘‘one who goes before,’ one distinguished and
important, a leader. The meaning of Hw”ga in this ceremony is
made up of many aspects, all of which go to impress on the Omaha

390 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

mind that from the beginning, down through the ages, and at the
present time, that which preserves the race, even as does the child,
is peace. Such was the explanation of the old men concerning this
word so frequently used in these songs.

At the close of the song the pipes were laid to rest with ceremonial
song and movements, as already described. Then the feast was
served. Not far from midnight the company dispersed. The Wa’wa®
party remained in the lodge with the pipes and slept there.

At the first sign of the dawn the pipes were raised ceremonially
and after they were up the bearers sang the following song as they
stood in their places, facing the east, and swayed the pipes to the
rhythm of the music:

(Sung in octaves)

$ a ee & ————
=e = = oes : ee oe ee
— a
Um - ba ya tho Ku - the go" u-ho® ga um -
$3 = SS $ — E = i
f == = oa =" = a er a
ba ya tho Ku the go® u-ho" ga Um - ba ya _ tho

SS ee

=4=~=6= 6-62 SS 4—-0—6

Ku the go® u-ho® ga um - ba ya _ tho Ku the go® u-ho" ga
Umba ya tho
Kuthe go® uho™ga
Umba ya tho
Kuthe go" uho”ga
Umba ya tho
Kuthe go" uho"’ga
Umba ya tho
Kuthe go" uho™ga

Translation: Umba, day or dawn; ya, coming; tho, oratorical end
of sentence; kuthe go”, to move quickly, to make haste; who", to
cook, to prepare food; ga, signof command. ‘‘Dayiscoming! Arise,
hasten to prepare the food!” This song was repeated the second
and third mornings of the ceremony.

No special ritual was observed on the second day. As gifts are
generally made at this time, the songs used implied gratitude both
for the gifts and for the promised success of the ceremony. The
six songs that follow were sung on the second day.

Most of the wa’wa” songs have but few words; they are supplied
with vocables only. It was explained that these vocables are
syllables representing words formerly used. As it was the custom
among the Omaha to secure good singers to be the pipe bearers and
leaders in the music, which was a special feature of the ceremony,
the songs were not in the keeping of a priest; it was explained that

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] MUSIC 391

syllables had been substituted for the original words to keep most
of the words from the knowledge of the people. This statement may
account for the paucity of words and the lack of particularity in the
songs. Their meaning was general rather than related to some special
and ritual action. The few words in this song and in all those sung on
the second day were: The, this; howane, what I seek; Hu"’ga, peace.

The following three songs are interesting musically. No. 1 gives
the theme in its simplest form; nos. 2 and 3 are variants. These
three songs are regarded by the Omaha as distinct musically and are
here given in order to show how little change is required to make
songs sound differently to the native ear. They also throw a side light
on the accuracy demanded in rendering songs and in their transmission,
a marked peculiarity in Omaha music. It would be very easy for one
of the white race to interchange these three songs as the difference
between them is not striking.

M.M. }=60 No. 1 M.M.

(Sung i ia octaves) Introduction —~ (Song.

GPA ase See =e 2a SS

The ho- wa-ne ho- wa -

SS Se

a eae

5 - See ga = =H

Hut - Pf ae

SSS
See

se!
Hu® - ga_ ine

_—

M.M. J=60 No. 2 M.M. j|=60
— Song
(Sung in octaves) Introduction _ ong ) —_ es
Pas ai ocean treteeaeaaas
#2 Poe ce Paes ee eee

The ho-wa-ne ho - wa - ne

tas= Orn Orr ce: f= +
~~ ~~
——— a =. -K
5 = — ° = \{——_—=_+
Ee —— = == =e
= |______>__—

392 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

M.M. {= 60 No. 3
(Sung in octaves) Introduction pass

ee SS

The ho-wa-ne ho - wa- ne

—_ ——
E S— <a = = SS
SS eS a ; a — a
— —ae <r oe a Cr +5 “~e
Hu®- ga ha
Oe eb SSS
Se I mer
a a oe
Hu® - ga ne Hu®-ga Hu*-ga
SS SSS
SSS
+ a et+eee fo 6
~ —— 2 —

Hu® - ga- a

The rhythm in the following song is particularly strong and lends
itself finely to the customary unison singing in octaves:

(Sing in unison) Transcribed by John C. Fillmore
M. M. )}=66 Marked rhythm

ePrsce Stee ete Sere

Pee = spe
[ieee = Seteecer =e
—— = et se co Hee
Biss ——
SSS

ga
E Byte SS SS = | “|
SSS SS SS ee =
¢ <a: ~ eo + Pa + - e+
Hu® - ga

The following songs refer to peace under the symbol of the clear
sky, ketha. This symbol embraces a reference to Wako®’da, who gives
to man the sunshine, the clear sky from which all storms, all clouds,
are removed. In this connection it should be remembered that the
black storm clouds with their thunder and lightning are emblematic
of war. The clear sky therefore represents the absence of all that
could relate to war. Among the syllables sung to the music of these
songs appear the words ketha, clear sky or peace, and Huw’’ga, child-
likeness and peace. It is to be regretted that all the exact words of
these songs are lost; they might have revealed something of the
ritualistic progression of the ideas embodied in the ceremony. The

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] MUSIC 393

fact that the only two words that remain stand for peace—one,
ketha, peace as symbolized in nature, and the other, Hw ga, peace
as symbolized by a little child—indicates that the peaceful teaching
of the ceremony was that which appealed most strongly to the Omaha
mind. Other phases, as can be observed in the Pawnee version, if
they were ever a part of the Omaha version have been lost.

Flowingly, with feeling Double beat aly = 126
(Aria sung in octaves) Harmony by John C. Fillmore for translation on the piano

=>
~ +
Sate
el
=
St +
Ke-tha Hu®-ga i
= = eS SS Ss = =s |
oe oe $ i+ ~~ a
| I I

894 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

Some of these ketha songs are gentle and pastoral in character,
particularly this one; the words of the song were explained as mean-
ing: ‘Fair as is the clear sky, the green grass, yet more fair is peace
among men;”’ and the music bears out this interpretation.

(Aria sung in octaves) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the
piano
Double beat IN = 126 With dignity

‘Gu a eee Sea eee SS se

ee - tha a - tha ke - tha ha
= 41) eB
om 0-0-0-0 Freee 33-3 Z— , a 7 2/2)
ea ett oe eet 4—s so 4 8 =
age Lorem
rrr. #445 $3 333%

——

if
ro
iba
|

Ath
i

ai
a: =|
r~rreovwedvyv
> > —— > >
Oe ig aig Se ee = Spe ee ——_e
SSS soe
———e eats - 4
= _= -3- ————————
= SS ee
Ke-tha- a Hu® - ga-a-ha :
——— =
eS = ae
4 — =a is a
ee i lease $e =
=>
— > — Si pal he TLS > > >
= ae ee == =
[=e =e SSG eee Sen a oe 2 S— ee 4 et
FTVwvww rTwwT i a i i

&
iN

LT 7
*

y well!
wlll
an
des
ay
as!

sal

“a

i
nit
|

baths
fy
ip
, Mi
vis
minut
Liat \
NW)
my
u
Ratey
il

4
a
a}
a
[

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] MUSIC 395

pS Ss ISAS

Ke-tha-a Hu® - ga

vee

The foregoing spirited choral is wonderfully stirring when sung by
two hundred or three hundred voices, as the writers have heard it
many times. It is spoken of as a “happy song.”’

When the weather was rainy, the following plea for a clear sky
was sung:

(Sung i in octaves)

ge bees Uae eee EE

Ke-tha we tha Hu®- ga Hu" - ga

2S ee

a
ans md Hu®- ga
—~e +s - a2 SS
7. aS al
~ —— : o—e oo 6
Hu" - ga ae - ga

The only words are ketha, “clear sky,” and Hu"’ga. It was
greatly desired to have the sun shine during the ceremony, so when
clouds gathered this prayer for clear weather was sung with much
earnestness.

On the evening of the third day the gifts brought by the Wa/wa®
party were presented to the host, who distributed them among his
party.

On the morning of the fourth day the ceremony in reference to the
child took place. There was no song nor any cooking of food. All
must fast. The leader, or ‘Father,’ and the pipe bearer went to
the lodge of the host, the ““Son;’’ as they walked thither the fol-
lowing song was sung:

(Sung in octaves)

396 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

If this song ever had words, they are lost. Having arrived at the
door of the lodge, they paused and sang as follows:

ee —168 (Sung in octaves)

YO 4 Go = SS See o-3-e— a +o gy
ae ==
A-ti - e-tha we-a - ne
= == ee as
225 eae
=O 8-0: ==? oe =

aan
wh | = =
aes ee
*-o—e|-__ae o-—6 oe —e—s--
Hu®- ga

Atie tha weane
Atie tha weane
Atie tha weane
Zhitga thi uwine the Hu"ga
Atie tha weane
Atie tha weane
Zhitga thi uwine the Hu®ga

Literal translation: Atie tha, atia tha, I have come; tha, end of sen-
tence; weane, a changed form of wwine, I seek you; zhi"ga, little one,
child; thi, you.

The party then entered the lodge where the little child, with its
parents, was awaiting them. The leader carried clothing for the
child and the skin pouches that contained the red and black paint.
First the child was clothed; then a member of the Wa’wa® party
who could count honors won in defensive warfare was designated to
paint the child. The pipes were waved to the following song as this
ceremony took place:

= 184 = in Se

coke eS ae Le, Sie Sec

A - ba - ha the a_ the a - ba-ha the -a - the
SS aS
ae a - thi - ba-ha
1

Abaha the athe, abaha the athe
Athi baha, athi baha Hutga
)

Athaha the athe athaha the athe
Athethaha athethaha Hu®ga

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] MUSIC 397

Literal translation: Abaha, to show; the, this; athe, I make; athi
baha, to show you, Hu"’ga; athaha, to adhere; the, this; athe, | make;
athithaha, to make adhere to you.

During the singing of the first stanza the man held the paint in its
receptacle over the head of the child and showed it to all present.
He first made a feint as if to touch the child with it. As the second
stanza was sung he put red
paint over the face of the
child, then he drew a band
of black across the forehead,
a stripe down each cheek,
one down the nose, and one
at the back of the head.
This design had the same
meaning as that on the
gourds. The band across
the forehead represented
the line of the sky; the
stripes were the paths at the
four directions whence the
winds start; the red paint
symbolized the light of the
sun and the gift of life; the
lines signified the winds—
the breath of life, giving
motion and power. In this
connection the ceremony of
Turning the Child should be
remembered. (See p. 117.) This style of painting was called Hu”’ga
kion, “Hu"’ga painting” (fig. 89). The dead of the Nini’bato® sub-
division of the I"ke’¢abe gens were sometimes so painted for en-
trance into the life after death.

Then was sung the song which accompanied the act of tying the
hivxpe’, a downy eagle feather, on the child.

Fig. 89. Hu»’ga painting.

$ =176 (Sung in octaves)

(aS SaaS a

A-gthe Hu" - ga air - ga
esas Gi Gees =
——e— «|e
a ga Hu®- ga

A’gthe Hu ga, etc.

Literal translation: Agthe, to put on something and make it stand.

398 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27

Eagle down was sprinkled over the head of the child, making it
look like a callow bird. The warriors counted their honors, and while
they were telling of their deeds of valor performed in defensive
warfare the following song was sung:

Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano
ap = 176 (Sung in octaves)
= —_

ae ee ee ees

ha - ne no tho Hu® - ga ha - ne
——— oe SS
$ 4 oe ro ——-
v — D
> — = = >
%- o 3 $3 3, ¢ e 2 2
— ; ' . e e e e
SS
a
ae D.C. ad lib.
——— =| =; a
SS Sa ed
= @ ue ig o—__@¢—_0—_@ f
o—e S i AE I
Hu®- ga ha-ne no tho Hu"-ga ha-ne
= — = s =a — —— $$$
== ea mem hba—— = 4 s
SS
+t + oe we +t + +
i) |
v v
eo 20 e@ nee, e—e-| 1s |— 2 ee 2
a S| ees ee ee — I ie |

Hua hani

Literal translation: hani, you have. Vocables fill out the measure
of the music.

The meaning of this song and act was explained as follows: The
reason why only honors won in defensive warfare could be counted
at this time was that those men who had won such honors had done
so because they had risked their lives for the defense of the women
and children of the tribe; they had done deeds to promote safety
and so to secure the perpetuation of the race. The act was symbolic
and was considered one of the most important. It had a direct
bearing on the teaching of the ceremony. If by any chance the
Wa’wa® party did not have a man who could recount deeds done in
defensive warfare and honors so gained, then the host, “the Son,”
was obliged to seek a man to perform this part in the rite, for the
child could not be lifted up and carried to the lodge where the cere-
mony was to be completed until a nian had counted over it honors
won in defensive warfare. This explains the meaning of the words

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] MUSIC 399

Hu qa hani—‘you have the Hu"’ea,” i. e., because of my acts the
D .
children live, ‘you have” them.
Note the change of key in the music and its implied harmonic
Do .
modulation.
After the counting of honors the followimg words were sung:

Sho® wii"a tha

Literal translation: Sho", it is done; wii7a, I carry you; tha, orator-
ical end of sentence.

The child was then taken on the back of a man, who followed the
swayed pipes as this song was sung:

> be
+e ° o =~ ° o
= FE si c o-, f a ess 2 rd 2 =
{¢—— se —_ a - a -—|
e =... a — = ——
Zhi"- ga the wu - we- ne Hu®-ga
a —_ —_ == D.C. ad lib.
E BP — 3-3 s—o— 3 —2—3 é 32) j—— See oe
——— Ee —— ss
Hu’- ga Hu"- ga Hu -ga

Zhi®ga thi uwine Hu%ga, etc.

Literal translation: Zhi"ga, little one, child; thi, you; wwine, I seek.

When the lodge was reached, the leader took his place outside at
the right of the door and held the child between his knees. The
singers took their seats at the left of the door. Two young men of
the party were selected to perform the final dance. They were
divested of clothing except the breechcloth. A red circle was
painted on the breast and back, a hi™xpe’ feather tied on the scalp
lock. Each dancer carried one of the feathered stems.

Meanwhile all those who had made gifts of horses to the Wa’/wa"
party gathered their ponies and decked themselves in gala dress,
and approached the lodge to witness the final dance. The singers
started the music and the two young men, holding the feathered
stems high above their heads, with a light, leaping step danced in two
straight lines to and from the east, simulating the flight of the eagle.
The line taken by the dancers signified that by following the teach-
ings of the ceremony, the straight red line on the pipes, one could go
forth and return in peace to his lodge and have no fear. As the
young men leaped and danced—a dance that was full of wild grace
and beauty—it might happen that a man would advance and stop
before one of the dancers, who at once handed him the pipe. ‘The
man recounted his deeds and laid the pipe on the ground. The
dance and music ceased, for the act was a challenge and the pipe
could be raised only by one who could recount a deed equal in valor

400 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27

to that told by the man who had caused the pipe to be laid down.
This stopping of the dance often led to spirited contests in the
recital of brave deeds. While the dancing was going on, the ponies
were led by the children of the donors to the leader and the little
Hu" ga stroked the arm of the messenger in token of thanks. When
all the ponies had been received the final dance came to anend. _

The man who had recounted his deeds and painted the Hu”’ga
entered the lodge alone with the child and closed the door. He took
the pipes, which had been folded together, and made four passes on
child—down the front, back, and both sides. He then turned the
child four times, and led it outside the lodge. This act of blessing
the child was secret and no outsider but the host could be present.
The pipes and all their belongings, wrapped in the wildcat skin, were
then handed by the man who had blessed the child to the leader, who
presented them to the host, saying: ‘‘My son, you have made me
many gifts but they will disappear, while that which I leave with
you will remain and bring you the blessing of peace.” The “Son”
then gave away the pipes, the wildcat skin, the tobacco pouch, and
the rattles to those who had taken part with him in receiving the
pipes. He retained none of the articles. Only by this act could he
receive all the honor and advantage to be derived from the reception
of a Wa’wa® party and enjoy all the promised benefits of the rite.
The visitors then gathered their ponies, which were apportioned by
the leader, and moved off. When a mile or two away they camped
and partook of their first food after a fast of nearly twenty-four
hours and then made their way home as rapidly as possible.

Many are the stories told by men and women of their experiences
when they were Hu” ga—of how tired they became, of the tidbits
doled to them by the leader to keep them contented, of how when
they rejoined their playmates the latter plucked at the down which
clung to their hair and made sport of their queer looks. Neverthe-
less in after life it was regarded as an honor to have been a Hu" ga
and the inconvenience was remembered only to make merry with.

The Omaha Wa/wat, while lacking some of the elaborateness of the
Pawnee version of the same ceremony, was not without beauty and
dignity. It was a ceremony that was dear to the people. It was
held in a reverence free of fear and strongly tinctured with the spirit
of kindliness and happiness. Its songs, being free to both sexes and
to all ages, were widely known in the tribe and greatly enjoyed.

THE CEREMONY AMONG THE PONCA

According to a Ponca tradition, the Wa’wa® ceremony was insti-
tuted at the time the seven pipes were distributed at the formation
of the tribe as it is at present. This tradition would seem to place
the event about the time that the ceremony was accepted by the

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] MUSIC 401

Omaha when peace was made through it with the Arikara and other
tribes. (Seep. 74.) This ceremony was known and observed by the
Ponea as among the Omaha and the same songs were used, for the
Ponca had none of their own composition belonging to it. Accord-
ing to Hairy Bear the closing act, “blessing the child,’ which was
secret among the Omaha, was open with the Ponca and differed in
some of its details. After the pipes had been folded together and
wrapped in the wildcat skin they were raised high over the head of
the little Hu”’ga, then brought down slowly so as to touch the fore-
head of the child and passed down the front of the body to the feet
until the mouthpiece rested on the toes, which it was made to press
strongly on the ground; then the pipes were laid for a moment on the
ground in a line toward the east, as the following words were spoken:
“Firm shall be your tread upon the earth, no obstacle shall hinder
your progress; long shall be your life and your issue many.’ The
movements with the folded pipes were repeated on the right side of
the child from its head to its feet and the pipes laid in a line toward
the south, as the promise was repeated. The movements were next
made on the back of the child and the pipes laid in a line toward
the west, while the promise was given. Lastly the pipes were
passed over the left side of the child and then laid in a line toward
the north, as once more the promise was given to the child, who
stood at the intersection of the four symbolic lines, “in the center of
the life-giving forces.” The child was then told to “walk four steps
toward the sun.”’* When this was accomplished the little one was
dismissed and the Wa’wa” ceremony came to an end.

a The taking of the four steps suggests the rite of Turning the Child (see p. 121).

83993°—27 ErH—11 26

xX
WARFARE
INFLUENCE ON TRIBAL DEVELOPMENT

Two classes of warfare were recognized among the Omaha, defensive
and aggressive. Each had its distinctive rites, its rank, and its
duties in the tribal organization.

Defensive warfare was called ti/adi, meaning ‘‘ among the dwellings,”
or waw’atathisho" (wau, “women,;’’ ata’thisho", ‘‘toward or pertaining
to;’’ that is, ‘fighting for the protection of the homes, the women,
and the children’’). The Omaha word for “tribe,” already explained
(p. 35), was derived from fighting of this kind. In the use of this
word one can get a hint of the growth and influence of defensive
warfare. Self-protection naturally expanded toward the protection
of one’s family and to extend this protection to a group of families
living near together was a logical progression and leading naturally
to an appreciation of the necessity for permanency in the group to be
protected. When therefore the thought expressed by the Omaha
word for “tribe” had taken hold of the people so strongly as to become
the name of a community held together at the risk of life against
outside aggressors, that community had ceased to be a congeries of
people and had become a more or less stable association of persons
among whom political ideas could take root.

It has been shown that the Omaha tribal organization was based
on certain fundamental religious ideas pertaining to the manner in
which the visible universe came into being, and is to be maintained,
and to man’s relation to the Cosmos and to livmg forms. All these
ideas were conceived anthropomorphically, for the Omaha projected
his self-consciousness on nature. These conceptions were more or less
clearly expressed in dramatic ceremonials, ceremonials that tended to
bind the people together as expressions of a common faith.

The disintegrating tendencies of aggressive warfare, particularly
the quarrels and schemes of ambitious men, were checked by the
inculcation of the idea that war is allied to the cosmic forces and
under their control. The storm, with its destructive lightning and
deafening roar of thunder, was regarded as the manifestation of the
war phase of the mysterious Wako"’da. As has been shown, all
Omaha males in their childhood were consecrated to Thunder as

402

FLETCHER-LA FLESCH] WARFARE 403

the god of war. The warrior was taught that it was this god,
not man, who decreed the death on the field of battle; this mode
of death was called i”’gthu"gaatht (v’gthu", “thunder;” ga, ‘“‘ac-
tion by the hand;” «thi, “to bruise,” as with a club), the term applied
also to death caused by lightning. In this connection should be
remembered the reference to the ‘‘Grandfather’s club” in a song used
in the Wate’gictu (p. 437) and also the round stick bound to the
ancient cedar pole (fig. 57). The application of this term to death
on the battlefield probably had a double significance; it referred to
the teaching that the life of a warrior was in the keeping of the
Thunder god (see p. 126) and to the time when the club was the only
weapon of the man. The word is said to be an old term, as evi-
denced by its transference to a warrior’s death by an arrow or a gun.
This teaching tended to change, in the Omaha mind, the character
of warfare; it placed the warrior under a supernatural power over
which he had no control, and, while it did not eliminate from him
the spirit of revenge or hatred, it curtailed a man’s estimate of his
own ability to exploit vengeance on his fellows. This teaching was
formulated in rites the performance of which was essential to the
initiation of aggressive warlike expeditions, rites that became an
effective means of establishing and maintaining tribal control over
warfare.

The close connection between Thunder and the Sacred Tent of
War was confirmed in popular belief by coincidences that were
interpreted to indicate the watchfulness of the Thunder god over the
war rites of the tribe. Within the last century the keeper of the
Sacred Tent of War died and the man to whom the office descended
was so afraid of the Tent and its duties that he refused to assume
the office and kept away from the Tent. His brother was the next
in the hereditary line, but he also feared the responsibility and left
the Tent standing alone and uncared for. Shortly afterward both
men were killed by lightning, and their deaths were regarded as a
punishment sent by the Thunder god for the disrespect shown the
office of keeper by their neglect of duty toward the sacred rites
committed to their care. The punishment was believed to apply
only to this life; it shortened the days of the-offenders but did not
affect their life after death.

Ageressive warfare was called nwatathisho” (nu, ‘“‘man;”’ ata’thisho,
“in the direction of;”’ that is, ‘‘war with men’). Theuse of the word
nu, “man” or “male,” is noteworthy, particularly in connection
with a ritual song used in according honors to the warrior, where
again the word is employed, indicating that war was waged against
men. While it is true that in attacks on villages women and chil-
dren were sometimes killed they were not invariably put to death

404 THE OMAHA TRIBE [WrH. ANN. 27
WAL WAXUBE

Ageressive warfare was under the control of rites which were
connected with the wai” warube, or Sacred Packs of War. ( Wai”
was the common name for a pack—a receptacle made of skin, fre-
quently of parfleche, in which articles could be laid away and kept
safely; waxu’be, ““sacred’’). There was another name applied to these
packs: wathi’cabe, “‘things flayed,” referrmg to the contents of the
packs, which were the skins of certain birds. It was the presence of
these bird skins, which represented the species and the life embodied
in the species, that made the wai”, or pack, waxu’be, or sacred.

There is no tradition as to the origin of these packs. _ Probably
none of those now existing in the Omaha tribe are much more than
two centuries old. The pack itself was not sacred, only the con-
tents. The association of birds with the powers of the air is very
ancient. Particular birds were thought to be in close relation with
the storm and the storm cloud, the abode of Thunder, the god
of war. The flight of the birds brought them near the god and
they were regarded as his special messengers; moreover, from their
vantage point these denizens of the air could observe all that oc-
curred on the earth beneath. When the warrior went forth to
battle the birds watched his every act and through them the Thun-
der became cognizant of all his deeds. The swallows that fly before
the coming tempest were regarded as heralds of the approaching
god. The hawk and other birds of prey were connected with the
destruction caused by the death-dealmg storm. The crow and
other carrion birds haunted the places where the dead lay and were
allied to the devastating forces of the god of war. Upon this ancient
belief relative to the connection between the birds of the air and the
manifestations of the powers dwelling in the sky (the wind, the thunder,
and the lightning) the war rites of the Omaha were built. It was only
after the performance of certain ceremonies connected with these
packs, wherein were kept the representatives of the birds which
could act as officers, so to speak, of the Thunder, that the Omaha
warrior could go forth to aggressive warfare with the sanction of
the recognized war pewer of the tribe. How important this sanction
was is revealed in the responsibility and punishment accorded the
war leader who omitted to secure it for his venture. If a man
among the Omaha who organized a war party secretly and stole away
to carry out his designs of revenge or the acquiring of booty, in the
battling chanced to lose a member of his party, he was accounted
and punished as a murderer. In any event, no matter how bravely
he might have acted, none of his deeds could receive the public honor
which otherwise he would have secured.

Early in the last century such an unauthorized party stole away.
They met with disaster and one of their number was killed. This

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 405

misfortune placed the lives of the survivors in jeopardy. Realizing
the trouble he had brought on himself and his companions, the
leader secretly returned to the tribe and went to his father, one of
the chiefs, for help. The chief, approaching his son, bade him and
his companions to strip off all their clothing and put clay on thei
heads, and in this guise publicly to enter the village. They
were met by the people with taunts and angry words; the only
reply of the returning warriors was to lift their hands in an appeal
for mercy. They were driven through the village by the incensed
people but through the influence of the chief they escaped serious
consequences as murderers. At last the chief declared that they
had been sufficiently humbled and punished for their disobedience
to tribal law. Gifts had to be made to the relatives of the deceased
member of the party. In olden times members of an unauthorized
war party which had lost any of its number, on their return were
forced to strip themselves, put clay on their heads and _ faces,
crawl on their hands and knees to the lodges of the principal chiefs,
and there cry for merey. During the last century a man well on
toward high rank as a chief yielded to temptation and joined an
unauthorized war party. He returned successful, but his progress
toward chieftainship was arrested and during the lifetime of Big
Elk (p. 83) the man was not allowed to meet with the chiefs or to
take any part in tribal affairs. Other instances could be given of
the debasement of men who joined unauthorized war parties, even if
successful. :
AUTHORIZATION OF A WAR PARTY

When a man wished to lead a party out on aggressive warfare,
either to avenge an injury received or to obtain booty from an enemy,
it was his duty to go to the keeper of a wai”’waaube, or Sacred Pack
of War, and invite him to a “feast.’”’ The term ‘‘feast’’ is used
in a limited sense only; it does not imply a sumptuous meal but a
repast, always very simple as to the food, partaken of in honor of an
action or a person. ‘This feast had to be repeated four times. After
the fourth feast the keeper of the Sacred Pack opened it before the
would-be leader, explained to him his duties, instructed him as to the
rites he must perform morning and evening and how to organize and
conduct his party as to scouting and attacking the enemy. Not
infrequently some one of the sacred birds was given the leader to
carry on the war path and on his return he was required to take it
back to the keeper of the pack.

Besides the birds, there were certain charms concealed in small bags
in these packs that were believed to help theleaderand hismen. What
these little skin bags contained was a secret not imparted even to the
man to whom they were loaned. Generally these charm bags were
put into a pouch, which was carried by one of the party. When, how-

406 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

ever, the men were about to make the attack, each man fastened his
own charm bag on his person.

There were four of these Sacred Packs among the Omaha. A
difference of opinion existed among the old men as to the rank of
these packs; but, taking all the evidence obtainable into considera-
tion, it seems probable that the pack which belonged to the Sacred
Tent of War, in charge of the We’zhi"shte gens, had the widest
authority and significance. Its rival was a pack that was the hered-
itary charge of Geu™habi, of the Wazhi"’ga itazhi subgens of the
Tha’tada gens. This pack was associated with a remarkable man
named Wa’backa, who lived in the eighteenth century and who
led a memorable fight against the Pawnee. On that occasion, not
only did Wa’backa obtain authority for his war party from the
keeper of this special pack but he carried the pack with him. It
-was because of the association of the pack with this historic event
that it became specially honored by the Omaha tribe. As the story
illustrates Omaha customs and is well known to the people, it is here
given:

The Omaha and the Pawnee were at peace, when some Pawnee men raided the
Omaha village and drove off a number of horses. At that time horses were not so plen-
tiful as they became later; they were a comparatively new acquisition and were very
valuable. Wa/ba¢ka was not a chief but a man of position and had what might be
called wealth, as he owned several horses. All these were driven away by the robbers.
Thinking that the act was committed by some thoughtless, adventurous young men—
for the two tribes were on friendly terms—Wa/backa, accompanied by a few men
who also had suffered loss, started for the Pawnee village to lay their grievance before
the principal chief, who they felt would surely require the young men to restore the
property taken from a friendly tribe. There are different stories told of what hap-
pened on this visit but all show that the chief did not take the matter so seriously
as the Omaha thought he should. He said that his young men were in need of horses
and had borrowed them, and bade the Omaha go back home and make arrows for
the Pawnee (the Pawnee were not as good arrow and bow makers as the Omaha) and
in the spring they might come again and the Pawnee would return the horses for the
arrows. Another story runs that a Pawnee chief, to whom one of the party appealed,
placed before the Omaha a large bowl of beans, and, laying beside it a war club,
bade the Omaha eat all the food on pain of death. In any event, the Omaha felt
themselves insulted—they had come peaceably and were willing to condone the
Pawnee action if only the property were restored. When they were bidden to come
again with arrows to exchange for their own horses, Wa’bagka said he would go back
and make arrows and return with more than the Pawnee would care to see. As
he left the Pawnee village the boys and young men laughed at him and his friends
because of their fruitless errand.

On the way back Wa’ba¢ka threw away his moccasins, leggings, and shirt, cut off
the corners of his robe, and on entering the Omaha village went to the chief's house
and stood there wailing, his hands lifted to heaven. He cried aloud of the insult
that had been put on the Omaha by the Pawnee and called on the people to avenge the
wrong done. The people listened but said nothing. At length a young man who was
greatly moved composed a song telling of the occurrence, and went about the village
singing it. He called on the people to rise and wipe out the insult put upon them.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHD] WARFARE 407

This song has not come down to the present time. Finally the people were aroused;
every man began to make arrows and the women to make moccasins. Wa/ba¢ka hewed
a club and said he would use this weapon only against the offending Pawnee. So great
was the fervor created in the tribe, that the chiefs temporarily set aside their office and
all the people were given into Wa’backa’s control without reserve. It is said that
this is the only instance known in which the control of the people was given to one
man. Meanwhile Wa’backa had received authority from a sacred pack, and also
had secured permission to take it with him. When the time came to start, the whole
tribe went with Wa’bag¢ka—men, women, and children. The women composed a
song which was sung on the march across the country. This song has lived and
as it has been used by the women since that time as a we’tom waar—a song to send
strength to the absent warrior on the battlefield—it is probable that it originally
belonged to that class of songs.

(Aria as sung) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

= 56 With marked rhythm
=i ss
ZS =

ie
Gs aS

Cl
U-he ki tha me Wa -ba - cka ha xe- ge wa tha
See ee ee ee ee +
12S 2 ees ef eee
r . P . 2-50 fr . a ig . i .
e-: oe. o- o- e+ :
= ——s— = a a |
ra e- 2 . ia o- o
| \ |
22 SS ee ees
——
don he Ki tha me He - ki - tha- me
= =
= ~
—S Sie eee aes ae = ||
—— 4 = oe raat os = o>
~~ oo r +
= |
o+ o- ° oe ss oe
ee eee
sce r — = — SS SS SS SS

Uhe kithame
Wa/backa ha xage wathasta™ zhiada™ he
Kithame
He kithame
Literal translation: Uhe kithame, they yielded to his request; ha,
vowel prolongation; rage, to ery; wathasta” zhiada”, he ceased not, for
that reason.
Free translation
His call they obeyed!
Wa/backa raised his voice, nor ceased to cry aloud.
Come with me!
They all obeyed.

408 THE OMAHA TRIBE [PrH. ANN. 27

As horses were scarce and the skin tents heavy, when about half a days journey
from the Pawnee village the people halted and on the banks of Maple creek (a branch
of the Elkhorn river, Nebraska) they buried their tents; this act gave rise to the
name Ti‘/haxaike, which the stream still bears among the Omaha.

Before day the warriors, led by Wa’backa, started for the Pawnee village, which
was surrounded by a strong palisade. This they leaped and rushed in on the sleep-
ing Pawnee. Tearing away the sods from their earth lodges, they set fire to the
straw that covered the wooden structure beneath and as the smoke drove the people
out they were slaughtered. Wa’backa went direct to the lodge of the chief who had
slighted the peaceful overtures made the year before and clubbed him to death. The
battle was fierce; many were slain on both sides. The Omaha were avenged. They
took all the booty they could carry; but the battle cost them the life of their leader,
Wa/backa, who fell, fighting to the last for the honor of his tribe. His death brought
the battle to a close.

The club made and used by Wa’bac¢ka is said to be preserved in the pack he carried
at that time. Anold man who, before the middle of the last century, had been
instructed as a war leader from this pack, said that it contained one bird hawk, one
blackbird, one swallow, one crow, and a bladder tobacco bag. This old man’s party
killed a Dakota and brought back the man’s scalp; when the victory dance was being
held some blackbirds came and alighted on the pole to which the scalp was attached
and swallows swept over and about the camp. As the old man saw the birds, he called
to the people: ‘‘They have come to greet us!” He had carried on the warpath a
blackbird and a swallow from the pack Wa’backa had used and he believed that the
living representatives of the birds he took to watch over him had come to approve and
to welcome the victorious party; all the people rejoiced at this favorable omen
and believed it had been sent by the Thunder god.

ORGANIZATION OF A WAR PARTY

A war party varied in numbers from eight or ten up to a hundred
warriors. A man seldom went on the warpath alone unless under
the stress of great sorrow, as that caused by the death of a child or
other near relative. He might then go forth to seek opportunity to
kill some one who would be a spirit companion for the one who
had recently died. If it was a child whose loss sent the father
to seek an enemy, the little one’s moccasins were taken along in the
father’s belt. If he found a man and killed him, he placed the
moccasins beside the dead man and, addressing the spirit, bade it
accompany the child and guide it safely to relatives in the spirit
land.

All members of a war party were volunteers. As soon as a man
determined to become one of a war party and gave notice of his
determination, tribal custom obliged him to observe strict continence
until his return to the tribe; disobedience of this requirement, it was
believed, would bring disaster to him or to the people. The old
men explained that this rule was based on the same reason as that
which forbade marriage at such a time (p. 325); moreover if the man
were married and should be killed, he might leave an unborn child
to come into life without a father. :

War parties were of two classes—those organized for the purpose
of securing spoils and those which had for their object the avenging

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 54

WOLFSKIN WAR ROBE WORN BY ZHI"GA’GAHIGE

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 409

of injuries. The latter were held in higher esteem than the former,
and the men who took part in them were regarded with more respect
by the tribe.

The nudo”ho"ga, or war leader, was the commanding officer. He
directed the movements of the party and had to be ready to sacrifice
his lite for its safety if circumstances required. A war leader who
in any way sought his own convenience and security or provided for
himself first, incurred lifelong disgrace. The members of the war
party were addressed by the war leader as ni’kawaca, a very old
word indicating those who are not officers—similar to the term
“privates.” The leader assigned men to certain duties. There were
four classes of service:

(1) The hunters, whose duty it was to provide game for the food of
the party.

(2) The moccasin carriers. A large number of pairs of moccasins
were necessary; otherwise the men would become footsore on the
long journeys undertaken.

(3) The kettle carriers. These had charge of all the cooking
utensils.

(4) Those who built the fires, brought the water, and carried the
provisions of the party.

For services 2, 3, and 4 men of strength rather than agility were
chosen.

DRESS OF WARRIORS

The warriors formerly wore a white covering for the head, of soft
dressed skin; there was no shirt, the robe being belted about the waist
and tied over the breast. For this latter purpose strings were fastened
to the robe, the place where they were sewed bemg marked by a
round piece of embroidery. When the war leader had once tied
over his breast these strings that held the robe together, custom
did not permit him to untie them until the scouts reported the
enemy in sight. No feathers nor ornaments could be worn. In
actual battle the warriors wore only moccasins and breechcloths un-
less they put on some skin connected with their vision. (See p. 131.)
The accompanying illustration (pl. 54) shows a wolf skin worn by
Zhitga’cahige. A slit at the neck of the skin admitted the wearer’s
head, the wolf’s head rested on the man’s breast, and the decorated
skin hung over his back.

When an enemy had been slain, the war leader painted his face
black. Later, on the return to the village, all who had taken part in
the fight put black paint on their faces.

Cccasionally the wives of a few of the men accompanied a large war
party. They assisted in the care of the moccasins and in the cooking.
The women of a war party were allowed a share in the spoils taken

ecause they had borne their part in the hardships of the journey.

410 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ann. 27

The following mi’kagi (wolf) song refers to this custom:

(Aria as sung) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

o—o-1—2 2 — = = =

= ——e . [3 2 free zE a. [|
Se = | =

Hé-a e yaw ha) 4) sae hi-aeve - yaw ha-a

;

in|
Stee figs == =———
—g— = Sey Jeet _A0 6 = oe: =
|
oO bad
2

=e
= SS SS
= «| ——- co sas a= er a = a

hi-a- e-yaw ha hi-ae - yaw ha a we tha he

a
Fee asta J shaate =" a aS =
ss SS SSS a a ot me ==
g J——¢ 2 = 6a | 4—s—3—
| eal crane
5 al al e- a- 2 ad
z = == = 2 Bs H
Fs 2 2 @ 4
ei fs H a a
ir Dean lll ig
eee =
SS
Z z 6 =F
he tho - i we- tu®- cd de se - sa sa a®- thu® -

+$— nics =) ie
S IF in
SS
e—o7 0 | 4 # ©" | * 6 = 6 | 4-5 6 2 =
wat-gehe ya hi-a e- yaw ha we-a - he tho
- 5 aS Ta) BOT +s a el Sfmt =
ae Sr eer eel eel = oS [3 = 3]
a $ = 2 == 2-5 = “ = = -
Seale feereeteni ke Pe ee
SS Se
js EG + ——Pe = Ge FR) 4
palin Ss | te

Hia e yaw haa

Hia e yaw ha a we tha he he thoi
Wituga de sesasa a®thu®wa"gihe ya
Hia ¢ yaw ha wea he tho

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 411

Literal translation: First four lines and last line, vocables.
Witu’ge, younger sister; se’sasa, trotting; a"thu™wagihe, follows me.

Women were always spoken of as “‘sisters.”” The words picture
the little sister trotting along with her share of the spoils, following
the warriors. The lively music has a quaint charm.

SACRED WAR PACK AND CONTENTS

The Sacred War Pack, which was kept in the Tent of War, to-
gether with the other articles kept in this tent, was deposited in 1884
in the Peabody Museum of Harvard University, where they have
been examined and photographed. This pack (fig. 90; Peabody
Museum no. 37563) is of skin; it was so rolled as to present the

Fic. 90. Sacred War Pack (unopened),

appearance of a large, long-bodied bird, one end being fringed to rep-
resent the tail. It is 800 mm. long and 300 mm. in circumference ;
the length of the tail is 220mm. The pack was held together by a
band wound about it twice. A band about the middle had ends so
looped that the pack could be hung up or carried, if necessary.
There are a number of slits in one end of the skin covering through
which a piece of hide was threaded in and out so as to gather the
covering and form the neck of the bird; this end is the head. The
other end is slashed to represent the tail feathers. The covering is
wide enough to be wound twice about the contents and twisted at
the neck end, but not at the tailend. It was folded over and tied by
bits of hide knotted on the under side. When the pack was opened
it was photographed with the contents in situ (fig. 91; Peabody Mu-
seum no. 47820).

412 THE OMAHA TRIBE [PrH. ANN. 27

The first article met with was a flag, carefully folded (fig. 92; Pea-
body Museum no. 47821); all efforts at identification of this flag
have thus far failed. There is no knowledge of it in the tribe.

Fig, 91, Sacred War Pack (opened to show contents).

Whether it was captured, or presented to a war party by some trader
in an effort to extend his business to the Omaha, is conjecture.

Six swallows, each wrapped in a bladder, four laid together (c) and
two (a,b) below these, were beneath the folded flag (fig. 93; Peabody
Museum no. 47817). Next was a
falcon, the legs tied with a twisted
cord of sinew, painted red. Below
this was a swallow-tail kite (Zla-
noides forficatus) (fig. 94; Peabody
Museum no. 47816). This bird is
lined with cloth, native weaving of
nettle-weed fiber. Several strands
of native thread are fastened to the
tail and a scalp lock is tied to the

Fig. 92. Flag found in Sacred War Pack. right leg. There were also a swal-
mpi din, byt Jin; ofcomnerrectansie ait, lOW-tailhawk (Nauclerus furcatus),

6in.by2ft.9in. Colors: darkest sections,red; a wolf skin, and seven skins of the
lightest, yellow; remainder, blue. /
fetus of the elk. The last-named
are said to have been used by the chiefs in a ceremony now lost,
which was not unlike some of the ceremonies of the Shell society,
these elk skins taking the place of the otter skin.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 413

The wolf skin is that of a young animal; in place of the feet, which
had been cut off, was tied a tuft of elk hair, painted red. The head
also has been cut off and a thong run through holes made in the neck,

Fic. 93. Objects from Sacred War Pack.

Fic. 94. Swallowtail kite from Sacred War Pack.

to which is fastened a feather, the quill of which is painted in red
bands and bound to the thong with a strip of porcupine work and a
tuft of elk hair, making a kind of tassel at the end of the thong.

414 THE OMAHA TRIBE (ern. ANN. 27

Near the hind legs holes have been made in the skin through which
passes a thong. (Fig. 95; Peabody Museum no, 48256.)

Fic. 95. Wolf skin and other objects from Sacred War Pack.

Fic. 96. Eagle feather in bone socket, from Sacred War Pack.

The wolf skin is said to have been used in augury by a war party.
The banded quill of the feather forming part of the tassel was just
above a bladder tobacco pouch, which was folded within the skin, as
was also the eagle feather fastened in a bone socket for tying to the

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 4] 5

scalp lock. (Fig. 96; Peabody Museum no. 48264.) A war party
sometimes resorted to augury to ascertain the conditions in the coun-
try to which they were going and to learn of their future success.
The wolf skin was then used in the following manner: It was soaked
in water and thus made pliable. Then it was put about the throat
of one of the party, who was seated on the ground and supported at
the back by another member. Two men, holding the ends of the skin
wound about the throat of the seated man, drew it firm and taut
but did not choke the man, who soon became unconscious. While
in that condition he was supposed to be able to look into the future,
viewing the country and the people whither the party were going,
and discerning also what was to happen. The Winnebago were
accustomed to use an otter skin for the same purpose and in the
same manner.

While this pack could give authority to aggressive war parties, and,
it is said, was sometimes taken along by the leader of a very large war

Fic. 97. Pipes from Sacred War Pack.

party, one of a hundred or more warriors (a nuda” hi™torga), it was
the only pack entitled to authorize defensive warfare. When that
was done the two pipes (fig. 97; Peabody Museum no. 37551) belong-
ing to this pack were ceremonially smoked.

DEPARTURE CEREMONIES OF AN AGGRESSIVE WAR PARTY

When the leader of an aggressive war party had obtained authority
from one of the four Sacred Packs, he was not held responsible
for the death of any member of his party or for any disasters that
might happen to it. Each one of the party, through the leader, had
placed himself under the authority of the war power, the Thunder
god, through his accredited representatives, the birds contained in the
wai” warube, the Sacred War Pack. We here find another illustra-
tion of the Omaha belief in the continuity of all life, so that a part
could represent the whole and that all forms, animate and inanimate,
were linked together by the pervading life-giving power of Wako®/da.
Because of this belief the Thunder and its representative birds, and
the charms, or “medicines,” which were generally some product of
the earth, were able to influence men and their fortunes in all avoca-

416 THE OMAHA TRIBE [erH. ANN. 27

tions. While this belief may seem strange and irrational, it was
logical and vitally effectual to the Omaha and underlay his organi-
zation, ceremonies, and public and private acts. So when the leader
and his followers had received instructions from the keeper of one
of the Sacred Packs and had secured one or more of the sacred
birds that would act as a medium between them and the Thunder
god, they felt themselves ready to face any danger; and, in any event,
the responsibility for their acts rested with the supernatural agencies
they had invoked.

When a man applied for authority to lead an aggressive war party
the keeper of the Sacred Pack invited the members of the Ho®’he-
wachi to meet the party. The leader of the war party provided the
feast. At this gathering songs and dances pertaining to the Ho™he-
wachi (night dance) were sung but not those related to the counting
(p. 495) and tattooing ceremonies (p.503). These songs were given to
remove from the minds of the men about to go forth all fear of death
by bringing before them the symbolism of night, which represented
both death and birth. The feast took place in a large dwelling
belonging to a member of the Ho™’hewachi. On this occasion the
keeper of the Sacred Pack conducted the ceremonies (which were
sometimes omitted if haste was required). Just before they were
ready to start, the men of the war party, led by their leader, performed
the mi’kaci dance (mi’kag, ‘‘wolf;’ the wolf was regarded as connected
with war). The dance was an appeal to the wolf that the men might
partake of his predatory character, of his ability to roam and not be
homesick. The dance was in rhythmic steps, more or less dramatic
and imitative of the movements of the wolf—his rapid trot and sudden
and alert stops. The music of the songs is lively, well accented, and
inspiriting.

The first part of the following mi/kagi song has no words, only
vocables. The words in the second part are given below.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 417

MIVKACI
Harmonized by John C. Fillmore

The upper line is the Aria assung. The harmonization is preferred by the Indians
when the song is played on the piano

ieee ee ee 2 we 2
(Coa ep —_| eee
oe ee = z =

Con Ped. ann

oP ee = 4—_—_
e yau e ya e ya ha e yau hia ha a ha
i ei ee Reno —o ees Sy ae VINE [gees NIG
= a a =A e =
( fe 8 yy Fs = + a ——— | a
LST ETE eo = o> ¢ a= (J
| | | |
> > > > - > > >
2 eS ie (6p 7) Oe SS ee
prosis es es ee fev
$f — = rd 4 i b == . i! im |
7A—o : 9 9 = e e908 | 8 9 0 =
i == se =

2. ala JG
SS ———— 44 4 Sa ws a ae Ene
— — oe - zd @ =e @ “6-0-0060 -0-6-6-

—
— es oe =e

22>

Nessa ce
— Ee o = ole =: —S
Y a ary o- = ay _@ =
| | | |
> > >
az # 2# #2 £# # £# ic

83993°—27 mtTH—1]1——27

418 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

MYKACI—Continued

a
a SS SS SS
a a a a —s—e
a

eh = pie =e ma hea ha 4

= |
o—[e=—— fo= @ er een
Bade es
e-yau he he ya ha e ya
= J 4 ==
o Ge Eg ¢ = =: aan! 2 =Ba
CE sl pls ce icleG Sn iS ie
I l |

_ Lee Se
SE SEtE: Seale ses

a = Sey ———
tees >
— Cac
ha e - ya e =- ya e - yaha e ya
—~ os
- 1-05 —5— 8-9 —8
Le ——— = + r—#
i a eee al =a =!
es e+ 4

ha e- ya e ha e - ya ha he ya
ees ee) ee =
reo Pee ee eee ——-
He SSS Ste = ee

—— a a
4-4 —- ——t = SSS a
feeg—3-[+ ees |e 33s ee ||
=. 4 o—@e @ @—__@—__@—__@-4
rw vr vw a => —- => =_
= =

Mi’kagi ama mo®zho" nompa bazhi ba egima

FLETCHPR-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 419

Translation: Mi’/kagi, wolf; ama, they; mo™zho", earth or land;
nompa, fear; bazhi, not; ba, so; e’gima, | am like them, or I do likewise.
“The wolves have no fear as they travel over the earth; so I, like
them, will go forth fearlessly, and not feel strange in any land.”

Homesickness was greatly dreaded by the warriors, as it unnerved
them for action and presaged defeat. The above song and others
similar in feeling were sung as a plea for help against this internal
enemy of the warrior. The leader was constantly on the lookout
for indications of nostalgia, and if he detected signs of this dreaded
condition, if he found the men speaking of their sweethearts, he took
means at once to cheer up the party. He would organize a dance, at
which time songs of the following class would be sung, and in this way
the men would be heartened and the party would go forward to success.

(Sung in octaves) Vivace (Marked rhythm)

a —_—

= = ——- =
# eo ar eo —|}3— — A A o--0— 0 e-
fee er eee
5 =f —— SS
A ha iyahe aha iya he A ha iyahe a ha
Drum-beats r e fg pP ° fe i & Pr ° <
Ae va 4 eo. “4 ia Ja,

as
vr v
ya ho e tha he the he the tho-e
@ 2 e e ° 9
0 RS ee a vy |
— — = =
$- 4 ee = —— a
@ = ——ae a ——| i ss
E — =, = == eS |
e ee ==
nu - do# i the-a he. H- ma! i tha ta - bthe thim the
° 2 OE Pe rd a s
V v yoy vy Vy v
——d = :
[ SS Ee pees ee ere [ \ aE 4 ||
‘se 8-8 a Ree red eee me ae
: vr rs rwerese Ts
thu tha zhi-ahe A - he the he. ya ho e tha he the tho
ed ° ° ° p i ° id lad
v v y) v y) View ire

A hai ya he, a hai ya he

Ya hai ya he

Ya ha i ya he

A he the he ya ho e tha he the he the thoe

E na! abthixe ko"btha thi" nudo®" ithea he the
Ena! ithatabthe thi" thethu thazhiahe

A he the he ya ho e tha he the tho

420 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Literal translation: The first five lines and the last are vocables.
Ena!, an exclamation used only by women; abthixe, I marry; ko"btha,
I wish or desire; thi", the one—the word indicates that the one spoken
of is moving; nudo”, war; itheahe, ithehe, has gone—the a is introduced
to accommodate the word to the music; the, end of the sentence; ena!,
feminine exclamation; ithatabthe, I hate; thi", the one moving; thethu,
here; thazhi, has not gone; a, vocable; he, feminine termination of a
sentence spoken by a woman.

Free translation

Ena! The one I wish to marry has gone to war.
Ena! The one I hate has not gone forth but remains here.

The mi’kaci dance was the last public appearance of the war
party. Their departure was kept secret. The leader designated a
time and place where all were to meet and each man stole away to
the appointed spot. This course was followed in order to prevent
undesirable persons from joining the party and causing inconvenience.

Each leader of a war party was instructed in his duties by the
keeper of the Sacred Pack to which he had applied for permission
to go on the warpath. There were slight differences in the details of
these instructions but the following, recounted by an old warrior from
his own experience, may be taken as a fair picture of the general
procedure:

At night, when on the march, after we had had supper and were about to go to bed,
the leader selected four men, who were sent out from the camp to four designated
places in the direction of the four cardinal points. The leader bade these men to go
forth as directed and listen for the howling of the wolf. Toward midnight a man in
the camp gave the ery of the wolf; he was answered by the four men from their posts,
who then returned to the camp and all went to sleep. The guards did not watch all
night. It was only during the first night that the party traveled; after that the men
rested at night and went forward by day. Ona morning when the party were near their
destination, the Pack they had carried was opened ceremonially according to the
instructions given the leader and eight men were selected and sent out as scouts;
two were to turn back over the route that had been traveled and look for signs of
people; two were to go out on one side, two on the other side, and two were to keep
in advance of the party. The two in the rear were to follow at night and rejoin the
party, which, thus protected in the rear, on the flanks and in front, traveled on all the
day.

When one of the scouts discovered a village where there was a chance to obtain
booty or other trophies of war, he at once ran to report to the leader, singing this song
as he advanced toward the war party:

FLETCHER-LLA FLESCHE] WARFARE 42 1

SCOUT SONG
E 2 So or a ES SS a ee ae ae
ea. eam SSS 2 a ee a ee ee eee a
He he no®-zhi®- ga he he no*-zhi®-ga he he no*-zhi®-ga
fe fs 2 SSS = See
2 eee = sees |
aa Y
Nu - do" ho"- ga no" zhi® ge u he he no"-zhi®-ga u
== = SSS =z = = = ca = — —- =
(2 === Ss Se eee
~Y 6 $e oe ~~ eon as
zha swe tho he the he the thoi He he no®- zhi®-ga
Si ea = = i ae 7 =
[ = S| = {SSS a Se
6 q o. ee 4—e> eas Cs =s ——
he he no®-zhi® - ga Nu-do" - ho® - ga no®-zhi" - ge "a
E SS SS ee =
SS et ——————
LO oe a a a
he he no®- zhi" ga u - we tho he the tho

The words are few and interspersed with vocables: No"zhi"ga,
arise; Nudo"horga, war leader; uzhawe, rejoice, be glad.

The attack was generally made in the very early dawn; such a
fight was called ti’gaza, “striking among the houses.” This word
appears as a name in the I"shta’¢u"da gens. When a man was
slain, his friends rallied around the body to protect it and to prevent
honors being taken from it. Often the severest fighting took place
over the body of a fallen companion. When possible the wounded
were carried away, but those overpowered were generally killed.
The dead were buried on the field of battle. Captives were not taken
as there was no ceremony of adoption in the Omaha tribe.

THE WE’TON wAA®

We'to” waa” is an old and untranslatable term used to designate
a class of songs composed by women and sung exclusively by them;
these songs were regarded as a medium, by which strength could be
transmitted to an absent warrior and thus assist him in becoming
victorious over his enemies. When a war party was away it was
the custom for women, particularly of the poorer class, to go to the
tent of one of the absent warriors (sometimes that of the leader or
one of the prominent men in the party), and, standing in front of
the tent, there sing one or more of the we'to” waa". It was believed
that by some telepathic process courage and increased strength thus
were imparted to the man who was battling. In return for the
supposed benefits to the absent man, the wife of the warrior dis-
tributed gifts among the singers.

422 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27
The following is a song of this class:

(Sung in octaves) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

Flowingly

Ka - ge te- xi ha- i tho-zha Ka- ge te xi, tha
4 ieee = = ate nS SS
At é er at = oo
Ce a eee ee ee Ss

Cot fe — te

a '

rue —— = = I

Ly 4 ar or en ae ose oes eel os Sec oe — ee |
xi ha 1- tho -zha Ka-ge tha tho® gata-du® shu"tha thi? she

Kage texi hai tho®zha

He! Ishage waga"¢a bedo®

Nu te texi hai tho®zha

Kage tha ¢o® ga tadu” shu"thathi#she

Translation: Kage, little brother; teri, difficult; hai, ai, they say;
tho"zha, notwithstanding; he!, exclamation, as at a difficulty;
ishage, old men; waga"ca bedo", when they taught; nw, man; te, to
be; he, vowel prolongation; thago"ga, you shall experience or realize;
sho"thathi"she, therefore you are going. “Little Brother, the old

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHD] WARFARE 423

men have taught that it is difficult to be a man; you are now going
where you will realize this saying,” implying that he will prove the
truth of the teaching by his valor. ;

The custom of singing the we’to” waa” and belief in its efficiency
obtains also among the Ponca and Osage tribes.

All the rites pertaining to defensive warfare were in charge of
the We’zhi"shte gens, whose place was on the south side of the open-
ing into the hu’thuga. A tent was set apart as a repository for the
ceremonial articles pertaining to war. This tent was pitched about
40 feet in front of the line of tents belonging to the We’zhi"shte gens.
The door of the tent was placed about the center of the invisible
line that divided the two halves of the hw'thuga. This position of the
Tent of War, shown in the diagram (fig. 20), was maintained only
when the tribe camped in the ceremonial order of the hu’thuga on
the annual tribal buffalo hunt. In the village the tent was pitched
near the dwelling of the keeper. The office of keeper was heredi-
tary in a certain family of the We’zhi*shte gens. His duties were
to provide the tent for housing the sacred articles and to protect
them from the weather and injurious influences. When the tribe
moved out on the hunt, he had to furnish proper transportation for
the tent and its belongings. In his own lodge he was required to
keep his doorway in order, to clean out his fireplace, and to sweep
both every morning. His children had to be prevented from digging
holes about the fireplace. Should he neglect these duties, calamity
would befall him or his kindred.

All the sacred articles belonging to the Tent of War were kept in
the rear of the tent, facing the door, with a skin covering to protect
them from the weather. No one but the keeper was allowed to
touch them. If during the bustle of travel any person or animal
should run against the tent or any of its belongings, it was neces-
sary, as soon as the Tent of War was set up, for the offender to go
or the animal to be taken to the keeper to receive the ceremonial
ablution. For this purpose warm water was sprinkled by the keeper
over the offender with a spray of artemesia. If this should be neg-
lected, the person or animal “would become covered with sores.”’

SENDING OUT SCOUTS

On the buffalo hunt when the tribe entered a region where signs
of the trails of an unknown tribe were observed, this fact was at once
reported to the leader of the hunt, who reported to the Seven Chiefs;
these in turn notified the keeper of the Tent of War, who then sent
for the leading men of the We’zhi®shte gens to assemble in council,
at which the Seven Chiefs were present. The chiefs reported to the
council that signs had been seen which indicated that the people
were on dangerous ground. The council without delay selected cer-

424 THE OMAHA TRIBE [pTH. ANN. 27

tain young men of the tribe, sons of leading warriors, to be called
out to act as scouts. The herald of the gens was summoned. He
responded, arrayed in the ceremonial manner—the robe. worn with
the hair outside and a downy eagle’s feather fastened to his scalp
lock. He took the pole on which the Pack Sacred to War, the
wai” waxube, was hung (a crotched stick slightly taller than a man),
and, going some 15 feet in front of the door of the tent, thrust the
pointed end into the ground so that the pole stood firm; on it he
hung the Pack Sacred to War. ‘Then he took his place beside the pole
with the pack and, leaning on a staff, called the names of the young
men who had been selected for scouts, adding: Mo"zho” 2” thega
conga ta yathi"ho! (morzho”, “land;”’ i"thega ¢ogata, ‘to examine for
me;” yathi"ho, “come hither’), ‘Come hither, that you may examine
thelandforme!’’. Thiscommand and explanation of the duty required
were given aftereach name called. At the first sound of the herald’s
voice silence fell on the camp. Children were hushed or taken
within the tents and every ear was strained to catch the words of
the herald. When he had finished, he returned with the Sacred Pack
to the tent and placed it in the center. Meanwhile the men who had
been summoned did not stop to paint or ornament themselves but
hastened from their dwellings to the Tent Sacred to War. If anyone
who was called was thought too young for the task, his father
responded instead. On their arrival those summoned entered the
tent and sat in a circle.

The two pipes belonging to the Tent Sacred to War have bowls of
red catlinite, with serrated ornamentations on the top; they are pro-
vided with stems of wood, 3 feet 4 inches in length, flat and painted
(fig. 97). On one stem are fastened two narrow strips of skin orna-
mented with porcupine-quill work, from which depend a tuft of elk
hair. The other stem is painted in red and black, the upper side red
down the center, and a border of ten scallops on each side, of black;
the under side of the stem is divided into nine sections. A black
section is at the mouthpiece; the next is red, the next black, and so
on until the red bowl is reached; the last block on the stem, where it
joins the bowl, is black. The significance of these blocks of red and
black is similar to those on the He’dewachi pole (fig. 62), sym-
bolizing night and day, death and life. ,

The two Pipes Sacred to War were then filled from tobacco kept in
an elk-skin bag, as the war ritual was recited. This ritual has been lost.
The pipes were passed about the circle in the following order: One
started at the left of the door and was passed by the left to the middle;
the other started at the middle and was passed by the left to the door.
The oldest men sat where they would be the first to receive the pipes.
The smoking was in silence. Every man was obliged to smoke, as
the act was equivalent to taking an oath to obey the custom and

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHD] WARFARE 495

to do one’s duty even at the risk of life. At the conclusion of the
ceremony of smoking, one of the leading men of the We’zhi"shte
gens addressed the circle. He dilated on the responsibilities that
rested on the scouts and reminded them of the necessity for truth-
fulness in making their reports, as their words would be heard by
the unseen powers which never permitted a falsehood to go unpun-
ished. He recounted the results that would follow any untruthful
statement—the man would be struck by lightning, bitten by a snake,
injured in the foot by some sharp object, or killed by the enemy.
At the close of this charge the young men returned to their tents,
where their friends had made haste to prepare food for them, packing
pounded corn or meat in bladder bags. Extra pairs of moccasins
were also provided. With these preparations the men were sent off
in small groups to scour the country in every direction for a radius of
10 or 15 miles. Meanwhile the camp, thus protected, might move on,
but the young men of the tribe were directed by the herald to wear
their blankets in a given manner so as not to be taken for spies.

Generally speaking, an Indian was fond of going upon an eleva-
tion for the pleasure of looking over the landscape, but he did so
only in localities free of enemies. When desirous of searching a
region to ascertain whether or not it was safe, he might ascend to a
vantage point, but while there he did not stand erect, making him-
self a conspicuous object to attract the attention of a hidden foe,
but concealed himself that he might be able to see without being
seen. It was accounted an honor to be called as a scout, the
assignment ranking as high as participation in a war party. To
have smoked the war pipe was an honor that could be “counted”
when the reciting of brave deeds was permissible.

On the return of the scouts, the eldest, the one to whom the pipe
had been offered first, went at once to the Tent of War, where the
leaders of the We’zhi"shte gens were gathered to hear the report. If
an enemy had heen discovered, a messenger was dispatched to sum-
mon all the leading warriors to a council of war. The report of the
scouts was made known to the council and the necessary action
determined. If the scouts reported that the enemy was in large
force but was lingering about as if waiting for an opportunity
to attack the camp, then it was debated whether it would be best to
retreat or to send out warriors to attack them and meanwhile have
the camp put in a state of defense. If the enemy was in small num-
bers, then the council might determine to send out a party to give
them battle or drive them away. In either case the departing war-
riors would be led by a prominent warrior or perhaps a chief. It was
only in defensive warfare that a chief of the Council of Seven could
go to war. Such warfare was called ni’ka thize, “to chase people.”

496 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ ETE. ANN. 27

If at any time enemies were suddenly discovered by a man
who might be outside the camp looking after horses or otherwise
employed, he hastened at once to a vantage point and waved his
robe above his head. This sign was called we'ca (“to make a
noise or give an alarm’’).’ In such case the camp was prepared at once
for defense. The women threw up breastworks with their planting
hoes (no ca, the word for “‘breastworks,”’ later was applied to fences
of all kinds). In the attack, if the warriors were hard pressed and
there was danger of defeat, the men fell back to the breastworks. If
the camping place was near timber, in case of disaster the women
and children hastened to hide among the trees and the warriors
sometimes followed. Instances have been related by old women cf
how, when the camp had been surprised, they thrust their children
into holes and threw themselves on top as if dead. In one case a
woman was stabbed with a knife while feigning death, but she made
no movement and so saved her children; this woman recovered from
the wound and lived to tell the story.

DEPARTURE OF A DEFENSIVE WAR PARTY

When the warriors went forth to battle in defense of their homes
there were no public ceremonies or dances but here and there the
voice of a woman would be heard singing a song to inspirit the men,
and at its close she gave the cry of the bird-hawk to evoke the
supernatural power of this bird, which was associated with the god
of war.

The following is an example of these rally songs which are com-
posed by women and sung solely by them to encourage their defenders
on their departure to battle. Only vocables are used in the first part
of the song, and these are employed to eke out the musical phrase
of the second part.

RALLY SONG

ya he the

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 427

, teres £ #6
[ ze a ={# _——— —= |
— ——————————————

ho®- ga wa - thithi® ke wa- the - shna-zhia a-he-the U- ki -

2, - # wee = es Gael 2)

E iD —— a = £ =e EE ae a aid i = —— Saree
2 Ba SS Se eee = =

te thino®-o® ta ye he e-he the’ I ya he e ya he

ya he the a he a-he the he tho

Nort.—tThe pitch is taken from the graphophone record made by the young woman.
Her voice was a Clear, strong, bell-like soprano, and her intonation remarkably true. The
bird hawk is the war bird. The cry at the close of the song was a call to the bird to help the
warrior going forth.

Nudo*ho®ga wathi thitke wathishna zhia ahe the
Ukite thino"o" da ye he ehe the (yoeables)

Translation: Nudo"ho"ga, leader; wathi, timid; thitke, who is;
wathishna, prominent, well known; zhia, not; ahe, I say; the, vocable;
ukete, the tribe; thino"o”, hear you; da, let them; ye he, vowel pro-
longation; ehe, I say; the, end of sentence. ‘The timid leader never
wins fame, achieves a prominent place. Let the tribes hear of you!”’

Jn Omaha warfare there was no arrangement of the soldiers in lines,
companies, or battalions. There was a recognized leader but each
warrior marched and fought independently and although obedient to
the leader’s general orders he did not wait for any official command
to take part in the fight. When a group of warriors moved out to
defend the camp they did not go silently to the field of battle. Each
man sang as he went. There was a class of songs which belonged
exclusively to these occasions; these were called na’gthe waa”
(na’gthe, “captive; waa”, “song’’). But the import of the term
“captive” lies in the war customs of the people. If a man was
taken captive, his fate was torture and death; therefore the captive
song was synonymous with the death song. These songs were fre-
quently composed by those who sang them, though occasionally one
was handed down from father to son. Captive songs always ex-
pressed the warrior’s feeling when contemplating the dangers of war
and the facing of death. Other songs were sometimes sung by the
men going forth, as an hethu’shka, or some favorite mystery song.

The na’gthe waa” alford an opportunity to discern the ideals and
beliefs which a man calls up before him when he seeks strength and
courage to meet death. The three songs following are fair examples
of the na’gthe waa” class.

428

(Sung in octaves)

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

ae 1 + a a5; H =
Mess 2
Ge== Soe ee a ss ee
Um-ba e - da” na" ku-the hu" - thi® be-ga, Um-ba_ e-
| | | |
6 et oe 2 ee ee Ss =
( Pb 4 a a ee = eee el oe eee eer er ee
fe r Sent ¢. i ae
+- £
oa £ + =_- — , + + 2
° ° A Pama ° --y3-- oe =
a = =—— = e | 2 st z
(ese
SSSR Gas RS eee ee ===) =
| Sa et ee H f Bnee =a —~
E a e =. o ao E —o_— feel
da® na®-ku- the hu®- thi®-be - ga He! Nu-do"-ho®-ga aia
ras = Bi,
= rd 2 z @ ss. @
== =| a 2 2
2 eee
I
ee + oa a
= a “9——e -o °
ra r 2S io =e
| — 5 = 1B aE |
+
n =
aaa eel = SS a oe
2 ——s
ae ee eee 2 a
Beomi=) te a ye zha - me - tho
=| 4 = = ——
SS es
e e “$—_3-—$
+
Si ee
E 2 aie = | 4 s = = “
= ate >] =a
Sta — —
— SS
- o e ¢ a
da” nan-ku the hu® - thi®-be - ga
— es
2 | CSE 4 = SS —= |
arr ae z
|
° eo e 2 ° ES e-
== = | = ——— |
= F - pF --F—p—. -1_@

Umba eda" na*kuthe hu"thitbe ga
Umba eda® na*kuthe hu*thi"be ga

He!

Aye zhametho
Umba eda® na*kuthe hu*thi®be ga

Nudo®" ho” ga aa zha a maa te

Translation: He!, an exclamation; wmba, day; eda", approaching;
na"kuthe, hasten; hu"thitbe, lead me; ga, sign of command; nudo-

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 429

horga, leader; a a zha a ma a te, vocables; aye, thus; zhametho, they
may have said. “Have they not cried! Day approaches. He! Leader,
lead me!’’ This song is the voice of the young and eager man who
remembers the valiant warriors of the past as he sings.

(Aria as sung) Harmonized by John C, Fillmore for interpretation on the piano
Flowingly, with feeling }— 96

i} — ee
i a 7s ee ey ee a aa = a =
ee ee
A - ye - zha-me tho...... A - ye - zha-me tho......
lon
fa ——_2- | --8 9 se 4-4-- 2
Z | = = a 7 a ee [aS
ae S enic een
SS | |
‘ a ee
a
bia se a os
“tg Be SZ re —-F - a
Hi oe | - 5 | | (2 ~ —E = i= |
4 - —z i] = 7 rie
Ped... | ——- |) | L_ || e— OF
ees willy’ pee
it =
_Y — = = =
a | = | = | ca ee ee ee ee ae ee |
2s—— ———|— a ——_ = = —
e @ c———@ o = —
A - ye - zha-me_ tho.... Hi! wi ¢o"-tha" nu ke - de
bf 4 z 2—s—s——- 2 — s+ -} =
as ee i = = a ae
g * = — + fa. = 7] - —
a _o—# a - — 7
| | ee = ———
—_ Seen
————_»~ “« ae ize
ca ca mca SSeS Be jae =o ae
2 =5 Sear =p ==
=e E=zE (7 ie i 7) eet :
ie | ——— |, >| Ss
2 ee ee es
== | ose fe | SS ee |
= = = = —— =O ae |
A - ye - zha - me tho A - ye - zha-me _ tho......
fo ee ete
ee Fi
a Ee z ee or a
sed ——————_ a ———_ >
-f _ a =a i Be
SS
i fa te) F (7 eee
ee Ee | || —_— aS VS ;| ————" | \

Ayezhame tho
Ayezhame tho
Ayezhame tho
Hi! wico"thu® nu kede
Ayezhame tho
Ayezhame tho

Translation: Ayezhame (an elliptical phrase), they may have said,
or, have they not said? The repetition of this phase is similar in
effect to the chorus of our old ballads—it forms the setting of the

A30 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

picture set forth in the fourth line. Hi!, a woman’s exclamation
of surprise and delight; wigo"thu", a term of endearment used by
an elder sister to a young brother; nw, man; kede, lying. These
words recall the birth of the man, the ery of joy of the elder sister
as she enters the little secluded tent and sees that a man lies there.
Now, as he enters the field of action, he is to prove himself a man
worthy of the joy awakened at his birth. The music bears out the
poetic feeling of the words. The climax of both poem and music
is in the last phrase: ‘‘Have they not said,a Man!” This little song
opens a rift into the inner life of the people and the social responsi-
bility laid on the men of the tribe.
Harmonized by John C. Fillmore

The aria is as sung by the men. The harmonization translates the song, and is
preferred by the Indians when it is played on the piano

SS ee
—_=s

Solemnly
a,

e
E - be-ta" thi® - ge tho...... E - be- ta" thi®-ge tho.......
—— —_. ; _—
=o Siaeeoectamet 4 = 5 ara —
je5 sts = 2 Seo
i iene i ae ae ee
SO) EN EA NO Oe Cee
eae — | |
= o - ° o + | a —
— . ———- |e 4 o a 1
ee 2 a 7 | —+— a
ee = —| oe eee
_ = 5) SS
3 Eee ee SS
rd]
E- oe thi" - ge thos. socdss He Ish-a-ga-a-ma wa-ga® ca be-da®
—=_ a ec
[Sh ae Sara
Irae i f = =
oo 2 o> aS. &
Se = : = s
(ee Deer eS
666 a | OO a e
_ =I ——_i—|—+ — == Hy e ~ = "
e or ~~ =i oe a te i

“o>
all
ell
yy
bin
ell
i
tt
7
rr
ell
bis
LULL

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] _ WARFARE 431

————__—

Se |
sss CES eS eee a

Nu-do® hu®- ga te - xe tho * Nu-do® hu®- ga te - xe tho
=< aE | | —_ | Same — = [ — E =
S56 Se St =

a a a a Be Be Me Me FS yy sw
ee — 2
C= =a |- = a 4 =e esl «| 2-||

aL = a a a wo + +

Ibeta® thige tho

Ibeta® thitge tho

He! Ishaga ma waga"cabeda”
Ibeta® she ahibite abazhete
Nudo"hu"ga texie tho
Nudo"huga texie tho

Translation: /beta”, to go around, as around an obstacle, or to cireum-
vent or avoid a threatened disaster; thi"ge, none; tho, vocable; ishaga,
old man; ma, plural sign; waga"¢abeda", when they tell; she, yonder;
ahibite, reached that (place) first; abazhete, have not said; nudo"hoga,
leader; texte, the difficult, the hard to accomplish. ‘‘No one has
found a way to avoid death, to pass around it; those old men who
have met it, who have reached the place where death stands waiting,
have not pointed out a way to circumvent it. Death is difficult to
face!”

The words and the music are in feeling closely woven together
around the thought of inexplicable birth and death. The serious-
ness and dignity of this song make it a notable composition.

Defensive warfare was graded higher than aggressive warfare
and the man whose honors were won when defending the tribe was
accorded a higher rank than the man whose honors were gained
otherwise. No act entitling a man to a war honor, whether per-
formed in defensive or aggressive warfare, could be claimed by him
or its insignia worn until the honor had been publicly awarded in
the ceremony called Wate’gictu.

RETURN OF A WAR PARTY

An authorized aggressive war party was required to take a direct
course toward its destination and after a battle to return by the
same path. On the return journey of such war party, if successful,
when a short distance from the village a fire was kindled, the rising
smoke from which gave the signal of the victorious return of the
warriors. If any of the party had been killed, a member stepped
to one side and threw himself on the ground. This action indicated
to the village the loss of one man. If more than one had fallen, the

432 THE OMAHA TRIBE / (PTH. ANN. 27

number lost was signified to the watchers by repeating this action.
After this dramatic report, the leader designated a man to go for-
ward and, when near enough to, the village to be heard, to call out
the names of those who had been slain. As the relatives of the
dead heard the name of husband, father, or brother, they broke
into wailing. When, later, the victorious party entered the village,
the place resounded with shouts of welcome to the living and cries of
sorrow for the dead.

The return of a defensive war party was less formal. Some one
went in advance and reported to the camp the news of deaths or
other disaster; the reception of the news, the shouts of victory, and
lamentations for the dead were as already described. The victory
celebration was the same in both cases.

If the returning party brought back the scalp of an enemy, the
young men of the tribe at once made preparations for holding the
wewa'chi, or victory dance. The scalp was tied to a pole and around
it both men and women danced and sang together the songs belonging
to this ceremony of exultation. The dance was a lively and exuberant
motion. No dramatic episodes of war were acted out. The music
was vivacious, and the words were frequently boasting or taunting in
character. Sometimes they mentioned deeds that were heroic but they
always referred to the acts of war. The following is a characteristic
song of this dance:

VICTORY SONG
Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

Double beat ( Aria as sung in unison octaves by men and w omen)

=
ra ee -° 2 —@ =| = = | oe
Se aa iy er a ee)
= ae = o SE Ce or or Se] = =
-—\y = — =~
He-a - tha ha a ya he hea tha hathoe He-a- tha ha
=
= | | = ——_
a eS 6 a go ee ee eS ee
4— 2 # Fa ay a St coe 4 $
ah | r |
~oo 6 ++ fe
ea es se =
a ee =
pS 2 eS A SERS i IE
Rhythm of the drum Con Ped.
a Ss = = =
==: + = —— —— ——
oe @ r [- e —="7 =! =I = awast |
= SS ae
ya he ya he the he ye tha ha U-the - zha-zhe -
ay
=a —— r a | = 2 ——' =
@ zs = oat =
— = ; 5 Z = a = = — oar |

=i +
|
==.) = == ==
' CSS SS SS SSS SSS =
SSS

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 433

if ep pp
— ree Se | = °° — BN paces =
<6 oS se SSS a a xe
rae e+e ss
ga® im - te-de tha xa - ge he ya the he tho- e U-
$4 2 3 = ——
——— SS a ——
= ae os a e | —— + Sr =a
i= ie A ie ce ee
2 o—o o—e aves = <—exa — e_
4 ===) SS i= iE + : —— |
“He = * ps = Se = = = ==
He - —— : i e
Es 2 a = —s o 3 = = =SSae- — =|
‘ 4a —— ol 6-6 * 6 «e
tha-de u-thisho" we - zhno® tiu® wa" shu-she he ya tha ha
= ose —_—_
Se
(2S SS SS SS SS
== aa ae ay
- + 6
H- oe gE ee ee S = o— 0-06
a ee
——_ es ! = [a Be a a
=. —
es a —s re ae
ry = = —————
==} 4 a a 4 a
ee a as es S
U-the - zha-zhe - ga" it- te- de tha-xa - ge he ya tha ha tho
—— — —
== SS op Sees ee eee Se ee
i label ee
|

He a tha ha he ya he he a tha ha thoe

He a tha ha he ya he ya he the he ye tha ha
Uthazhazhega® i*tede thaxage, he ya tha ha tho e
Uthade uthisho" wizhno"ti u"wa"shushe he ya tha ha
Uthazhazhega® i"tede thaxage he ya tha ha tho

Literal translation: Uthazhazhega", you emulated; i"tede, and now,
in consequence; thaxage, you weep; uthade, people, or tribes; uthisho”,
surrounding; wizhno"ti, Lalone; w’wa"shushe, am brave. These words
are interspersed with groups of vocables.

Free translation

You emulated me, and now you are crying, he ya tha ha tho e

Among surrounding tribes I only am the brave, he ya tha ha.

You tried to be like me—behold, you weep your dead, he ya tha ha tho.
83993°—27 ErH—11 28

434 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

Sometimes after an attack on the camp, an arm, leg, or head was
brought from the neighboring battlefield and boys were made to
strike or to step on the mutilated portion of the dead enemy, as
though they were taking honors. This discipline was thought to
stimulate a desire to perform valorous acts by familiarizing the
youths with scenes of war.

THe Warter’GI¢TU

The word wate’gi¢tu (composed of wate, “things accomplished,”
referring to the acts accomplished by the warriors; gi, sign of pos-
session; and ¢tu, “to collect, or gather together’’) signifies ‘‘the gath-
ering together of acts accomplished.” All the acts of the warrior,
having been duly authorized by the Wai"’waxube (the Packs Sacred
to War), belonged to and were possessed by the packs and until
these deeds were ceremonially awarded to the warriors through the
rites presided over by the packs they did not belong to the man to
count or to claim as his own.

For his use in this ceremony each warrior prepared and painted red
a stick about a span long, for each of the honors he was to claim.
The four Packs Sacred to War were used in this ceremony placed side
by side in the middle of the tent prepared for the occasion, semicircu-
larin form and open so that the ceremony could be viewed by the peo-
ple. The Pack from the Tent of War and that which had been carried
by Wa’backa were placed side by side in the middle, while on the sides
were placed the packs from the Tapa’ and I"ke’gabe gentes. At
the present time only two of the four packs are known to exist—the
one now in the Peabody Museum of Harvard University and that
which formerly belonged to Giu™habi, of the Tha’tada gens, which
Wa/’backa carried in his battle with the Pawnee, already recounted.
On this latter pack a piece of otter skin was tied, the string fastening
it being so arranged as to fork. Into this fork the warriors aimed to
drop their sticks at a given signal.

At this ceremony, which took place shortly after the return of the
victorious warriors, the keepers of the Packs Sacred to War were the
only officials. While chiefs could be present, they were there merely
as onlookers and had no authority or part in the ceremony. The
four keepers stood behind the packs, facing the east, while the war-
riors who were to claim honors stood before the packs. The claimants
to the first-grade honors were in advance, those who claimed the

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 435

second grade slightly behind these, the third grade behind the second,
and soon. The keepers of the two middle packs then sang the follow-
ing opening song:

SSS SS

= r 3 oe ee. oe eo
She-thua-gi - ba E-da-don a-thita gi - be - tha
—————
@ SS ———
sw 3 oe 8 -gy- ;w
She-thua-gi - ba E-da-dom a thina gi - be - tha
4 = - = — Cd ~
ar te SS
oes 6 = D 3 . D : =
She-thua-gi - ba E-da-dom athima gi - be tha

el)

1 5 =; #_#-_# @+ @ @-+
=. = | a ae ee ——_
— — —_— 5) ae
3; oe oO y.
She-thua gi - ba E- da-don a-thiva gt - be - tha

a Sea

She-thua gi - ba E-da-don a thina = gi be - tha

Literal translation: Shethu, yonder; agiba, coming back here;
edado”, things (their acts, or trophies) ; athi"agibetha, they are bringing.
The keepers admonished the men to speak the truth without fear
or hesitation, for the omniscient birds present in the packs would
hear and report their words to Thunder, the god of war. The pen- —
alties for exaggeration or false statement were then recounted.

436 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

Then the keepers sang the following song referring to Thunder,
who is spoken of as Grandfather:

(Upper line Aria) Harmonized for translation by John ©. Fillmore

—a
e @

f },=100 Solemnly—~

5 + ~-poo
3 a | —_ [ = -|- ea (Sans ies Se
—— 5 = oS Pere

iS ; Rew: S —=
Thi-ti go™ no"® - pe wa - the ga Thi-ti - go" no*-
4 SNe eerie ee
bs Car ss |¢ aS = : == = jas=I = | (ee ee
Se (ae BY Sry ey er ae ide _ et _e a J
‘ so. e-
| —

ae Se eee es pois |
e a Ce a aS

Thi-ti- go" - no" - pe wa -
=f = a q ae |
a Cd @ Cl @ [ 2
. rays Sire :

Naa
i

Ses ene a Si== - Be
= E ——

wt et

i es ee

SSeS paar Sista =|=R= = SNe Bares =
ee a eee foe eee es ea = Babs oe ea pe ee ees i See Sees SOE
a= 6=|56—8—|20=— o=]-* (ee er Cy RR I bss) eat
the ga Thi-ti-go" we - ti® ke gthi - ho® ki no" - pe-
6 a = aes
= 5 = = = Ft =
i ‘a C ie ie — See

= ooaiee se ;
_
SS eee SS eae al Eyres Fe —_ |
Py | la Aa Sel aR J meal eRe Joa o 8, 6 See
ae * +o
wa - the ga. Thi-ti- go? mno® - pe - wa - the ga
-b = SSS a =e ae
: eae SS=Is Set
es Le eS
'
|

PLETCHHR-LA FLESCHE | WARFARE 43 i

Thiti’go" no"pewathe! ga
Thiti/go" no™pewathe! ga
Thiti’go" no™pewathe! ga
Thiti’go" weti® ke gthi/ho™ ki no™pewathe! ga
Thiti’go" no™pewathe! ga
Literal translation: Thiti’go”, your Grandfather; no"pewathe, fearful
to behold; weti”, club; ke, long; gthi’ho”, lifts his; ki, when.

Free translation

Behold how fearful your Grandfather appears!

Your Grandiather is fearful, terrible to see!

Behold how fearful is he, your Grandiather!

He lifts his long club, fearful is he, your Grandfather gives fear to see!
Behold how fearful to see, feel to see!

At the ciose of this song the ‘tan claiming the first honor stepped
forward and began the recital of his deed, telling how he struck the
body of the enemy. He held the red witness stick over the pack
and all the people listened attentively to his words, At a signal from
the keeper he let the witness stick drop. If no one had disputed his
story and the stick rested on the pack, the people sent up a great
shout of approval, for the omniscient birds in the pack had accepted
his words as true. But if he was disputed and the stick fell to the
ground, it was believed that the man had spoken falsely and that his
words had been rejected by the birds. Then the people shouted in
derision, his stick was tossed away and the man lost the honor he had
sought to gain. If the stick remained on the pack, the keepers granted
permission for the man to wear the insignia of the grade to which his
deed belonged. These deeds were called wo” (‘acts accomplished’’) ;
the supernatural acceptance of his recital had been shown by the
stick resting on the pack, therefore the man could claim his deed; it
had been handed back to him, as it were, by the Sacred Pack.

GRADED WAR HONORS

Six grades of honors could be taken on the body of an enemy:

(1) The highest honor was to strike an unwounded enemy with the
hand orbow. Thisfeatrequired bravery and skill to escape unharmed.
Only two warriors could take this honor from the same person.

(2) This honor required the warrior to strike a wounded enemy.
Only two could take this honor from the same man.

(3) To strike with the hand or bow the body of a dead enemy.
Only two could take this honor from the corpse.

(4) To kill an enemy.

(5) To take the scalp. This honor ranked with no. 3, since the
dead man could not resist, although the friends of the slain might
rally around the body and strive to prevent the act by carrying the
man off. Two could scalp the same enemy.

(6) To sever the head from the body of an enemy.

438 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27

WAR HONOR DECORATIONS

The decorations were called u/kio", (from kio”, “to decorate one’s
self by painting or by wearing regalia or garments’’).

For the first grade the warrior was entitled to wear in his scalp lock,
so arranged as to stand erect on the head, the white-tipped feather
from the tail of the golden eagle.

Fic. 98. Deer-tail head-dress.

As the sign of having won the second grade, the w arrior could wear
the white-tipped feather from the tail of the golden eagle fastened
to his scalp lock so as to project horizontally at the side of the head.

The third-grade honor entitled the man to wear the eagle feather
so as to hang from the scalp lock.

The fourth-grade honor was shown by wearing an arrow through
the scalp lock or by carrying a bow in the hand at certain ceremonial

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 439

dances. Later, when guns were introduced among the Omaha, the
man who killed the enemy with a gun wore a necklace of shavings;
this represented the wadding formerly used in loading guns.

The fifth grade ranked with the third, and the eagle feather was
worn hanging from the scalp lock.

The sixth grade was not marked by any regalia but the man who
had performed the deed that constituted this grade was entitled to
act as master of ceremonies at the feast held at the meetings of the
Hethu’shka society of warriors.

Besides the wearing of the eagle feather, men who had won honors
of the first, second, and third grades were entitled to wear on cere-
monial occasions the deer-tail headdress (fig. 98). This was a sort
of roach made of the deer’s tail and the tuft of coarse hair from the
neck of the turkey. The deer’s tail was dyed red; the turkey hair
was used in its natural color of black.

THE PONCA CEREMONY OF CONFERRING WAR HONORS

The ceremony of conferring war honors bore the same name among
the Ponca as among the Omaha. The following account, given nearly
twenty years ago by an old and leading man, whose honor count
was next to the highest in the tribe, is presented to facilitate a com-
parison between the customs of the two tribes:

There were three ancient packs in the tribe. One was kept by Uno™baha, of the
Mo*ko” gens; one by Ta’ikawahu, of the Thi’xida gens; and one by We’gac¢api, of the
same gens. The keepers of the first two dreamed of Thunder. The last one descended
to its keeper from his grandfather and it is said that all the old man’s dreams were of
the gray wolf. There are two modern packs, one kept by Shu’degaxe, of the Thi’xida
gens, and the other by Sho™gecabe, of the Washa’be gens. These men had dreams
of Thunder, so their packs were for the Thunder gods.

There was no fixed time for the ceremony. Sometimes several seasons would pass
between one ceremony and the next. The keepers of the pack decided the time,
which must be in the summer, when all animals, bugs, and snakes are out and above
ground and the thunder has sounded.

When the ceremony was to take place the people were ordered to camp in the order
of the gentes and to make the hu’thuga complete. When this was done all the men
who had been on the warpath and had come back victorious and all the men who had
been in defensive battle at home were placed in a line near the center of the tribal
circle, facing the entrance. The keeper of the pack who was to confer the honors
designated a man to carry the pack. Previously all the candidates for war honors had
sent to the keeper of the pack that was to be used gifts of horses and goods, as fees for
his services in the ceremony. The man with the pack took his place in front of the
line of warriors, at a little distance from them, leaning on a forked staff which he planted
on the ground, and maintained this position during the entire ceremony. The keeper
of the pack ‘then called one of the warriors and thus addressed him: ‘‘My servant,
strengthen yourself and tell a straight story. If you do not tell a straight story, if you
do not give the exact truth, the gods whom you hear crashing among the clouds will
strike you dead. If you do not make your story ina straight path and tell all the truth,
though you may feel your feet firm upon the back of this our grandmother [the earth],
you shall stumble ana fall [die].’’ The man then addressed the pack and told his
story toit, not toany man. If no one present questioned, disputed, or corrected him,

440 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

the keeper again addressed him as ‘‘My servant,’’ and accorded to him the honor
belonging to his action. The honors were as follows:

First honor: To strike an unwounded man. The sign of this honor was an eagle
feather worn upright in the scalp lock; moccasin strings made of the skin of the gray
wolf; the upper part of the body painted black; and authority given the man to nom-
inate ‘‘soldiers.’? Soldiers were those whose duty it was to ride on the outside of the
camp during any ceremony and to maintain tribal order.

Second honor: To be the first to strike a fallen enemy, one who had been wounded or
who by some accident was prostrate. The sign of this honor was an eagle feather
worn horizontal in the scalp lock, painting the body irregularly in black stripes, and
to be called upon to serve as a ‘‘soldier.”’

Third honor: To be the second to strike a fallenenemy. There was no badge for this
honor but the man was entitled to a seat in the gathering of soldiers and could eat
with them. He had also the office of stopping the camp if the people continued to
move and did not stopand camp where they had been ordered; also, when the camp
was moving, if there were any stragglers, it was his duty to drive them up. (This
duty referred to the time when the tribe was on the buffalo hunt.)

Fourth honor: To killa man. If this was done with a gun, the slayer was to carry
to the dances his gun with the end painted red, and to wear a necklace of shavings (the
shavings represented wadding). He was entitled also to the cut of the buffalo meat
called i/nakuge, which was taken from the back and included a part of the shoulders
and of the hind quarter. It was roasted with the skin sewed about it and was con-
sidered a choice cut. If the killing was done with an arrow, the man was entitled to
wear an arrow in the scalp lock, one-half of the shaft to be painted red. He was entitled
also to the cut called tezhu’. He could wear this arrow badge of his honor when on
the buffalo hunt, so that the people could see to what part of the animal he was
entitled and set it aside for him.

Fifth honor: To take a scalp. The sign of this honor was to paint the face with a
slight tinge of red and put black stripes across it and to be servant to the “soldiers.”’
There was no fighting when a scalp was taken, for the man was dead; so there was
little honor in taking a scalp. To wear scalps was not an honor from the pack. It
was done on a man’s own responsibility.

Sixth honor: Capturing horses from the enemy. The badge of this honor was to
wear at the dances a coil of rope around the body and to paint on the body figures
shaped like the impression of a horse’s hoof. At any ceremonies that required the
use of horses, the man could paint on his horse the prints of horses’ hoofs.

The following incident was told many years ago by an old Ponca
chief, now dead. The occurrence took place before the middle of the
last century and throws light on the beliefs connected with this cere-
mony of bestowing honors.

I was present at the ceremony. The keeper of the Sacred Pack said to the honor
candidates before him: “I appear before you as a representative of Thunder, whose
loud voice you hear. Whatever words are to be spoken by you must be in strict
accordance with the truth, so that the wrath of the Thunder may not fall on anyone.
Any words spoken without regard for the truth will bring on the speaker death by
the stroke of lightning, or he will be gored by a bull or be bitten by a snake, or in some
way his life will suddenly cease.’’ The candidates responded: ‘Thou god Thunder,
who standest before us, hear the words I am about to give you before the people. I
know the punishment I must expect if I should turn aside from the truth. I give to
you my story as it is known to myself, with directness and without fear, knowing that
1 speak the truth.’”’ Two men then stepped forward, one with a gun and the other
with a bow, and both claimed the same first-grade honor. The man with the gun said
that he struck the enemy first with his gun and that the other claimant did not strike
the enemy with his bow, but struck the gun instead. The man with the bow said he

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 55

“Crow’’ “Crow” and war bonnet.

WAR HONOR DECORATIONS

FLETCHPER-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 441

struck the enemy first and that the man struck the bow with his gun and did not
strike the enemy. Other witnesses to the action gave their testimony and all agreed
that the man with the bow struck the enemy first and not the man with the gun.
Twice the keeper bade the two men repeat their stories, so that the one that was in
the wrong might have a chance to withdraw his false statement and so escape punish-
ment; but both men held to their original story. The stick was not dropped. The
keeper then said: “I shall leave the question of the truth of this story to the Thunder
god to decide. We shall know within the year which one of these men has spoken
the truth.”’ Summer came and during the tribal buffalo hunt a horse fell on the
man who claimed to have struck the enemy with his gun, and he was killed.

The old narrator mentioned the names of the disputants and it
was believed that the man on whom the horse fell had been supernat-
urally killed because he had spoken falsely.

“THE CROW”

A man who had attained more than once to honors of the first
three grades became entitled to wear a peculiar and elaborate orna-
ment called “‘the Crow.” This was worn at the back, fastened by
a belt around the waist; it was made with two long pendants of
dressed skin painted red or green, which fell over the legs to the heels.
On the skin were fastened rows of eagle feathers arranged to hang
freely so as to flutter with the movements of the wearer. An entire
eagle skin, with head, beak, and tail, formed the middle ornament;
from this rose two arrow shafts tipped with hair dyed red. On the
right hip was the tail of a wolf; on the left the entire skin of a crow.
This composite decoration illustrated certain ideas that were funda-
mental to native beliefs, namely: That man is in vital connection
with all forms of life; that he is always in touch with the super-
natural, and that the life and the acts of the warrior are under the
supervision of Thunder as the god of war. This relation was believed
to be an individual one and any war honor accorded was the recogni-
tion of an individual achievement. Such a bestowal was the outcome
of the native method of warfare, for there was no military organization,
like an army, in the tribe and, strictly speaking, no commanding
officer of a war party; when the battle was on, each man fought
for and by himself. A valorous deed was therefore the man’s own
act and the honor which was accorded the kind of act performed was
accredited by Thunder through the representative birds associated
with Thunder, and contained in the Sacred Pack.

“The Crow” decoration (pl. 55) is said to symbolize a battlefield
after the conflict is over. The fluttering feathers on the pendants
represented the dropping of feathers from the birds fighting over the
dead bodies. Sometimes the wearer of “the Crow” added to the
realism by painting white spots on his back to represent the drop-
pings of the birds as they hovered over the bodies of the slain. The
two arrow shafts had a double significance: they represented the stark
bodies and also the fatal arrows standing in a lifeless enemy. The
eagle was associated with war and with the destructive powers of

442 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

the Thunder and the attendant storms. The wolf and the crow
were not only connected with carnage but they had a mythical rela-
tion to the office of ‘‘soldiers,’”’ the designation given to certain
men on the annual tribal hunt, who acted as marshals and kept the
people and the hunters in order during the surround of the herd.
These men were chosen from those who had the right to wear ‘‘the
Crow” and this regalia was generally worn at that time. It was worn
also at certain ceremonial dances.

The following ritual, secured in 1896 from an old Ponca chief (pl.
56) who has since died, used by the Ponca when soldiers were
appointed for the tribal hunt, throws light on the relation of the crow
and the wolf to the hunter as the provider of food and to the war-
rior as the protector of the people.

. He! u’thito® thakishkaxa bado®, ecka

U’shko® thakishkaxe tabado”, e¢ka

. Ni‘kagahi, e¢ka

. He! Wano*she thakishpahi bado®, e¢ka

He! Sho”’to"ganuga thathi®she tho", ecka

Wano"she thanudo*ho®ga abado®, e¢ka

. Ka’xenuga thathi®she tho", e¢ka

. Wano®she thanudo"ho*ga abado®, ecka

. He! gaci’ge shna bado®, ecka

10. Gagi’ge ke tho" a’gaxthe thisho" mo"zhni® ado®, e¢ka
11. Sho to"ganuga thathi*she tho”, e¢ka

12. I"decgo® tho” titi uthagagi® titi mo"zhni" ado*, e¢ka

13. Gin’de ke thiaathiko™ ego™ mo®zhni® ado", ecka

14. He! Ka/xenuga thathi®she tho", ecka

15. Nu’dehi® gacacga ego” mo™zhni® ado”, e¢ka

16. Ni‘kashiga Ho! ethabiwathe ego" mo®zhni® ado”, ecka
17. Utha’gthaa tigthagtha mo"zhni® ado”, e¢ka

18. Thaki’ethigo"tha the thatha agaxthe thisho” ke thithe xti mo*zhni®abado®, e¢ka
19. Wani’ta tho"tho®, ecka

20. Thue xti titho™ gaxa bado”, e¢ka

21. Thi shkaxe eshe abado®, ecka

22. He! Wani’ta tho"tho", ecka

23. Wiaxchi shtiwo" gthe tha bazhi ba, e¢ka

24. Co*¢orde xti, e¢ka

25. T’ewatha bado®, e¢ka

26. He! Wai" agtha bado®, ecka

27. Ushko” ke tho”, egka

28. A’gaxthe thisho" ke, e¢ka

29. Mo®zhni™ado®, ecka

30. Thiu’de agthe uwato%ga, ecka

31. Tet’e ke tho”, ecka

32. A’shpae itho"tho® bado®, ecka

33. Thi’to"thi xti paho™ga thagthate ithiko"tha bado, ecka
34. Ushte’o"tha agthai ke tho" shnata bado®, ecka

35. Zhitga thego"™ xti awa’gipaxe ko"btha tho®, ecka

36. U’zhawa xti awagi paxe tho®zha wiewamo®” athi"he eshe abado®, e¢ka
37. Wi’to"thi" i ithagite athi"he tho®zha, e¢ka

38. Zhifga, ecka

39. Node giudo® xti awa’gipaxe athithe eshe abado®, e¢ka

oO aD OTR wh

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 56

PONCA CHIEF

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 443

Literal translation

1. Hel, exclamation; u/thito™, arrangement in which to work;
thaki’shkaxa, you make for yourselves; bado", implies the accom-
plished; e’¢ka, an exclamation, I desire, or I crave, I pray for.

2. U’shko”, rules or regulations by which to control action; thaki’-
shkazxe, you make for yourselves; tabado", that you may—the act not
completed.

3. Mi’kagahi, chiefs.

4. He! Wano"she, soldiers; thak’ishpahi, you select among your-
selves; bado”, act completed.

5. He! Sho to"ganuga, wolf male; thathi"she, you are moving;
tho”, implies that action was long ago—the wolf moved in the distant
past.

6. Wano"she, soldiers; thanu’do"ho"ga, you are war leader; abado",
they say—a tradition handed down.

7. Ka'xenuga, crow male; thathi™she, you are moving; tho", the
action was long since.

8. Wano"she, soldiers; thanw’do™ho"ga, you are war leader; abado",
they say.

9. He! gagige, the gathering; shna, you went; bado”, act completed.

10. Gagi’ge, to gather or congregate; ke, lies; tho", in the past;
a gaxthe, when the wind blows leeward; thisho”, toward; mo"zhni™,
you walked; ado”, they say, tradition.

11. Sho"’to"ganuga, wolf, male; thathi"she, thou moving; tho”, in
time past.

12. I"de’go", face; ¢o", white or pale; ti’ti, come, come—coming
repeatedly to view; utha’gagi", peering over a hill or bush; ti’ti,
appearing repeatedly; mo"zhni", you walk; ado”, it is said.

13. Ci™de, tail; ke, long; thia’athiko", standing to one side as if
blown to one side by the wind; ego”, like; mo"zhni", you walk; ado”,
it is said.

14. He! Ka’xenuga, crow, male; thathi®she, you move; tho”, past time.

15. Nu’dehi”, hair or feathers of the throat; gagac¢a, standing on
end, spread out; ego”, like; mo™zhni", you walk; ado”, it is said.

16. Ni’kashiga, people; Ho!, exclamatory address of admiration;
etha' biwathe, to be thought as inspiring admiration; ego”, like; mo"zhni”,
you walk; ado”, it is said.

17. Utha'gthaa, you shouted; tigthagtha, repeatedly at a distance;
morzhni", you walk; ado”, it is said.

18. Thakigthico” tha, turning yourself; the, going; thatha, repeat-
edly; a’gaxthe, leeward; thisho", toward; ke, the lay of the land;
thithe, joyfully; ati, verily; mo"zhni”, you walk; abado”, it is said.

19. Wani'ta, animals; tho"tho”, groups.

20. Thue, near by; «ti, verily; titho", come to a place, near by;
gaxa, they make; bado”, act completed.

444 THE OMAHA TRIBE [wre ANN. 27

1. Thi shkaxe, you make; eshe, you said; abado", it is said.
22. He! Wani'ta, animals; tho"tho", group.

23. Wiaxchi, one; shtiwo", not even; gthe, go home; tha, to cause;
bazhi, not.

24. Co"corde, close together, as in a line; xti, verily.

25. T’e, dead; wa, plural; tha, to cause; bado", completed action.

26. He! Wai", to carry; agtha, go home; bado”, completed action.

27. Ushko™, the place where an action has occurred; ke, lying down;
tho”, in past time.

28. A’gazthe, leeward; thisho", toward; ke, lying down.

29. Mo"zhni"’, you walk; ado”, therefore, for that purpose.

30. Thiu'de, a deserted place, once the scene of activity; agthe, to
go home; wwa’to"ga, immediately.

31. Te, buffalo; te, dead; ke, lying; tho", past action.

32. A’shpae, you gathered in multitudes; itho"tho", in bunches or
eroups here and there; bado”, completed act.

33. Thi'to"thi", you first; xti, verily; paho"’ga, before or first;
thagtha'te, you eat what is yours; ithiko"tha, gives you power to live,
to be animated; bado”, completed action.

34. Ushte’, what remains over; o"tha, abandoned; agtha’i, they
went home; ke, lying scattered; tho", past time; shnata, you eat;
bado", completed action.

35. Zhivga’, little ones, children; thego", like this; «ti, verily;
awagipaxe, | make for my own; ko™btha, I want or desire; tho", past
action.

36. U’zhawa, rejoicing, the possession of that which brings comfort
or pleasure; «ti, verily; awa’gipaxe, I make for my own; thozha, yet;
wie’wamo”, I caused it, was responsible for it; athi™he, the one moy-
ing; eshe, you have said; abado”, it is said.

37. Wi'to"thi”, I first; 7, mouth; ithagite, with I touch; athithe, the
one moving; tho"zha, nevertheless.

38. Zhivga’, little ones, children.

39. No"’de, heart; giudo”, delighted; xti, verily; awa’gipaxe, I make
for my own; athi™he, the one moving; eshe, you have said; abado",
it is said, traditionally.

Free translation
He! Government you made for yourselves, it was accomplished—egk« ‘
Rules you made that shall control action—e¢ka!
Even chiefs—ecka!
He! Soldiers you have selected among yoursel ves—ecka!
. He! Great male wolf, in ages past you were ‘“‘moving’’—e¢hka!
. Of soldiers you were a war leader, it has been said—ecka!
. Male crow, in ages long ago you were ‘‘moving’’—e¢ka!
. Of soldiers you were a war leader, it has been said—egka!
. Where were congregated our desire (the herds of buffalo), you went—ecka!

. They (the herds) were gathered leeward, where the wind blows you walked, it is
said—ecka!

TAAo fk wh eH

e
oo wo

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 445

11. Great gray wolf, thou wert then ‘‘moving’’—ec¢ka!

12. Your pale face, it is said, peered over the hill again and again as you walked—ecka/

13. Your long tail blown by the wind to one side as you passed on, it is said—eeka!

14. He! Male crow, you long ago were ‘‘ moving’’—echka!

15. The frayed feathers ruffled at your neck as you walked, it is said—eeka!

16. The people cry Ho! in admiration, as you walk, so it was said—egha!

17. You shouted again and again back to them from the distance, it is said—ecka!

18. Turning yourself again and again as joyfully you walked to leeward on the broad
land, it is said—eghka!

19. The herds of animals—ecka!

20. Verily you cause them to come near—e¢hka!

21. This have you done, so it is said—eghka!

22. He! Herds of animals—ecka!

23. Not even one may escape—ecka!

24. Verily, close together do they stand—e¢hka!

25. Slaughtered were they—ecka!/

26. He! Many were carried home—e¢ka!

27. The field lay vast, it is said—egha!

28. Ever toward leeward, O woli—ecka!

29. For that purpose you walk—e¢ka.

30. A deserted place immediately becomes the scene of your activity—ecka!

31. The buffalo lying dead —ecka!

32. In great flocks here and there crows gather together—echka/

33. Verily, what is yours you eat and the food gives you new life—e¢hka!

34. The remainder lay scattered, that which was left you ate—echka/

35. Verily, like to this do I desire for my children—egka!

36. Verily, I would make them to rejoice, that do I strive to bring to pass—echka!

37. Although I have first touched food with my mouth—e¢hka!

88. Nevertheless, the little ones, the children—ecka!

39. Their hearts would I make glad, with my power (moving), so you said, it is said—
ecka!

In this ritual, the wolf and the crow address the people as “‘little
ones,”’ “children,” and by their help bring the herds near to furnish
food and sustain life. The office of ‘‘soldier”’ on the tribal hunt made
it possible for all the people, old and young, rich and poor, to be
“made glad” by abundant food.

The refrain, egka, is equivalent to “TI desire,” “TI crave,” “TI ask
or pray for.” It is ritualistic and responsive to that which precedes.
Each line is not complete in itself, yet it conveys the picture, or a part
of the picture, of the help offered once and for all time by the wolf
and the crow and tends to impress on the warrior his dependence
on these supernatural helpers. In line 5, and again in line 7, the
wolf and the crow are said to be ‘‘moving” in a time long past. This
use of the word “‘moving”’ brings the crow and the wolf into mythical
relation with Wako™da the power that ‘‘moves,’’ that gives life to
all things; the time when these creatures were ‘“‘moving”’ was in the
distant past and their action had in it something of the creative
character.

The ritual also perpetuates the story of the time when the office
of ‘‘soldier” (those who were to guard the people and reguiate the
hunting) was created, as well as the mythical promise of the crow and

446 THE OMAHA TRIBE [PTH. ANN. 27

the wolf to help men in battle and in the hunt. To preserve the
story of this association and promise, the war ornament, ‘‘the Crow,”
was devised. The Ponca and the Omaha claim to have been joint
originators of this insignia, which has since been adopted by other
tribes.

The following was told by a Ponca chief (pl. 57), more than ten
years ago:

It is said that when the Crow came to offer his services to the people he had in his
bill a wahin’con—a ball of white down from the brant. This he laid before the leader
of the people as a token of his ability to fulfill his promise of help.

When the leader of a war party wishes to practise augury to ascertain whether or not
he will be successful, he relies on the wolf or the crow to reveal to him future events.
The following story is told of Shu’degaxe and Mixa’¢ka, who years ago led a party
against the Pawnee:

“One evening a wolf was heard howling and Shu’degaxe listened to it for a long
time, when he said to his warriors: ‘The wolf which you have heard howling has
promised me success if I would vow to feast with him. I now give such vow and I
will eat a part of the flesh of any enemy we may slay.’ In two days the war party
encountered the Pawnee and completely routed them. Many Pawnee were killed
and many of their horses taken. True to his vow, Shu’degaxe took a bit of the flesh
of an enemy he had himself slain and in the presence of his men undertook to keep
his word. After much singing (which is often done before a great undertaking) the
leader dropped the bit of human flesh down his throat, but threw it up after writhing
in pain. He made two unsuccessful attempts. At last he wrapped the bit of flesh
in a piece of buffalo fat, when he was able to keep it down.

Another story is told of a warrior to whom the crows offered their services as scouts.
“These crows,”’ said the leader to his men, ‘have promised to go in search of our
enemy. They say that they want to feast on human flesh. They will return to us
on the morning of the second day after this. Notice how yonder crow is marked;
one feather is missing from his right wing. By this mark you will recognize him on
his return day after to-morrow.’’ The birds returned on the morning set for the report.
They gave to the leader even the number of the people he would encounter and how
many were to be slain. It all came true and the war party returned successful.

These two, the crow and the wolf, offered their company to the people and it was
for mutual aid. The crow and the wolf were to direct the people in finding enemies
and game and the people were to make sure of killing so that the wolf and the crow
could feast on the flesh left on the field of battle or in the chase.

THE FEATHER WAR BONNET

There was one ornament which stood for the social relation, the
interdependence of men, and which was not directly connected with
the supernatural. This was the imposing eagle-feather war bonnet
(pl. 55). The right to possess and wear this regalia could be obtained
only by the consent of a man’s fellow-warriors. To be sure, the per-
son to whom the right was given must have aiready received, publicly,
war honors; but he must also have gained the respect of the leading
men of the community.

The materials required to make the bonnet were gathered by the
man who wished to possess it but its manufacture depended on the

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 57

PONCA CHIEF

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 447

assistance of many persons. A sort of skull cap was made of dressed
deer skin, with a flap hanging behind; a border of folded skin about
the edge formed the foundation for the crown of golden eagle feathers,
which were fastened so as to stand upright about the wearer’s head.
Each one of these feathers stood for a man; the tip of hair fastened
to the feathers and painted red represented the man’s scalp lock.
Before a feather could be fastened on the bonnet a man must count
his honors which entitled him to wear the feather and enabled him to
prepare the feather for use in decorating the war bonnet.

As so many persons were required ceremonially to prepare the
feathers to be used in making a war bonnet, the man who desired to
have such bonnet prepared a feast and invited to his lodge his
warrior friends; these partook of the feast and then counted their
honors on the eagle plumes and so made them ready for use. For-
merly only the man who had taken a scalp could put the tip of red
hair on the eagle feathers, so that every feather thus ornamented
stood for two honors—the feather itself for one of the first three war
honors, the tip for the taking of a scalp. When a warrior counted
his honors, he held up the feathers which were to represent these
honors, saying: ‘‘In such a battle I did thus,” ete. At the con-
clusion of the recital the feather was handed to the man who was
manufacturing the bonnet, who put the feather in the proper place.
As many of these bonnets contained fifty or more feathers, and as
each feather must have an honor counted on it and no honor could
be counted twice, the manufacturer of a war bonnet required a
number of helpers and the task took considerable time—often several
days. Strips of ermine, arranged to fall over the ears and cheeks,
were fastened to the bonnet. The ermine represented alertness and
skill in evading pursuit. A bird or some other symbolic object could
be fastened on the crown of the skull cap. This object was generally
some feature of the man’s vision, through which he believed he
received supernatural aid in time of need. Sometimes the flap was
embroidered with porcupine work or painted with symbolic designs.
Songs were sung during the making of the war bonnet. Before the
advent of horses the flap of the bonnet did not extend below the
waist, thus avoiding interference with walking or with the wearing
of other ornaments, as ‘‘the Crow;” but after horses became plentiful
the flap was extended to a man’s feet when standing; when the man
was mounted, it lay on the back of the horse.

A noted warrior might arrange to have a war bonnet made in
order to present it to a valiant and well-known man who had a son.
Such an act was regarded as a great honor to the family, and in
acknowledgment valuable gifts would be bestowed on the donor,
The presentation to the son was a challenge to him to achieve honors
similar to those won by the warrior who made the gift. As such

448 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

honors could be gained only by risking one’s life, when the young man
was brought into his father’s lodge to receive the bonnet the women
of the family gathered about the lodge and as he entered wailed for
him as dead, cutting their hair and making all the demonstrations of
grief in recognition of the dangers he must face to make good the
challenge of the war bonnet.

The war bonnet was worn on ceremonial occasions and sometimes
in defensive warfare when the village or camp was attacked. A
story was told by an old man of an adventure in his youth. A party
of warriors had gone out to defend the village and one of the leading
men had worn his war bonnet. In the fight he found the bonnet
in his way, so, calling a lad, he bade him take the bonnet back to
the village. The boy did so and entered the camp wearing the war
bonnet, amid the laughter and jokes of the people. Being a fun-
loving lad, he paraded about and played the part of a victorious
warrior to the amusement of all; as the event proved, he was really
the herald of a notable victory by the Omaha.

In former times a man could not deck his leggings or shirt with
a fringe of hair except by the consent of the warriors. Honors had
to be counted on the strands of hair as on the feathers used in mak-
ing a war bonnet, therefore each lock or tuft of the fringe stood for
a war honor and no honor could be counted twice. It was this
custom that made garments of this character so highly valued.
The hair for the fringe was generally furnished by the man’s female
relatives. Each of the locks forming the fringe usually sewed in a
heading of skin, frequently ornamented with quill work.

WEAPONS

The weapons of the Omaha were the bow and arrow, the shield
the club, and the spear.

The club, called zho"pa’zhna (fig. 99), was generally made from the
root of the ash. It was well shaped, and not infrequently a weasel
was carved on top above the rounded end.

The lance, or spear, was called mo” dehi (mode, “bow;” hi, “tooth’’).
This name bears out a tradition that in ancient times the Omaha
used to attach a blade to one end of the bow, to be used like a
bayonet, for thrusting.

It is said that different kinds of wood have been tried in making the
bow. Hickory proved to be worthless, as changesin the weather caused
it to warp or to lose its strength. Experience has shown that ash and
ironwood make the best bows. These woods polish easily and the bows
made from them remain true. When these were not available a kind
of elm was used, ‘‘that having the drooping branches.” The parts of
the bow which were to be bent, were well oiled and bent into shape by

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHD] WARFARE 449

pressure with the feet while held over live coals. A bow strung with-
out being shaped in this manner would break the string, however
strong. The head of the bow was bent or curved more than the foot.
A good bow should be slightly curved at the middle of the back.
Two notches (ma’¢ki) were made on the head of the bow and one on
the foot. The stringing and unstringing of the bow were termed
uno™ xpe, ‘to loosen,” a word applied only thereto. To preserve the
elasticity and strength of the wood, the unstrung bow was bent back-
ward before returning it to the sheath. The bow and the bowstring
were kept always dry; moisture weakens a bow and causes the string
to pull apart.

The bowstring was made from the sinew that lies on the muscle
beside the backbone of the buffalo or the elk from the shoulders to
the base of the spine. This sinew was prepared by soaking it over
night in water slightly mixed with glue, after which the sinew was
stripped into strands and all the water squeezed out. A strand com-

Fic. 99. War club (native drawing).

posed of many threads was measured off twice the length of the bow.
A pole haying on it a small branch was driven into the ground and the
strand looped over this branch. The maker of the bowstring took
the ends one in each hand, twisted them between his fingers, and
swung them twisting until the two strands tightened; then he twisted
the cord firmly together into one string and knotted the ends. A loop
remained where the cord was over the branch on the pole; this loop
was for the head notches on the bow; the other end was left free for
convenient adjustment. The bowstring was called mo”’de ko”, liter-
ally, “the bow tendon,.’’ Every man kept two strings for his bow—
one fastened on the bow, the other carried in the quiver (fig. 100)
for use in emergencies.

Dogwood and ash saplings were used in making arrow shafts.
The first process in making arrows was to whittle the shafts down
to a proper size; they were then hung over the fire for seasoning.
Next, all the knots in the wood were cut out or scraped down level

83993°—27 erH—11——29

450 THE OMAHA TRIBE [erH. ann. 27

with the surface and the shafts rounded on a sandstone. In later
times two pieces of perforated tin were used for this purpose. Fine
sand was formerly employed to polish the shafts; later sandpaper

Fig. 100. Quiver.

became the substitute. The length of the shaft was the distance
from the inside of the elbow of the left arm to the tip of the middle
finger of the left hand and from the tip of this finger over the back

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 451

of the hand to the wrist bone. This measurement was made on the
wood itself; no string or other device was used. The shaft was then
cut at this length and a notch was made, called mo”i’taxe zhotka
(mo", “arrow;” itaxe, “tip; zho"ka, ‘“‘branched or forked’’); after
that a slit, mo”hideugthe (mo", “arrow; hide, ‘‘shank;’ ugthe, ‘‘to
insert’’), was made to receive the shank of the arrowhead. Into
this sht the arrowhead was inserted, and fastened with sinew soaked
in glue. The sinew was dried by the use of burnt mica, which was
called tako’igo"the, a descriptive term meaning “whitening for the
sinew.’’ The glue (hi"pa) used with the sinew and to fasten on the
feathers was made by boiling horn, turtle shell, or rawhide. The
ends of the feathers used in arrowshafts were wound around smoothly
and closely with sinew soaked in glue water, hi™pani (hi™pa, “glue ;”’
mi, “water’’). Burnt mica was used for whitening as well as for dry-
ing the sinew. The arrow maker took pride in finishing his work
neatly and without soiling the sinew. After the arrowheads were
attached, waving lines or grooves were made along the length of the
shafts. This was done in order to prevent the wood from springing
back to its natural bent and not, as has sometimes been stated, to
allow the blood to flow along the arrowshaft, or for a symbol of the
lightning. Arrowshafts were straightened by passing them through
a hollow bone.

There were three kinds of arrows, all which were spoken of by the
general term mo”, “arrow”. Two were known by descriptive names:
(1) Arrows having heads of flint or stone were used for big game and
for defensive warfare. These were always spoken of simply as mo”.
(2) Hide'gapai (hide, ‘‘foot;”’ gapai, ‘‘sharpened’’). These arrows
had no heads; the foot was sharpened. They were used for small
gime—as squirrels, rabbits, and prairie chickens, and also by both
men and boys in practising to secure skill in aiming. Shooting at
a mark for stakes (mo"ki'de ikiko"—mo", “arrow;’’ kide, “shoot;”’
ikiko", “‘gamble with each other’’) was a common mode of gambling.
The stakes were usually arrows. In such games many men might
engage in the sport. The first player set up the mark, provided
there was no boy to serve the party. If there was a boy, he stuck an
arrow into the ground at the distance agreed on, generally 200 to 400
yards; this mark was called washa’begthe (washa’be “a dark object ;”’
gthe, “thrust in”’ the ground). The aim was to strike the arrow
where it entered the ground. If an arrow fell beyond the mark, the
marksman lost. A stick was used to measure the distances. When
the stakes in a shooting match were goods (robes, saddles, etc.) or
horses, then only two men could contest. An arrow set up in the
ground was always the mark. (3) Hide'tashe (hide, “foot;’’ tashe,
“Kknobbed’’). These arrows were without heads; the shafts were
knobbed at the foot. They were used by boys only, generally to

kall birds.

A452 THE OMAHA TRIBE [PrH. ANN. 27

For the purpose of identifying the slayer of an animal when hunt-
ing, arrows were always decorated in pairs. This custom gave rise
to an expression—mo"wi do” (literally, mo", ‘‘arrow;” witdo", ‘‘to-
gether, or united”’)—to indicate that things were similar. Among the
Omaha the decoration of an arrow was always individual; there was
no mark common to a gens. Among the Ponca, as has already been
mentioned, certain gentes painted their arrows in a prescribed man-
ner. Sometimes arrows were identified by the shape or color of the

stone arrowhead, shaped as a ‘‘turtle’s tongue,” red, black, or white
in color. An unfinished arrow shaft was called mo”’¢a.

Feathers for arrows bore the exclusive name itha’thage, an old
term. The act of putting on the feather was spoken of as a’tha, also
an old term. Before the advent of horses bows and arrows were
made long, in order to insure accuracy. After the horse came into
use the hunter could shoot at closer range and a shorter bow was em-
ployed; moreover, the long bow was inconvenient to handle on horse-
back.

The quiver (mo”’zhiha), figure 100, was made of skin; a broad strap
fastened at the open end and worn over the shoulder served to hold it.
Quivers made from otter skins and ornamented with quills or beads
were used on dress occasions.

The shield, which was circular, was made of rawhide cut from the
shoulder of the buffalo bull. The piece intended for use was held
over a fire, where it was allowed to shrink gradually, meanwhile being
pulled until there was no spring left in the hide. It was then cut to
the proper size. The cover was made of deer skin painted to repre-
sent a vision that had come to the owner when fasting.

CONTENTS OF THE TENT OF WAR

In June, 1884, the entire contents of the Tent of War were com-
mitted to the writers by the surviving hereditary keeper, to be placed
in the Peabody Museum, Harvard University, where they now are.
The ceremonies connected with these articles had become obsolete
owing to the changed conditions brought about by the occupancy
by white settlers of the country adjacent to the Omaha reservation;
yet the objects were regarded with respect and a sort of supersti-
tious awe. The older men remembered the days when these articles
were potent in the tribal life; the younger generation knew of them
vaguely, but had inherited a fear of their mysterious power. The
keeper, Mo™hitthige (fig. 101), found the charge of these things a
serious care and anxiety. He kept them in a tent near his little
house, and as he was becoming old and feeble he feared they might
inadvertently suffer harm and the tribe be supernaturally punished
for the accident. Because of these fears and of the changes that
had already taken place and were still going on—as, that chief-

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 453

tainship in the tribe had been abolished; the buffalo had been exter-
minated, so that hunting was no longer possible; wars were at an end;
the tribal lands were being divided into individual holdings—he was
brought to realize in no uncertain way that the past life of the people
was irrevocably gone. Face to face with these evidences of change,
the old man met the situation with thoughtful dignity. With his
own hands, still as hereditary keeper, he laid away his sacred charge

Fic. 101. Mo»’histhioge, last keeper of the Tent of War.

where the articles, no longer needed to promote tribal unity and
tribal safety, would be made to serve the study and the preservation
of the story of his people, saying, as he did so:

These sacred articles have been in the keeping of my family far many generations;
no one knows how long. My sons have chosen a path different from that of their
fathers. I had thought to have these articles buried with me; but if you will place
them where they will be safe and where my children can look on them when they
wish to think of the past and of the way their fathers walked, I give them into your

454 THE OMAHA TRIBE (pre. ANN. 27

keeping. Should there come a time when I might crave to see once more these things
that have been with my fathers, I would like to be permitted to do so. I know that
the members of my family are willing that I should do this thing and no others have
a right to question my action. There are men in the tribe who will say hard things
of me because of this act but I think it best to do as I am doing.

It was late in the afternoon when the writers went to get the articles.
The old man was sitting alone outside his dwelling. He had
carefully gathered the contents of the Tent of War and was taking
his Jast look at them in the fading light. Then with his own hands
and with quiet haste, he lifted them into our wagon. ‘They are all
there,’ he said, and turned away as the round moon rose over
the valley. This act of
Mo™ hi*thitge drew asharp
line that marked the close
of a chapter in Omaha
history. It is fitting that
the name of one who was
brave enough to draw that
lineshould be remembered
with honor and sympathy
for his courageous act.

THE SACRED SHELL

On the reorganization
of the tribal government
the rites of defensive war-
fare were placed in charge
of the We’zhi"shte gens.
This gens had probably
held an important place in
the previous tribal order

Fic. 102. Bag containing Sacred Shell. to have had given to it

such prominence in the

new order. It is likely that the earlier prominence was connected
with the rites that were the special care of this people—rites which
must have commanded a tribal recognition—and the ancient name
of the gens, judging from tribal custom, probably referred to these
rites. Both the name and the rites which gave the name have long
been lost, but out of the dim past a ceremonial object has come down
as a heritage of the gens—the Sacred Shell. No one knew what it
stood for, but everyone held it in superstitious dread; in all the tribe
there was not a person exempt from fear of this shell. The supersti-
tions that clung about it indicated that its rites related to the cosmic
forces and to fundamental beliefs relative to lifeand death. When it
became known in the tribe that the keeper of the Tent of War had

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 455

committed its contents to the writers, men drove 30 and 40 miles to
give cautions concerning the handling of this shell, as dire conse-
quences would follow any carelessness or undue freedom in touching it.

The shell was encased in a sort of leather bag made from a piece
of dressed skin, folded together, the sides fringed and the fringe braided
so as to form the receptacle. This bag (fig. 102; Peabody Museum
no. 37557) was always hung in the tent, never being allowed to touch
the ground. It was believed that should this happen a terrible heat
would follow, so great as to dry up the water courses and kill the
fish. Mankind would hardly survive the result of the impact of the
shell and the earth. When the tribe moved out on the buffalo hunt
the Tent of War with its
contents was always taken
along. The shell was car-
ried on the back of a boy.
Promising children in the
gens were selected for this
purpose, in the hope that
the shell might influence
the boy’s dreams or visions
and so bring good fortune
not only to the lad but
through him to the tribe.
He was given a pointed
stick with which to steady
himself as he walked and
when he sat down to rest
he stuck the stick into the
ground and hung on it the
bag containing the shell.
If by any chance, as some-
times happened, he tripped Fic. 103. Bag opened to show Sacred Shell.
and fell as he ran, he must
at once utter this prayer: Hei! mo™no"’bthiv, “I have strayed”’ (as if
one were lost in the woods). The words are applied to an action
which may bring disaster, but which is accidental. This acknowl-
edgment on the part of the boy was supposed to avert the conse-
quences which would happen if the shell should touch the ground.
Men who in their youth had carried the shell have told of having
fallen, thus causing the bag containing the shell to strike stones, but
because of this prayer no trouble followed.

When the bag containing the shell was examined at the Peabody
Museum, it was opened by being cut at the back, as the skin was
too stiff and old for the ends to be unbraided and it was desirable
to preserve the outward appearance of the bag. It was photographed

456 THE OMAHA TRIBE [erH. ANN. 27

before anything was disturbed. (Fig.103.) The bag is about 6 inches
wide and 9 inches deep. There are indications of a reddish stripe
having been painted down the center from the top to the bottom.
There appeared to be an inner bag, which was wrapped about four
times with strips of tanned skin three-fourths of an inch wide hay-
ing sprays of cedar tied in. This lining seems to have been painted

Fic. 104. Sacred Shell and contents,

red next the shell. On being removed, the shell and its undisturbed
contents were photographed. (Fig. 104.)

The shell (pl. 58 and fig. 104; Peabody Museum no. 47822) was
found to be a Unio alatus, a species that occurs in the Ohio, Missouri,
and northern Mississippi valleys and in the Great Lakes; hence it
is not probable that it came to the people from an outside source.
The shell is not entire. ‘‘The winglike projection which extends

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 58

THE SACRED SHELL

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 457

from the beak of the shell had been broken or cut away; the surface
had been rubbed down.’’ It is possible that the condition of the
shell may be due to human agency, although it may be accounted
for otherwise—the break, by a fall on stones of the boy to whom the
bag containing the shell was entrusted (an accident said to have
occurred more than once during the last century), and the rubbed
appearance, by the friction caused by long contact with the bag.

The contents (fig. 104) of the shell were wrapped in two pieces
of matting, the warp of which is twisted vegetable fiber and the woof,
rush. The outer matting is coarse and shows a selvage; the inner
wrapping is of the same material, but of finer weave. Near the
hinge of the shell was ascalp lock, tied with sinew and doubled over;
beside it was a small skin receptacle, greatly compressed, contain-
ing a dark substance, probably earth, in which were a few seeds, frag-
ments of what may have been grass, and some hairs. There is no
tradition of this bag having been opened or of the shell having been
exposed. The bag was said to contain a shell; nothing more con-
cerning it was known.

Shells were formerly used to carry coals of fire. In the ancient
ceremonies in which this shell had a part it may have served some
such purpose either actually or symbolically. That it was connected
with fire seems probable from the superstition that it could cause
ereat heat. The fragments of cedar and the scalp would indicate
some association with thunder and death. In the account of the
Shell society (p. 509) it will be seen that the shell was connected
with death and the continuation of life after death, as well as with
water and the beginnings of life. Osage myths associate the shell
with the introduction of life on the earth.

If additional light is ever thrown on this Sacred Shell of the Omaha
tribe i will probably be the result of study of some of the cognate
tribes, which may have preserved some tradition of a ceremony in
which a shell of this kind was used.

THE CEDAR POLE

An ancient cedar pole (fig. 57) was also in the keeping of the
We’zhi*shte gens, and was lodged in the Tent of War. This vener-
able object was once the central figure in rites that have been lost.
In Creation myths the cedar tree is associated with the advent of the
human race; other myths connect this tree with the thunder. The
thunder birds were said to live “in a forest of cedars.’’ The phe-
nomenon of lightning striking a tree was explained as, “the thunder
bird has lit on the tree.’’ What,if any, relation existed between the
rites connected with the Cedar Pole and those of the Sacred Shell
can not now be ascertained among the Omaha. The fact that both

458 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

these relics of past ceremonials were in charge of one gens would
seem to indicate some sort of connection.

This Cedar Pole was called Waxthe’xe, a name afterward trans-
ferred to the Sacred Pole in charge of the Ho"’ga gens. . The Sacred
Pole symbolized the power of the chiefs and it is not improbable that
the Cedar Pole stood for the power of Thunder, the god of war.

The Cedar Pole was 1 m. 25 cm. in length. To it was bound by a
rope of sinew a similar piece of rounded cedar 61 em. long called the
zhi'be, or “leg.” In the middle of the pole was bound another rounded
piece of the wood, steadied by a third and smaller one, as three round
sticks can be bound together more firmly than two. It is said that
the pole typified a manlike being. As stated above, the lower piece
was called ‘‘the leg,” and it may be that the stick bound to the
middle represented a club. The Thunder god, we are told, used a
club for aweapon. One of the ritual songs used in the ceremony for
awarding honors says:

Behold how fearful is he, your Grandfather.
He lifts his long club, fearful is he.

There is a tradition that in olden times, in the spring after the first
thunder had sounded, in the ceremony which then took place this
Cedar Pole was painted, with rites similar to those observed when the
Sacred Pole was painted and anointed at the great tribal festival
held while on the buffalo hunt. If this tradition is true, these cere-
monies must have taken place long ago, as no indication of any such
painting remains on the Cedar Pole. (See p. 229).

XI
SOCIETIES

social and

There were two classes of societies among the Omaha
secret.

Membership in the social class was open to those able to perform
the acts required for eligibility. To this class belong the warrior
societies as well as those for social purposes only.

The secret societies dealt with mysteries and membership was
generally attained by virtue of a dream or vision. Some of these
secret societies had knowledge of medicines, roots, and plants used
in healing; others were noted for their occult and shamanistic pro-
ceedings and furnish the only examples of such practices in the tribe.

There were no societies composed exclusively of women.

SociaL SOCIETIES
THE HETHU’SHKA

Among the societies of the social class one of the largest and
most important was the Hethu’shka. Tradition and song indicate
that this society was known when the Omaha, the Ponea, and their
close cognates were living together as one tribe. Among the Omaha
the ceremonies of the Hethu’shka formerly partook of tribal impor-
tance. The Ko'’¢e, or ‘Wind people,’ were the custodians of the
two pipes sacred to the rites observed in the opening ceremonies
when the members met together. There were occasions when the
Hethu’shka members moved in a procession around the hu’thuga
(tribal circle), following their two pipes, borne by their Ko™¢e
keepers. The office of keeping and filling the two pipes was hered-
itary in a family of the Ko™¢e gens that to-day is represented by
one surviving member. It is said that the object in establishing
the Hethu’shka society was to stimulate an heroic spirit among the
people and to keep alive the memory of historic and valorous acts.
Thunder was the tutelar god of the Hethu’shka. The destructive
power of the lightning, with its accompanying thunder and clouds
so terrifying to man and beast, was recognized in the ceremonies and
songs of this society. Among the Osage the Hethu’shka society is
spoken of as the I"gtho"’ushko", ‘‘those who partake of the nature
of the thunder.” The society is known not only to the close cognates
but to the Iowa and Oto tribes as well.

459

460 THE OMAHA TRIBE [erH. ANN. 27

During the last century or more the Hethu’shka has spread among
other branches of the Siouan family; tribes differmg in language and
customs have adopted it, so tospeak. Among these are the Pawnee,
who, according to tradition, were at one time close allies of the Omaha;
they still call the Hethu’shka by its Omaha name. They and other
tribes, who, to this day, delight in dancing to the rhythmic cadence of
its songs, have songs of their own composition; but all these songs fol-
low the model of the original Omaha songs. Any tribe familiar with
the Hethu’shka “dance” at once recognizes one of its songs no matter
in what tribe the song was composed. It is important to note that,
although the Hethu’shka has so wide a popularity, it is only in the
tribe in which it originated that the religious rites and songs of the
opening ceremonies are observed; outsiders omit these observances
and make use only of the dramatie dance, the songs, and the feast
that closes the gathering of the members.

The membership of the Hethu’shka in the Omaha tribe was re-
stricted to warriors; it included chiefs and ‘privates’? but all were
on an equal footing. The one requisite for eligibility was that the
man should have received public war honors befors the Packs
Sacred to War. Entrance to the society was by unanimous con-
sent. A desirable candidate was “ picked’? by a member and in-
vited to a meeting, where, if no one offered objection to his joiming
the society, he was accepted as a member from that time.

The officers of the society were the hereditary keepers of the
Hethu’shka pipes held as sacred, a leader, and a heraid. The leader
held his office during lifetime or until he chose to resign. When
the office became vacant, the aspirant for the position had to bea
man high in the respect of the tribe and a successful leader in war.
The candidate made known his desire for the vacant office by invit-
ing the members to a feast. At the feast his candidacy was dis-
cussed and if no objection to him were raised, he was accepted as
leader. The herald had to be a reputable warrior and possessed of a
strong, clear voice so that his messages might be distinctly heard.
At each meeting the leader appointed two or more young men to act
as servants in attending to the fire and assisting in the ceremonies.
These servants were sometimes young men who had not yet attained
to the distinction requisite for membership and it was considered an
honor to be thus chosen and permitted to serve.

The meetings were held at irregular intervals, usually about once a
month, always in the same place—in the commodious dwelling of
some member who was respected in the tribe. He did not con-
tribute anything besides shelter to the society, except when he chose
to be the host, or feast-giver. Some member always volunteered to
act in this capacity for each meeting; it was the duty of the host to

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 461

furnish the requisite food for the ‘‘feast’’ and the tobacco for the
pipes, though he could not fill these or prepare them for smoking,
as that could be done only by the hereditary Ko™¢e keeper. The host
had also to prepare the black paint, made of charred box-elder wood
mixed with water, and put it ready for use into a wooden bowl, the
property of the society, kept for this purpose.

At the meetings of the society each member had his appointed
place in the circle within the lodge. The leader, who must always
belong to the highest grade of warriors, sat in the middle at the back
part of the lodge, opposite the door. The men who were his equals in
their grade of war honors sat next to him on his right and left; then
came those of the next lower grade and so on, by grades, down to the
door. The honors by which the places of the members were graded
were those that had been publicly given the warriors at the Wate’gi¢tu
(see p. 434). On each side of the entrance sat the servants appointed
by the leader. Near the door on the right as one entered was the
place set apart for the host or feast-giver of the meeting. Regard-
less of rank, the leader or anyone else had to leave his appointed
seat and occupy this place on the evening when he acted as host.

The drum was placed at the left of the leader’s seat. The men
singers, two to four of whom used drumsticks, were grouped around it.
Immediately behind the men sat a few women who possessed fine
voices. This choir led in the singing of the songs, in which all the
members, when not dancing, generally joined.

No clothing except the breechcloth was worn by the members
and a long bunch of grass representing scalps the wearer had taken
was fastened to the belt at the back. Later, but how long ago
it is now impossible to ascertain, the members entitled to wear
the scalps substituted therefor the bunch of long grass. In time
this decoration became part of the Hethu’shka dress or regalia
and as such was worn by all the members without regard to per-
sonal achievements. When the ‘“dance’’ became known to the
Dakota tribes and the Winnebago, the significance of the bunch
of long grass having been forgotten, they gave the name ‘Grass
dance,” or the “Omaha dance,” the latter name in recognition
of the tribe from which the ‘‘dance”’ had been obtained. Each
man painted himself in accordance with the directions given him at
the Wate’gi¢tu and wore the decorations conferred on him at that
public ceremony when he received his grade of war honors. The
leader had to be of sufficient rank to be able to wear ‘‘the Crow”
(see p. 441), a decoration of the highest order. Sometimes bells were
tied about the legs and ankles, adding a sort of clicking, castanet
accompaniment to the song and dance.

462 THE OMAHA TRIBE [PTH. ANN. 27

Not only were the members of the Hethu’shka chosen from among
the brave men but the rules and influence of the society tended to
enforce peace and harmony in the tribe. If a member became quar-
relsome, a disturber of domestic or tribal affairs, the herald was
sent to proclaim him to the people. He would give the man’s
name and say: ‘‘My friend, the door of the society is closed against
you, that you may remain among the common peopte where such
acts [naming his offense] are committed.” This punishment was
considered a great public disgrace.

When a meeting was to be held, all the belongings of the family
were removed from the lodge for that evening and the place was left
vacant for the society. The young men who had been appointed
servants brought the necessary wood for the fire and the host sent
the food to be cooked, for nothing was prepared beforehand. Just
before the hour for assembling the host placed the bowl of paint and
the two pipes, which had been filled and made ready for smoking,
before the place belonging to the leader. Everything was then in
readiness. When all the members were in their places the leader
took up the bowl of black paint and the following song was sung by
all present :

Mysteriously Warmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

24 Double beat > == 138 (Aria as sung in octaves)
>

- - _— = — =|
a oo [eee ev —— —_—<_—
A ‘es —— ae = eo oe = a
Nu®- xthe the-te hi-tha-ki-u® te thu®-ahi-de nu®-xthe-the te

Con Ped. —

a —— mien
+ —t — re = Bees ee ee eee ——
— @ | 7 — _—_— = =|

hi- tha ki- u® thu®- ahi - de nu®-xthe the - te

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE ] SOCIETIES 463

HB — ams —
= |- 7 Ser a eae = =]
——ae ‘es eer rs cee

Ta pT ae ; :
thu®-ahi-de Nu®-xthe-the-te hi- tha ki-u® te

SS SS SS oe he
= ee @
v P pe td We eS = z
Esa ep pie OU
= ole ° oe
2—s-|-0- ——— = ==
> = ——| — wo v Fite ht
=

tree 7w ca ae ae a Ca Ac

nu"-xthe-the- te hi-tha-ki- u® - te thu®- ahi - de
SEs |S —— | ee ee oa = [ == zap ||
Oe ow a a a ef Tw

Nu*xthe the te hithakiu"te thu"ahide
Nu*"xthe the te hithakiu"te thu"®ahide
Nu*®xthe the te hithakiu"te thu"ahide
Nu®xthe the te hithakiu"te thu"ahide
Nu*xthe the te hithakiu"te thu"ahide

Literal translation: Nuw"xthe, charcoal; the te, this standing before
, 2 }) Lo}
me; Mithakiu"te, to paint or decorate himself with; thuahide, I
wearily wait, or wait until Iam weary.
Free translation
Betore me stands, awaiting my touch, coal-black paint,
Heavy black clouds filling all the sky o’er our head.
Upon our faces now we put the black, coal-black cloud.

Honoring war, wearying for the fight, warriors’ fight,
Waiting to go where the Thunder leads warriors on.

The words were not intended to convey the idea that the mem-
bers were literally tired of waiting for the wood to char in order
that the ceremony of painting might take place, but rather that the
desire for action was so strong within the warrior’s breast that he
was weary of the restraint, of the lack of opportunity that withheld
him from heroic deeds of war. The music expresses more than the

464 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27

words alone convey. It expresses not only the warrior’s eager-
ness but the portentous stir that filled the air with flying birds when
the black storm clouds arose. The song strikingly suggests both the
psychical and natural influence of the symbolic thunderstorm, the
visible sign cf the warrior god. During the singing of the song the
leader dipped the fingers of his right hand into the paint and touched
his forehead, cheeks, and chin, and both sides of his chest. Then
the bowl was passed by the servants about the lodge and as the
song was repeated each member put on himself the black paint, the
insignia of the Thunder god.

When all had been painted, the leader took the pipes, dropped
some tobacco on the earth, lifted the stems upward, paused a mo-
ment, and slowly turned and pointed them to the north, east, south,
and west; he then lighted the pipes and handed them to the servants
while this prayer was sung:

(Sung in octaves) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

Religioso Double drum beat tn = 138 Song j, = 69

atta | — aor | *— tee | — a 2 -—|
ree = as cee Ce 7 a a 7 a a
Wa-ko"- da tha ni ga the ke, Wa-ko®-da tha ni

4 seal |S IN ctor Ss 2 NG SNe
gris 2 SS ee ee ee
aa Sie Marana r f

rum ———
= ee ene ee ee
ited SS
—— —s =; esata ze i rae

a
=r A) a

2g aN
7 Ca |— = —
Ge. a == ——— == —— S|
i ie
=> > |
J eligi es 2 Fe) = ae
= a a
suet fe ee

FLETCHER-LA PLESCHE] SOCIETIES 465

Wako" da thani ga the ke
Wako da thani ga the ke
Wako da thani ga the ke
Eha thani hi®ga we tho he thoe
Wako" da thani ga the ke
Wako"’da thani ga the ke
Wako" da thani ga the ke
Eha thani hi"ga we tho he thoe

Literal translation: Wako’da, the power that moves and gives
life; thant, modification of nini, tobacco; ga, here; the, this; ke, some-
thing long—indirect reference to the pipe; eha, now; hi"ga, modifica-
tion of i"ga, to draw with the lips, as in smoking.

The indirect reference to the pipe indicates that the article is
unimportant, a mere vehicle, the real offering being the tobacco
smoke.

Free translation
Wako"da, we offer this smoke,
Wako" da, accept now our prayer,
Let the smoke rise upward to thee,
It bears our prayer, Wako’’da, to thee.

The words and music of this song are in marked contrast to the
one that preceded. The descriptive character and the impatience
expressed in the opening song here give place to stately measures in
which the thoughts of the members are turned from the objective
display of the Thunder gods toward the invisible Wako®’da, the
directive life force which permeates nature and all forms of life.
The beat of the drum is in 4/8 time while the music is in 6/8 time.
The contrasting rhythm and syncopation express the restraining
influence of the rite.

The pipes were passed in the following order: One pipe was
started at the door and was smoked by all seated on the half of the
circle between the left side of the entrance and the leader. The
other was started with the leader and ended with the member at

83993°—27 era—11——30

466 THE OMAHA TRIBE [erH. ANN. 27

the right side of the door. As the pipes were passed among the
members, the ascending smoke carried with it each warrior’s appeal,
voiced in the prayer to the invisible Wako™da. With this rite the
opening ceremonies of the Hethu’shka came to a close.

Shortly after, the choir began a song in fast time and whoever
was so inclined arose, dropped his robe in his seat, and stepped
forth. Then, in a conventionalized pantomime he acted out one
of his experiences in war from which he had gained a_ public
war honor at the Wate’gictu. A good dancer was light of foot
and agile. A variety of steps was taken; the foot was brought
down on the ground with a thud, making a synchronous accom-
paniment to the resonant drum beat and the voices of the singers;
the limbs were lifted at sharp angles; the body was bent and raised
with sudden and diversified movements, as in a charge, or as if
dodging arrows or averting blows from weapons. In all this
dramatic presentation of an actual scene there was not a motion
of foot, leg, body, arm, or head that did not follow the song in strict
time, yet keeping close to the story that was being acted out. The
throb of the drum started the pulses of the spectator and held him to
the rhythm of the scene as the eye followed the rapid, tense action of
the dancer, while the ear caught the melody which revealed the intent
of the strange drama, so full of color, movement, and wild cadences.
The intense character of the dance made it impossible to sustain it
for any considerable time; therefore the dance and song, although
the latter was repeated, were always short. Rest songs, slower in’
time, followed a dance and during these songs the dancers sat muffled
in their robes, often dripping with perspiration and panting to recover
their breath.

When the food was ready, two men each of whom had broken the
neck of an enemy, were designated by the leader to act as servers.
Then the choir began the song that was the ceremonial call to the
feast, to which the two men danced.

(Sung in octaves) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

Smoothly }= 66

SSS eee
= @_@++ @: 9 9. -2 = = -3—-; iA
are eames 2: 2 | —— ar) | (ee ar Se
6 7 == a = 4}
U- ha" the-te ni-de tho U-ha® the- te ni- de tho

Con Ped. "|
ad

—— een a , dl s+ =
SS . re = [ae a

FLETCHER—-LA FLESCHB] SOCIETIES 467

—_—_—_—_—————— a —————
ene _ — a oer 5 =
= eee ee Nore sa eee == S/2E — |
SS
< oo 7 =
[® - da-ku- tha ni- de tho = the- te ni- de tho - he
| ae
Se es
x 4s se $ va eae of cae 4-44
2S ee a ee pe ae ee
eS). Be
Za AR = = === = 4” 2 e 4—# 2
ap ae et maa a
ee
———_ Repeat ad lib.
poo Oe Be 2 =| : =e ||
SS SS SS SS eS
J" - da- ku - tha ni - de tho he tho
— SS — 2Sae = ——— | = =|
GS oe ee ee ae Se Be ee ee ee
b —
ir poets ao oo
i oe : : ee é gay ee
ee = 2 Se ee ee ee
=o E -—

Uho® thete nide tho

Uho® thete nide tho
I*dakutha nide tho

Uho? thete nide tho he
I*dakutha nide tho he tho

Literal translation: Uho”, the food now cooking, the feast; thete,
this; nide, it is cooked or ready to eat; i"dakutha, an ancient term
meaning friend or comrade; tho, he, tho, vocables.

Free translation
The feast awaits you—come, eat,
The feast is awaiting you,
Members, comrades, come and eat.
The feast awaiting stands before you, come,
Members, comrades, come and eat! He tho.

Two sticks were used in serving, and the choicest pieces were given
the bravest man present. After all had been served except the host,
or feast-giver (for he observed the tribal custom of not partaking of
the food he had provided for his guests), the leader arose and made
an address, in which he thanked the feast-giver and discoursed on
the need of food for the preservation of life. He told of the trials,
dangers, and hardships encountered in securing food, so that the
quest represented both a man’s valor and his industry; and, since no
one could five without it, food was a gift of the greatest value. There-
fore no one should partake of it without thanking the giver and he

468 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

should not forget to include the giver’s wife and children who relin-
quished to outsiders their share in this great necessity of the family.
At the close of this speech each member partook of the food provided.
When the repast was over, the member who had received the choicest
part of the meat held up the picked bone and acted out in a dramatic
dance the story of his exploit. Sometimes this exhibition was of a
remarkable histrionic character.

When the time to disperse came, usually shortly after this dance,
the choir began the song of dismissal. During the singing of the first
part the members rose in their places and at the beginning of the
second part the member who sat with the door to his right passed
around the lodge and fire place and was the first to leave, each one
following in his turn, all singing as they walked and passed out under
the stars. When all had gone, the choir rose from about the drum
and left the lodge in silence. This dismissal song is choral in char-
acter and yet has the rhythm of a march.

Iarmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

(Sung in octaves )
fN

a aa

a aa } gree or Ss ag ee

z| = =v) j= g: at Ze | —
wv

& 2 ae == = See S=eee
Pe ee ee Tv ean

ha no-zhi®tho the lhe the tho- e Ko- tha mo*-thi® the Ko-

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCTETIES 469

—o—-— (ESS er Sees
: Z Srp ep
tha mo®-thi"-the Ko-tha mo®- ie the E-ha mo*-thi®thehe the he he tho

Gi oo Se

_=__ |e
Seer
oy.

Kotha no®zhi" the
Kotha no"zhi" the
Kotha no®zhi® the
Eha no"zhi" hi thame tho he thoe

Kotha mothi" the
Kotha mo*"thi" the
Kotha mo"thi® the
Eha mo*thi® hi thame tho he thoe

Literal translation: Aotha, an archaic term for friend; no”zhi”, arise
or stand; the, vocable; cha, now; hithame, they say; eha he, vocables;
thoe, close of stanza; kotha, friend; mo"thi”, walk: The words indicate
that the members address one another: “Friend, we stand; Friend,
we will walk.”

Free translation
1
We say, Friend, arise!
; Arise, Friend, we say.
Arise, Friend, and stand.
We say, Now arise and stand.
2
We say, Friend, now walk,
Now walk, Friend, we say.
We say, Friend, now walk.
We say, Friend, now walk we away.

The songs of the Hethu’shka are of much interest musically and
they have also an historic value. It was a rule of the society that
when a member performed a brave deed the society was the authority
to decide whether the name of the doer and the record of his deed
should be preserved in song. No one would dare to have a song com-
posed in his honor without this consent. When consent was given, the
song was composed, learned by the members, and then became a part
of the record of the Hethu’shka society. In rendering such a song,

470 THE OMAHA TRIBE [erH. ANN. 27

when that part was reached where the warrior’s name was mentioned
the drum was not struck, that the name might be the more dis-
tinctly heard.

The words of the songs of the Hethu’shka were never intended to be
complete in themselves, being for the sole purpose of recalling the
incident or story which the song commemorated. Frequently a
single word referred to a known tribal ceremony or recalled a teaching
or precept, so that to the Omaha the word was replete with meaning
and significance. For this reason a literal translation of the songs can
not be made intelligible to an English reader; moreover, an attempt
to make them thus intelligible would take from, rather than unfold,
the meaning of the original and would rob the words of their native
sense and dignity.

The songs of the Hethu’shka society number a hundred or more,
each one commemorating some historical incident or bringing to
mind the duties that devolved on the warrior members. Some of the
songs reveal the ideals held up to inspire the conduct of the warriors.
Although the songs belonged to the society, they were not restricted
to the membership, non-members also being permitted to use them.
By this custom the teachings set forth in the songs spread beyond
the membership and so tended to enforce the Hethu’shka standards
of conduct throughout the tribe.

The fcllowing eight songs are selected to show how the young men
were stimulated to loyalty to the Hethu’shka society, to the tribe,
to the family, and to perform acts which accorded with the Omaha
ideal of a brave man:

First Sonc—BROTHERHOOD AND LOYALTY

(Sung in octaves)

(gies eee sae ai = == ee

== —
Zhi® - the tha-hi - de tho he tha - hi - de Zhi"
BP
Drum % | J <I a

the tha-hi- de zhi® the tha - hi- de zhi® the tha - hi - de tho

os a ee
he the Nu- do" ho*-ga tha - hi-de tho he tho- e Nu -
E * SSS SS ee
= a om [4 @ e= a aaa
=4-=t= = — ae 4 Pe o—_-6 ——= :

do® - ho*-gaish-a-ga ma i - a- ba wiu® wa - ka-be

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHD] SOCIETIES 471

(ae SS =

a @ r a oO a tn
tho Zhi" - the tha - hi - de tho he the Nu -
£— pe —— = '
(SS SS SS SS Se Se
wa ee ee a
do" ho™ ga tha - hi- de tho he tho
1

Zhi*the thahide tho he thahide

Zhi*the thahide zhitthe thahide

Zhi"the thahide tho he the

Nudo*ho*ga thahide tho he thoe
2

Nudo*ho?ga ishagama iaba
Wiu"waka be tho

Zhi"the thahide tho he the
Nudo*ho®ga thahide tho he tho

Translation: Zhi"the, older brother; thahide, I longingly wait;
tho he, oratorical close of sentence; nudo"ho"ga, leader, captain;
ishagama, old men (ma, a plural sign); iaba, they spoke; wiu"waka,
they refer to me; he tho, oratorical ending of sentence. ‘‘Elder
brothers! I longing wait [to share in the duties of the society].
Captains! the old men have spoken [of these duties]; their words
now refer to me. Elder brothers! Captains! I longingly wait to take
part in them [the duties].”’

This song enforced the bond of brotherhood which bound together
the members of the Hethu’shka. There were two ways in which the
relation of brother could be expressed in the Omaha language:
“Hider brother” and “younger brother.’”’ In the song the newly
admitted member speaks, addressing the members of the society
as “elder brothers.’’ As war honors were requisite to membership,
those whom he addressed were all men of more or less distinction.
In his form of address he not only recognizes this but also his own
inclusion in the brotherhood and proclaims his eagerness to do his
part in maintaining the honor of the society and to share in its duties.
By calling his ‘‘elder brothers” nudo"ho"ga, ‘captains,’ he not only
acknowledges their attainments but expresses his willingness to fol-
low their leadership. In the second stanza he lays claim to share in
the traditions of the society, that he may in his own career carry out
the exhortations of the aged men whose words have been an inspira-
tion to his ‘‘elder brothers” and ‘‘captains.”’

472 THE OMAHA TRIBE

(ETH. ANN. 27

Sreconp Sonc—THe Hetuu’sHKA, REPRESENTING THE TRIBE, DEFY THE ENEMY

(Aria as sung in octave unison) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpreta-

tion on the piano
ae 1,= 60

@it

eae

1 N
is ed o——_e_[-— —_
— i: @ e
Jo pape
She - thu i ba u® - wo" ne -ama s

e@it

4 2 Nai N
Gis a SS
a i : é
L=S2 ae
rn mi | |

Dram beat = 120

= => =>
C2 aes ees SS Ss =.
——— a =2 — ——
Con Ped. ™
Ze me = Sr / | =: | f
ae oo oe
wo? ne-a-matho he......... Ha - i

— i

Hy
Y 49]

L1@1 1

| 9—_9- =
=
at i
ENE =e ———
w— 6-2 — Ore e
tho!) Heres. tho - ¢

———-|2— fe

‘Tei it

St Oe Oe

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 473

z—s ae =
ne Tae:
wa-thi® if thi® ge she - ai ba do® The-thua - no® - zhia
“NN ~ ae Ss
“he : | i | 4 -S-|—- x = an} = | = |
Se - q Ce o C] a eA =
| | : ii ° Lie Ss =a
=
Ge- a e > = > > SS
(3 S22 22) Ss See eee
“t eS t ene) 4 “0 =A 99 Z e So MEE =
ae ee ee ee
— = =e e @ a oe @ oe — ——
wi +
tha ne ida i om tho he - - tho
$— : —— =e = |
= = Ls @ CD C) oc; a =
os + i
a a= ! | eae
o= 5 s s [= f {3 ° | | = = |
ae pa a
o er
— a of 2

Shethu i ba u"wo? neama

Shethu i ba u"wo" neama tho he

Haiba shethu i ba u"wo" neama tho he thoe
U‘motho® thi" awathi" ithitge

Shea i ba do™ thethu ano®zhia tha

Duda i ge tho he tho

Literal translation: Shethu, there, yonder; 7 ba, coming; u™wo"
neama, are seeking for me; tho he, oratorical end of sentence; haiba,
they are coming; U’motho" thi", the Omaha; awathi", where is he?;
ithinge, they are saying of me; shea i ba do”, yonder they come;
thethu, here; ano"zhia, I stand; tha, end of sentence; duda, hither;
i ge, come; tho he tho, end of sentence.

In this song the Hethu’shka personifies the tribe. The enemy is
pictured as advancing from all sides, angrily calling: ‘‘Where are
the Omaha?” The Hethu’shka, the men in whom ‘‘the fear of
death has been dispelled,’”’ shout back as one voice: ‘‘Here I stand;
come hither!” While the song is defiant, there is also in it the note
of tribal unity as against enemies.

474 THE OMAHA TRIBE [PTH. ANN. 27

Turp Sonc—TuHE HetHu’sHKA THE PROTECTORS OF THE WOMEN AND CHILDREN

(Sung in ou)

ver SS SS

Wi gon_ tho? she ta be Wi gon tho® she ta be
= —— =—_—_ = ——— = =
fe eee = SS SS aS
J Ue e+ «+ 2 =e ~ e+ +
Wi con tho® she ta be Wi con _ tho? she ta be
———
=e =A
F a = i. Sean | a
6 a = ; = == —_ 3 —-
—
hi - e the tho-a He thu -shka wa - shu - she she no®

3 ——.
Ss — —___ =.
= —| oT = = —— SS E a
= 2 — a we + S
wi- e ta thi? i wi con - tho" she - ta- be

Wico"tho® she ta be

Wico"tho" she ta be

Wico"tho® she ta be

Wico"tho" she ta be tho he tho
Hethu’shka washushe sheno®
Wie ta thithe

Wico"tho® she ta be tho he tho

Literal translation: Wigo"tho"—wi, my; ¢o”, abbreviation of itho"ga,
younger brother; tho", a term of endearment; she, abbreviation of
eshe, shetabe, you shall ery; Hethu’shka, the society; washushe,
brave; sheno", of; wie ta thithe, so shall I be (the younger brother,
who has become an Hethu’shka, speaks).

This song sets forth the obligation that rested on the Hethu’shka
as the protectors of the women of the tribe, who were spoken of col-
lectively under the term “sisters; this term is implied in the song.
It is the women, the “sisters,” who ‘‘ery” to the “‘younger broth-
ers.” In the song the women are bidden to call on the younger
brothers when danger threatens, the young and active men, ‘the
younger brothers,’ those who were free from domestic responsibil-
ities and at any moment could spring to the ery of sisters in trouble.
The song tells who the younger brothers were to whom the sisters
could always appeal when a foe came near—they were of the brave
Hethu’shka, who were in duty bound to be ready at all times to
guard the women and children of the tribe.

FLETCHER-LA FLYSCHR] SOCIETIES 475

FourtH Sonc—Man’s Lire 1s TRANSITORY

=== in octaves)

a = 2
Sot Se ae eee eee
ee os ee eee
—em —_
Mo" - zho® aaa - te tho mo®- zho" sho" - ge - te tho he tho Ho® -
-6§- |
— ——— —— —_—_ — SS
= o =) AS = a a __ -—_ ———
. ( OSes oe,
thit - ge de sho? ge te tho Mo®- zho® sho® - ge - t
= ———— = te
oe - za —s = A a a ac =p 4 Ty |
cra ® outa ga: “e+ + wes 6 mes
tho mo"-zho" sho® ge - te tho he tho Shot-
—
— — == = ——_
F patie) ee ewer el ar eee aCe See ese es Oe ene ae ——— ee
+——— Z iv Dr oe oe. —s— sa" —_
SSS ; Ca or
ge - te tho he tho Ho" thi"- ge de sho" ge te tho Mo®-
———— =—— = ———
ie a - == 5 ™ ee eS om
——
zho® sho®-ge te tho mo® -zho" sho"-ge te tho he e tho

Mozho® sho"gete tho
Mo*zho® sho*gete tho he tho
Ho"thitge de sho"gete tho
Mo*zho® shogete tho
Mo"zho® sho*gete tho he tho
Shotgete tho he

Literal translation: Mozho”, the land, the scene one beholds; sho"gete,
shall long endure; tho he tho, oratorical end of sentence; ho"thirge de,
when I am gone.

This admonitory song was explained as follows: ‘‘The natural fear
of death that is in every individual sometimes so overpowers a man
that in a time of danger he may lose self-control and abandon to their
fate those whom he is in duty bound to protect. To drive away the
fear of death and to vitalize the courage so necessary to a man who
by nature and by tribal law is obligated to protect his family and the
families of the tribe, the example of men who had hazarded their
lives in the performance of duty was held up by the society; the
members were persistently taught that man’s life is transitory, and
being so it is useless to harbor the fear of death, for death must come
sooner or later to everybody; man and all living creatures come into
existence, pass on, and are gone, while the mountains and rivers
remain ever the same—these alone of all visible things abide un-
changed. The song represents the Hethu’shka as saying: ‘TI shall
vanish and be no more but the land over which I now roam shall
remain and change not.’”’

476 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27
Frrtra Sonc—An ADMONITION

Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

eee a. a8 Sung | in octave re

= =e: se a ee ne ee
ae = 4} a S35 te =

Ka-ga wi-gi-¢i-tha thi®- he-no Wi-gi- ci-tha thi®- he-no

Se ae] AO es lg a a a a a
ep f+} ——
S2estee =. -S—9— 0 990 0- 2
fleet Fame a eg ys
> > > SSS
f2e8 2eee een 22 e2RAA DR RRPLAe
=| + +t —s =
rf Seestecae: ee SS Sae eee ee
—— ————
SS eee == —
Con Ped.
ee —_
f= az fe = e- Sor @ =
— See — |— ioe —=_ a
a

Wa-zhi®- ga shti thi thi® - ge do® wi- gi - ¢i-tha thi™he no! Wa-ko®-

ere

FLETCHER-LA PLESCHE] SOCIETIES 477

Kaga wigicgitha thithe no

Wigicgitha thithe no

Wazhitga shti thithi"ge do", wigicgitha thithe no
Wako"da da i do™ hego® ta thithe no

Kaga thethu ho"backitha thithe no

Wigicitha thi"he no

Wazhi*ga shti thethi"ge do” wigicitha thithe no
Wako"da da i do" hego” ta thi"he no

Kaga thethu ho"ba¢kitha thithe no

Wigigitha thi®he no

Literal translation: Kaga, friend; wigi¢itha, [remember you who are
mine; thi™he, as life passes; no, vocable; Wazhi"ga, a personal name;
shti, you also; thithinge, you are no more; Wako"da da, the thunder gods;
i, they; do", when; hego", so shall my acts conform (to their decrees) ;
thethu, here; ho"backitha, I am angry.

The burden of this song is the remembrance by the Hethu’shka of
comrades slain in battle and the strong desire for revenge stirred by
such memories; but the men are reminded of the teaching that to
the Thunder gods belongs the power to decree death and that man
must conform his acts to the will of the gods even though his spirit
chafes under the restraint. It is thought that the song is a very old
one and that several names were used, one superseding another as
the memory of the fallen hero faded. Wazhi*’ga, who is mentioned
in the song, was killed before the middle of the last century.

SixtH Sona—NeEcessity ror ALERTNESS

Sung in octaves; dots indicate pulsations of tl i
(Sung ; puls to) oss voice)

= = — et as ase

| =( = 6s ee Bae ees E
{ius Se ae Be =r

Ga- hi tha- ma de-u"thos ge i- tha - ma ga- hi tha-ma

“Py :

Se ot = re ty - ———
a ares, — — 5-4-2 9 | ad
[Gs SEs tS aa Se esi oe oe aa a
e oae +o 6 we oo a see

deu® tho®-ge i tha- ma tho hes... deu® tho4-ge itha-ma

478 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BLH. ANN. 27

= 4 =
oe er 6 a a. =~
DO) 0 eee see -e..
4 io t —_——_—_—
a-zho® mi-ke di panuhuwi® a me tho hits ese ee um ba

~s ; raere
at egaer Deee Lee RE ae ae
ch AGE u gtha i- tha-me tho he... tho.

Gahithama deu"tho*ge ithama

Gahithama deu"tho"ge ithama tho he thoi

Deu"thoge ithamaazho" mikide panuhu wi"a me tho he the
Umba ida ugtha ithame tho he tho

Literal translation: Ga’hithama, yonder far away (the voices I
hear) ; deu"thorge, they are saying something to me; ithama, they send
(their words); azho", I lay; mikide, where; panuhu, owl; wia me,
one speaks; tho he the, vocables; umba, morning; ida, comes; ugtha,
shout; ithame, directed toward one.

The song may refer to the time when the Omaha were a forest people;
it preserves the memory of a timely discovery by which a disaster
was averted and a victory won. The story runs as follows:

The Omaha were camped in a forest. One dark night a warrior was awakened by
the hooting of an owl. He was an observant man, familiar with the cries of birds
and the sounds made by animals. As he listened, he heard answering hoots in
the distance. He thought the sounds not genuine, but imitations probably made
by men. He arose silently, slung his quiver over his shoulder, took his bow, and
crept among the trees. At a distance from the camp he detected signs of men—
enemies. He stealthily made his way back and awakened the sleeping warriors of
the tribe, who at once made themselves ready for defense. At daybreak the enemy
rushed from all sides on the Omaha camp but the men were prepared and met the
onslaught so successfully that few of their foes escaped.

The song commemorates the alertness of the man whose ear was
trained to know the calls and cries of birds and holds him up as an
example.

SEVENTH SONG

(Sung in octaves )

== 2 = ——
=i — Tt e-e FS aa |
ize ——————a a ea em es per Se eee
In- a - di tha-de mo*-thit ge tho he the tho In- da - di
Drumbeat par | is iy 6, if
UE Deau ny a Oi
Ee a — te = = es — [= SS
ee = S65 = |-8 zee a

tha-de mo®thi® ga In-da- di tha-de mo*-thi® ge tho he the

<= aa ea Sa — == =
E _ fey Ee Ss = 5! —— =
Cae — Sameer oe e ae IS SS SE (CJS = at
. > @ oe o =I =

+ +
tha-de mo" -thit ga In-da-di ish-a- gama Thi-gi githa me tho

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 479

a ee =
F = a es | ae eee =: € P< =
4 comme mnl=6; 4 Le =o aS Se
he the tho-e Tha- de mo*-thi® ge tho he - the tho
aS == = =e ———
st o—|-« «6 (real
Wa-zhi- da - thi® i- zhi®- ge In - da
— — ary = SSS eae
E (aa ost 0 @ aia =
- 7

— — |
Cr ~~ 1. + =|
di ish-a - ga ma thi - gi Gi - tha me tho he the tho

Indadi thade mo*thige tho he e the tho
Indadi thade mo"thitga

Indadi thade mo"thitge tho he e the
Thade mo*thitga

Indadi ishaga ma

Thigi ¢ithame tho he thoi

Thade mo"thi" ge tho he the tho
Wazhidathi® izhi*ge ithi*ga be tho
Indadi thade mo"thige tho he the
Thade mo"thi*ga

Indadi ishaga ma

Thigi ¢ithame tho he the tho

Literal translation: Jndadi, my father; thade, call forth, proclaim;
mo"thinge, go; ga, sign of command; tho he e the tho, vocables; ishaga
ma, the aged men; thigi githame, they will remember you; Wazhidathi",
personal name; izhi"ge, his son; ithiga, say of me.

The words of the song are few and impossible to render literally.
They are mnemonics merely but they serve to carry the memory of
the act which the song commemorates. The song is said to be very
old and has been handed down through many generations, an indi-
cation of the estimation placed on the teaching it sets forth—the
unselfish regard for the fame of his father shown by the hero of the
story and song. The account runs as follows:

A young man, whose name, according to his expressed wish, is unknown, said to
his comrades as he lay dying on the field of battle, where he had fought valiantly:
“When you proclaim my death,” referring to the custom of calling out the names of
the slain when the war party returned to the village, ‘‘speak not my name, but that
of my father. Say, ‘The son of Wazhi’dathi® is slain.’ ”’ Having made this request,
the young man spoke again but as if he were addressing his father. He said: ‘‘ Father,
in my death shall the aged men remember you!” The aged men were the historians,
so to speak; they were the ones who treasured the memory of tribal incidents and
passed them on to younger generations. By this act of the son he caused his father’s

name to be held in remembrance, but at the same time his own act was such that he
was held up to future generations as an example of filial regard.

480 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27
Ereuta Sonc—AGAHAMONTHIN
The song is eulogistic of a warrior hero.

(Sung in octaves )

; 3} -| se

He o = ie =i
=—— — a —=—= ie
phe - thi" the thi® do* - ba ge tho he the the She
° r) ° ° e Pa ° o 2
Drab set | Tee er eae eh eal oti
3
5 =p = ee ee = = |
Sea m =) a eee = = —=___|
E SS SS ae ee Se ee Se
i “swerve
this the thi® do® - ba ga Hado"-ba ga Ha do"- ba ge tho he
E a ee — Se ee —— =?
E Z a = = oe (== Sass = ————
= a gene ais SEs fore peop =
the the A - ga-ha-mo®-thit do" - ba ge tho he the tho-e She
| ed
E ———- = SS | eet “a —— — | -|
im 1S = = et es
= ——— a Je SSS SF Se =

> 5
thit the thi do®-ba ga Ha do® ba ga Ha do*-ba ge tho he

——_ == Sari]
[6 Sas seas — | = | =e ||
+ +s = + == Sr —— + 3 —= sr y
ry, = = C eel a a a a

mo DS f ow wee lee;
the the A - ga-ha-mo*-thit don- ba ge tho he the tho

Shethi® the thit do"ba ge tho he
Shethi™ the thi® do"ba ga

Ha! do"ba ga Ha! do"ba ge tho he the
Agahamo"thi"™ do"bage tho he thoe

Literal translation: Shethi", yonder; the, one; thi”, going; do"ba,
behold; ge, ga, sign of command; tho he the the, vocables; ha, exclama-
tion; do"bage, behold him; Agahamo"thi", personal name; do"bage,
behold him.

The words are few, an exclamation bidding the people to behold,
to look on A’gahamo*thi™!, and would be quite unintelligible but for
the story which gave rise to the song. A’gahamo"thi" died in the
early part of the last century. He was a man of great valor. He
had won and received all the public war honors but he was not sat-
isfied. At each meeting of the Hethu’shka society all through one
fall and winter he would rise and declare: ‘During the next battle
in which I take part I will drag an enemy from his horse or die in the
attempt!’’ The following summer, when the Omaha were on the
buffalo hunt, the tribe was attacked by the Yankton and a fierce
encounter took place. True to his word, A’gahamo"thi® charged
the line, dragged a Yankton from his horse, and slew him. Almost
immediately A’gahamo"thi® was killed. In emulation of his courage
the Omaha made a desperate charge on the Yankton and defeated
them. This song was composed to commemorate the warrior who
made good his promise and in so doing saved his people. Of A’gaha-
mo*thi® it was said, “‘ He spoke a word and chased it to his death.”

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE ] SOCIETIES : 481
THE PU’GTHOS

Chiefs only could become members of this society. It was, there-
fore, what might be called exclusive, as compared with the more
democratic Hethu’shka, which was open to every man who had won
public war honors. The songs of the Pu’gtho" society were restricted
to the members, outsiders not being permitted to sing them. The
society ceased to exist some fifty years ago; the few members who
were living twenty years ago clung to their exclusiveness and were
chary of speaking about or singing the songs. For this reason only
a few songs were obtainable, and also for another reason, which, it
is said, had much to do with the final breaking up of the society.
There was an officer in the organization known as the keeper of the
songs. This office was held for life and it was the duty of the keeper
to train his successor in the knowledge of the songs and their stories.
Through a series of coincidences a superstition grew up that when-
ever the keeper sang one of the old songs death would visit his family.
Members became loath, therefore, to take the responsibility of asking
for the songs and whenever the request was made it was accompanied
by large gifts; these gifts were offered the keeper to atone for any
ill fortune that might come to him because he had sung the songs.
As all the songs referred to the acts of chiefs, such songs were his-
torical and were of tribal import. Moreover, these songs were
necessary for the ceremonial dances that could be performed
only at meetings of this society. On these occasions the chiefs
wore their full regalia and headdresses made from the head of the
buffalo, which partook of the nature of a mask. This was the only
society among the Omaha in which headgear that approximated
the character of a mask was used. It is said that the last time the
keeper was prevailed on to sing an old song, while he was in the
act of singing a Sioux warrior crept stealthily into the camp, made
his way to the singer’s tent, and there shot dead the daughter of the
keeper. This event put an end to the meetings of the society. No
one knows for whom or by whom the Pu’gtho" songs were composed
or the events they celebrated. Not a half dozen of the songs sur-
vive and of these the incidents which gave rise to them all but
one are lost. The Pu’gtho® songs are unlike the Hethu’shka songs
in that they do not present contrasting rhythms, which so fre-
quently occur in the latter. The rhythm is simple and forceful
and the music wilder than in any other class of Omaha songs.

The songs that survive are warlike in character and their marked
rhythm is attractive, but they are rather bombastic in both words and
music, as became the expressions of a society composed exclusively of
chiefs—men who had won distinction and achieved public recognition

83993°—27 ErH—l1 51

482 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

and who enjoyed their power and position. These songs afford an
interesting contrast to those belonging to the Hethu’shka society.
While many of the latter’s songs referred to war, as befitted a society
of warriors, they did not emphasize personal distinction but gen-
erally appealed to the people through some heroic experience or
by the expression of some valorous feeling, frequently of a noble and
self-forgetful character. Their songs therefore cover a wider range
of musical expression than do the Pu’gtho" songs, which bear the
stamp of self-consciousness and self-satisfaction.

First Sona
PU’GTHO’

Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano
Dignified }—76 (Aria as sung in octave unison)

Z = AS = —
62s 6 =~ —=—~ _ ae = ae ee SSS SS Se =
———— Se o—s— o-oo
ya e

—t 4 pee et oe i —
Vice melt eechaneae hi tha hi tha e hi tha
bie Sila) ih N —
geeeseq
Sp a= (eet Et gues: #..-# ara a
ee | gaan y
chy Bas es: a . Mes Lies
ej Fat
PB t E = Sores neers a
Con Ped | |
Se = (=< — SSS Ni — +e |
’ @ A 3 2 = = 2 Es oe Ee = a= | 87 ==
®
Yae hi tha e hi tha ya e hi tha e hitha——...........
= ee
= Feet Beet 5 es fe a a ER ’—s—9:.= [8-7 =
ei cao oor ga GM SIE eee =
helen eal
. | | | an le|
Sonera a E 8 2 = E= a Ee o |
E 252 PoE BE SE et ees > a Ses a
"| —_— ~
fg eee i ae a 9 a eae
= o-|-@ Sed Sr er Ct a eee
a: mar vee
I*-da ku- tha wa ha-to"-ga e - a-me Yae hi tha e hithe
- - See ee ee ee =< Se =
fa
= = SSS 2 So
eh See au
—_—_ —__ = A a5) ri » 7
re gS © eee arene it Seteeess Se Stee nee Saye
ee fees errr Iecel eeeees = te — = |
SS j aS :

FLETCHER—-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 483
Sores ea eee eer ee oa ee at ee ewe lees
6 = sss: ae ee eer es er Jeet er nc [io et reer et
Yae hi tha e_ hi the Valier chin thal et.) dies ates semeee.cs
Joa - 4] =r= A = ee
= en = = as ees sea E =
G 7} =! re a. a: =a: e oe = eS a ————
acct. fof £2 gee
fy, Lali hen eae
“ | | | heclhe Yi
( as Sas ae —$—s— Been = sce eee]
= ae = aa ——— =
=< =< AS oo ee os a a

Yae hi tha e hi the
Yae hi tha e hi the
Yae hi tha e hi the
Yae hi tha e hi the
I*dakutha wahato"ga eame
Yae hi tha e hi the
Yae hi tha e hi the
Yae hi tha e hi the

Literal translation: /"dakutha is an old word meaning ‘‘friend;”’

wahato"ga, shield; eame, they say; yae hi, etc.,

are vocables.

It is probable that Wahato®ga was a personal name and the song

plays on the meaning

of the word. The meaning of the song was

said to be that Wahato"ga was a friend and a shield to the people.

Srconp Sone

(Sung in octaves) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

; = 84 are

= So ee Sa ee
Sa FS Se fe ——- 2 =
£= HS i +—|-+—-—}+— a @ @ @ —
a iF i =
Shu 7 da hu - a- ta na-zhi® the Shu- pi-da_hu-
4 caine i 4 sa + “<—-y--8- +
cs et
a == B= ——— 2 2 —=
cana ang re ae
ff Con Ped. v
= — = ta fel fess ere a (eo =
(es 2 aS = : | == Sane a |
— = ee
y |
+ SN Ty ap = = So = ll
=e aes |= ————t some sce
a [-- é — o- | as o —s |
0 —e—e tata,
- ta na- zhi® the a @ the tha e the he the
= A—- —=- aT ea —_
aS = ee ee ee “|
32 Se ee ee Se a oe er
te : | £ ~~. $: eo. s:
| P | |
ot | | |
7 Te ES —a- =| a. |-e= | el ey eee I -
-—| eo = as fe” ery Sl | ere = =] (S|" ey Ts
fecal x items aye . P ie

484 THE OMAHA TRIBE [PrH. ANN. 27

4 | The = ral m2 —— ==
a ae
—— i—@- O— =a
@ ed
hu - a - ta na-zhi® the e the tha e = ht the
4)

ere area

Shupida huata nazhi® the
Shupida huata nazhi” the
Aethe tha ethehi the

Ehe huata nazhi" the
Ethetha ethe hi the

Literal translation: Shupida, when I come; huata, 1 shout; nazhi”,

stand, meaning to stand in a given place; ele, I say or command.

Free translation

When I come to the battle I shout,
I shout as I stand in my place,
I shout my command as I stand.

THIRD SONG

(Sung in octaves) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano
{= 100 Dignified

=t>, 2 ° < iz ) e = = = =n a |
= } = & =
ys ——_ 5 E 2 = —— ¢ e Ls
Shu- pe - da wea - wa - ta tha - wa - the Shu - pe -
Se ee ee eS
SS SS
r . . , . ee a

\ Con Ped.

cage —w oe

eleloe

; 4 ——— &
= aE ane SS ee ===
SS es Se SS SSS
—6 e o o- = ae
da wea wa - ta tha -. wa - the Pa - tha = ga - ta
oN
——
3 SSE Se SS
id
‘ eae :
2s coal : Bog :
= == a a a oo
= i

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE | SOCIETIES 485

SSF
4 6 o o @ + SS -——
@ @ @ , io

a he the hi the a- hi- the
== =] aX =a —_———
——— 4 + — ———s 3
SSS
|
e
-s-* - ~s-° .
aw a es PE a
(a= == SSS
G ia

Shupida weawata thawathe
Shupida weawata thawathe
Pathagata theawathe

Ahe the hi the ahi the

Literal translation: Shwpida, when I come; weawata, where; tha-
wathe, do I send them; pathaga, to the hills or mounds (i. e., graves) ;
ta, yonder; thawathe, all the rest are vocab!es.

Free translation

When I come, where do I send them ?
When I come, where do I send them ?
To their graves do I send them!

This song is very old, dating back perhaps to the time when the
Omaha and Ponca were one tribe. The Ponca claimed the chief and
told the following story: The people had been attacked and some
women had been killed. The chief thissong commemorates came late
on the scene and by his valor turned the tide of the battle. He was
armed with a long lance of ash wood, the end of which was pointed
and hardened by grease and scorched in the fire. With this lance he
rushed on the enemy, thrusting it between the legs of a man and toss-
ing him in the air to be killed by the fall. His great strength and
courage caused the death of many. The song was composed to com-
memorate his coming and by his spirited action sending the foe ‘‘to
their graves.”

THE KI/KUNETHE

““ ?

The name Ki’kunethe (ki’ku, “to gather together;” nethe, ‘‘to
build a fire’) indicates the social purpose of the society—to
gather about a fire. This society was composed of the leading men
of the tribe. There was no formal membership. There was an
officer, a sort of ‘‘chairman” or leader, who was chosen to pre-
side. The gathering was for social pleasure and to talk over and
discuss subjects of interest. There was a custom which may refer
to some ancient forms once observed. The place in the middle at
the back part of the ledge was always kept vacant. This was the
seat that would be assigned to an honored guest. Before this empty

486 THE OMAHA TRIBE [PTH. ANN. 27

seat was placed a bowl or platter with a horn spoon. It was explained
that this place was kept in recognition of Wako"’da, the provider and
ruler of mankind, who was thus present with the men as they met
together and talked. This society was given up about 1870, when the
changes incident to contact with the white settlers and the Govern-
ment had begun seriously to affect the tribe.

THE T’E GA’XE

T’e ga’xe (te, death; gare, to make, to simulate—to simulate
death) was the name of an ancient social society that disappeared
before the middle of the last century. This society had songs which
were sung at its gatherings but they are lost, together with the
customs once observed.

THE MONWA’DATHIN AND THE TOKA’LO

The Mo®wa/dathit (Omaha term for Mandan) and the Toka/lo
(meaning unknown) were social societies that were borrowed or
introduced from the Dakota. Both of these societies ceased to exist
about the middle of the last century. The meetings of both were
public; they had a formal membership open to any man of good
repute. The members sometimes paraded on horseback around the
camp, moving to the rhythm of the songs of the society. Their
dances were said to be dignified rather than dramatic—a statement
borne out by the surviving songs. Whether the music was com-
posed by the Omaha or came from the Dakota is not known.
There are no words to the songs, a fact which makes it probable
that the music was adopted from another tribe, the foreign words
being dropped.

SECRET SOCIETIES

All of the secret societies had to do with mysteries and were
spoken of by the general term Xu’be wachi, (wube, “sacred,” ‘“mys-
terious,” ‘“occult;’? wachi, ‘‘dance’’—that is, rhythmic movements
of the body keeping time with the melody sung and also expressive
of the emotion aroused by the music).

THE MONCHU’ ITHAETHE

Entrance into the Mo*chu’ ithaethe (mo”chu, ‘‘ bear;’’ i’thaethe, ‘to
show compassion’’—‘those to whom the bear has shown compas-
sion,” by appearing in a dream or vision and giving power) society
was by virtue of a dream of the bear. To this society belonged the
knowledge of the practice of sleight of hand, as the thrusting of
wands down the throat and similar performances. This knowledge
was said to have been gained originally from the animals. This
society should not be confused with the Wag¢a’be itazhi (Bear sub-

FLETCHER—LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 487

gens) of the Tha’tada gens, which took part in the ceremonies held
in the Sacred Tent in charge of the We’zhi"shte gens when the
thunder first sounded in the spring. The two were distinct and
unrelated. The Mo"chu’ ithaethe society has been extinct for half
acentury. The following song belonged to this society:

BEAR SONG
Sung in octaves
Es
F SS 2 ae ane oe 2 == 2 ees |
= Se —————— a == = a a es
The thu a-ti @ no-zhi? i tha e he 1 pcaece the -
SS as PS = = =
= = = ts ———
oe ri ¢ aE eo

thu tia no®zhiti tha @ he tha Xu - ga b’thi-a_ the -

c——— ————— s— |} 1 a = = Hl
Hess Ss Ss SS SS
ty zy. oe e+ € yw. By.
thu a-tiano® zhi® i-the e tho®-be pi-a-do® the-thu a- ti no™zhi®

Literal translation: Thethu, here, at this place; ati, I came; ano”-
zhin, I stood; xuga, badger (this word was sometimes used to desig-
nate animals with claws; in this instance the grizzly bear was really
meant); bthia, I was; etho"be piado”, as I appeared.

The words refer to the time when the man went out to fast. When
he came to a particular place (thethw), the grizzly bear appeared
as he stood there and the man felt that he was mysteriously
related to the bear. The song set forth the man’s credential or title
to membership in the Bear society.

THE TE’ ITHAETHE

To the Te’ ithaethe (fe, ‘‘buffalo;’ ithaethe, ‘‘to show compas-
sion”—‘‘ those to whom the buffalo has shown compassion,” by
coming to them in a vision and giving power) society was committed
the knowledge of medicines for the curing of wounds. Membership
was accorded to persons of both sexes to whom the buffalo appeared
in dreams. The roots of the wild anise, the hop (Humulus lupulus),
and Physalis viscora were used for healing. Bits of these roots were
ground between the teeth, then water was taken into the mouth, and
the medicated liquid was blown with force into the wound.

The following account by one of the writers details a scene wit-
nessed in his boyhood when one of his playmates was accidentally
shot by a young man who, with some companions, was firing a pistol
at a mark:

After the shooting the excitement was intense, and above all the noise could be

heard the heartrending wails of the unfortunate man who had wounded the boy in the
head. The relatives of the lad were preparing to avenge his death, and those of the

488 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BrH. ANN. 27

man to defend him. I made my way through the crowd, and, peering over the
shoulders of another boy, I saw on the ground a little form that I recognized. Blood
was oozing from a wound in the back of the boy’s head and from one under the right
eye near the nose. A man ordered the women to stop wailing and bade the people to
stand back. Soon through an opening in the crowd I saw a tall man wrapped in a
buffalo robe come up the hill and pass through the space to where the boy lay. He
stooped over the child, felt of his wrist, and then of his heart. ‘‘He is alive,’’ the
man said; ‘‘set up a tent and take him in.’’? The little body was lifted on a robe and
carried by two men into a large tent that had been hastily erected. Meanwhile a
young man had been sent in all haste to call the buffalo doctors. Soon they were seen
galloping over the hill on their horses, one or two at a time, their long hair flowing over
their naked backs. They dismounted and one by one entered the tent, where they
joined the buffalo doctor who lived near by and had already been called. A short
consultation was held. The sides of the tent were drawn up to let in the fresh air and
to permit the people to witness the operation.

All the buffalo medicine men sat around the boy, their eyes gleaming over their
wrinkled faces. Then one of the men began in a low voice to tell how in a vision he
had seen the buffalo which had revealed to him the secret of the medicine and taught
him the song he must sing when using it. At the end of every sentence the boy’s
father thanked him in terms of relationship. Then he compounded the roots he had
taken from his skin pouch and started his song at the top of his voice. The other
doctors, some twenty or more, joined in, and sang it in unison with a volume that
could be heard a mile away. The song was accompanied by a bone whistle imitating
the ery of the eagle. After the doctor had started the song he put the bits of roots into
his mouth, ground them with his teeth, and taking a mouthful of water he approached
the boy bellowing and pawing the earth like an angry buffalo at bay. When near the
boy he drew in a long breath, and with a whizzing noise forced the water from his
mouth into the wound. The boy spread out his hands and winced as though he had
been struck. The man uttered a series of short exclamations: ‘Hi! hi! hi!” Then
the father and the man who had wounded the boy lifted their outspread hands toward
the doctor to signify their thanks. During the administration of the medicine all the
men and two women doctors sang with energy the following song which had been
started by the operator:

ne in octave unison)

ee : ==Se =

Ni- u® — shka-xe ni - u® shka - xe the-xe ni- u® shizas -xe
a — A A
“a +4 =
Se ee ee
a a =
Sp the he proto E-gon the-thu —_to® the - a...... the e-gon the
= SS yt Sa ial
fo
thu kom btha tha thehe kom btha he he _ the= a.....

Literal translation: ni u"shka xe (nia, part of me, hurt; uw”, me,
you; shkaxe, make—you hurt me); ego”, then; thethu, here; to”, from;
theathe, 1 send; kombtha, I want or desire—from here I desire to
send it.

A second doctor now repeated the treatment and started his song, all the others
joining in the singing as before, while he administered the remedy.

FLETCHER—-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 489

At the completion of the song a third doctor made ready to give his application,
starting his song and all the other doctors joining as before in the singing.

At the end of the song the fourth doctor began to compound the roots, and when he
was ready he began the following song, which was taken up by all the others and sung
with forceful energy:

(Sung i in octave ws")

iS er See

Ni thu®tha-dea-ma Ni _ thu" tha-de a - ma......... u-he-ke the i the
SS et
———o8 > ee (HO SSS Se

eo -
e ama e tho he Ni thu"tha-de e-a-ma tho he

Literal translation: ni, water; thu”, round; thade, to designate; ama,
they; whekethe, to yield to him; itheama, they say.

This song conveys to the Omaha mind a picture of the prairie, the
round wallow standing like a pool with water, and the wounded buffalo
being healed near it by its companions. There is a belief among the
Omaha that the buffalo cure their wounds with their saliva; therefore
the doctors prepare the herbs in the mouth and blow the water into
the wound.

The doctors remained all night, applying their medicine and dressing the wound.
Four days the boy was treated in this manner. On the evening of the third day the
doctors said the lad was out of danger, and that in the morning he would be made to
stand and meet the rising sun, and so greet the return of life.

I went to bed early, so as to be up in time to see the ceremony. 1 was awakened by
the sound of the singing, and hurried to the tent. Already a crowd had gathered.
There was a mist in the air, as the doctors had foretold there would be, but as the
dawn drew nearer the fog slowly disappeared, as if to unveil the great red sun that was
just visible on the horizon. Slowly it grew larger and larger. The boy was gently
lifted by two strong men, and when on his feet was told to take four steps toward the
east [note the resemblance to the ceremony of Turning the Child, p. 121], while the
doctors sang the mystery song which belonged to this stage of the cure. The two men
began to count as the boy feebly attempted to walk—one, two, three. The steps
grew slower, and it did not seem as if he could make the fourth, but he dragged his foot
and made the fourth. ‘‘Four!’’ cried the men; ‘‘It is done.’’ Then the doctors
sang the song of triumph.

The fees were then distributed. These were horses, robes, bear-claw necklaces,
eagle feathers, embroidered leggings, and other articles of value. Toward these the
relatives of the man who shot the boy contributed largely. One or two doctors re-
mained with the boy foratime. Ina month or so he was back among us, ready to play
or to watch another pistol practice by the young men.

THE WANO’ XE ITHAETHE

Men and women to whom ghosts appeared in dreams or visions
were eligible to membership in the Wano"’xe ithaethe (wano” ze, “a
form that is transparent,” ‘‘a ghost; 2’thaethe, “shown compassion
by’’—‘‘ those to whom ghosts have shown compassion’’) society.
Members were believed to have the power to wathigtho", divine or fore-
tell events, particularly approaching death. If death was foretold, the

490 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

relatives of the doomed person might ask the member foretelling the
death to seek to avert it. To bring about this result he heated water
as he sang his songs and then cast the water on the ground to the
right or the left of the entrance of the lodge of the threatened per-
son—never in a straight line from the door. By this act the spirit
is thwarted in its onward progress toward the spirit world and is
forced to return, so that person continues to live. The members of
this society could also stop rain. This power was exercised only by
request. When a member was asked to stop the rain, he filled a small,
unornamented pipe (in token of his modesty in addressing the cosmic
forces), elevated the stem, and smoked, singing his song as the smoke
was wafted upward; the act was believed to secure the desired result.
The following is one of the songs of this society:

GHOST SONG
SUS ee e
Fea) see reas ee oer —
== = ee E 4p =
I a ha ha a-ia ho a-ia ho CL es val e tho

; $35 = ss = 2== ° a 2 ae = =i
ae fees! ee ae

ne tho he e hethathe Ho® thie the - thi? i ne e a

(= SS=— SP] SSS =

e tho i ne tho-he tho-i the - thu i ne thohe tho

Translation: The first eight measures are vocables. Ho", night;
thi”, moving; thethi”, yonder moving; 2, come; ne, modification of
thi”, moving; thethu, here. ‘‘Night is moving toward us here.” Night
refers to death, by which one enters the realm of ghosts.

THE WerHu’’ ITHAETHE

Membership in the I"gthu"’ ithaethe (/"gthu", ““Thunder;’’ ithaethe,
“shown compassion by’’—‘‘those to whom the thunder has shown
compassion’’) society was open only to the man or woman who had
heard the Thunder beings in dreams or visions. It was believed that
through this medium occult powers were imparted and that by means
of the songs given the elements could be controlled—rain could be
brought or the storm driven away. [Future events could also be fore-
told, for in most of these secret societies magic powers were supposed
to be exercised. Sometimes the members pitted their powers against
one another. The following song commemorates one of these con-
tests, which occurred many years ago when a number of the Omaha
went on a visit to the Ponca. Among the visiting party was a mem-
ber of the Thunder society noted for his occult powers. In the Ponca
Thunder society was a man who had a similar reputation. These

FLETCHDR-LA FLESCHE ] SOCIETIES 49]

two men met and while they feasted each other they secretly sought
each other's death by means of their magic. The Ponca drew on the
ground a picture of the Omaha and struck it with his club (the club
being the weapon of the Thunder beings), at the same time calling on
the Thunder beings similarly to strike the original of the picture. The
Omaha suspected some magic attempts, so he sang his songs, relying
solely on them for his protection. The visit of the Omaha party came
to an end and the people returned home; a few days afterward the
Ponca who had drawn the picture of the Omaha and invoked the
Thunder was himself struck by lightning. The incident became
speedily known to the Omaha magician and this song was composed
to commemorate the event. The name of the Ponca, Gati’demotthi’,
is mentioned in the song, where he is represented as weeping because
his request to the Thunder beings to strike the Omaha had been
turned upon himself.

THUNDER SONG

_> —_—_— bua
2S = ge = eae =
a ——— a SES = aes
fe ka - ge te - de xa- ge a - me tho he..... He ka-
a. Tis 2
Re
—}— = i +
i — —_ fs 7 fs {= —— =<
ge te - de xa - ge a me tho he the ha xa- ge a
rad — = eee Se ea
E Dy _—— ee — —= @ =e — |
> ‘
me tho he the e ha tha The - thu hi? - wit tha ma
———— Serre
——— See ee eee
IG —— | = : — pao |
~_—=
he thHOnesaasese Ga - ti- de- mo? thi? ho?...... thi xu
we SS =
ieee 2 2 2
? f eo eo e eo 2 2 = ——$—=_ rd
SS
== een ele = J—F oy =
hi® tha ma-zhia tha Kay Pe ane) ethohe--....-.. e - ha
ne: SS 5 =
" z = et
ol 2 = SS = S S Ss SSS eee
art i F — a
tha The - thu bi® - wi? tha ma he tho

He! Kage tede xage ame tho he

He! Kage tede xage ame tho he, the ha
Xage ame tho he the e ha tha

Thethu hi"wi"tha ma he tho

Gati/demo"thi® ho"thixu hi"tha mo®zhia tha
Xage ame tho he he a tha

Thethu hi"wi"tha ma he, tho

492 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ern ANN. 27

Literal translation: He! kage, He! friend; tede, a contraction of intede,
and now, or for that cause; zage, weep or cry; ame, they say; tho, musi-
cal syllable; he, end of sentence; in the second line the ha, vocables;
thethu, here; hi"wi"tha, tell me; ma, they; he, end of sentence; Gati’-
demo"thi®, a Ponea personal name, that of the man who was the
subject of the song and drew the picture; ho"thiru, a picture or sketch;
hittha, pleased; mo"zhia, I not; tha, end of sentence.

The song represents the Omaha narrating the experience. ‘‘My
friend, they say Gati’demo*thi" made a picture of me. I was not
pleased; here they tell me that he it was who cried.”

A member of this society dreamed that the Thunder gods wanted
to take him but, not wanting to go to the gods, he persuaded them
to take a substitute. Shortly afterward a friend of his was killed by
lightning, an incident which he regarded as the result of his appeal.
This incident is preserved in the following song:

a Words

Wi shutheakithe a

Wi shutheakithe

Wi shutheakithe a
Paho"gamo*thi" shutheakithe a
Wi shubtha mo"zhie tho he thoe
Wi shutheakithe a

Wi shitheakithe a

Literal translation: Wi, 1; sh“theakithe, send to you; Pahorga-
mothi", name of the man struck by lightning; wi, 1; shubthamorzhie,
do not come; tho he thoe, vocables.

The above songs can not be classed with those which were regarded
as potent and as directly connected with the Thunder beings, although
they refer to incidents which might be regarded as showing the power
of man’s appeal.

The following song refers directly to the dream experience of the
singer and is of the class that was believed to bring a direct response
from the Thunder beings:

THUNDER SONG

— — —_—_
. ‘

Se
cou - - da

Betas tho he wa - KO? Wy) Sd aeeseaseeeneren

—_—_ — —

3 >
pit ee

FLETCHER—-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 493

. ———— z a EU San a ear of = SS
[gis ee eee ee ee ee

ST Ne ms a a =
hi - wi" - tha me _ tho he Hi" ka - ge
—————
re = ae eae
F ae eee» —e— 9 | ; | 22 =a |
_———— — o a= gg
ha xa-gethi? hit wi'tha me e e tho the tho - i

—— =
hi®-wi"-tha me tho he wa - ko® - da
3 a] — E z =
oe ofa Ss [g2—s+ |
= Ss a SSS
——
thit xa-ge thi® hi®-wi'-tha me-e e - he the......... tho

E tho he

Wako"da hi™wi"tha me tho he

Wakotda hi™wi"tha me tho he

Hi" kage ha! xage thi" hi"wi"tha me e e tho he thoi
Wako"da hi"wittha me tho he

Wako*da thi® xage thi® hi"wi"tha me e e tho he tho

Literal translation: E tho he! exclamatory syllables but subjective
in character; Wako"da, here does not refer to the permeating life and
power throughout nature but to the manifestation of power in the
thunder; hi®wi"tha, told me; me, they; tho, musica! vocable; he, end
of sentence; hi” kage ha, my friend; rage, to weep or ery; thi”, sign
of one moving; hi"wi"tha, tell me; me, they; e tho he the, vowel pro-
longation; thoi, vocable marking the close of the musical clause; tho
in the last line marks the close of the song.

This song speaks of the time when the man went out to fast and
pray; as he went the Thunder beings spoke to him and called him
“friend.” ‘The music presents points of interest, as to both rhythm
and melody, as expressive of the meaning of the song.

THE HON’ HEWACHI

This was the name of a society or order of honorary chieftainship,
composed of men who had accomplished one hundred or more
wathi" ethe (certain prescribed acts and gifts; see p. 202). To achieve
membership in this order was accounted one of the highest honors a
man could secure, although it carried with it no political prominence.

The literal translation of thename is: Hohe, “in thenight ;” wa’chi,
“dance;’’ but this does not convey the true meaning of the word.
Wa'chi does not mean ‘‘dance’’ in our sense of the word but dra-
matic rhythmic movements for the expression of personal emotion or
experience, or for the presentation of mythical teachings. Hohe

494 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27

refers to creative acts, for through the mysterious power of Wako®’da
night brought forth day. Night was therefore the mother of day,
and the latter was the emblem of all visible activities and manifes-
tations of life. The feminine cosmic force was typified not only by
night but by the heavenly bodies seen by night, as the masculine cos-
mic force was symbolized by day and the sun. The credential of a
man’s attainment to membership in the Ho®’hewachi was the right
‘to tattoo on a maid certain cosmic symbols of night and day. The
woman thus tattooed was called a Ni/kagahi wau, woman chief
(ni’kagahi, “chief; wau, ‘“woman’’). The origin of the Ho™hewachi
is lost in antiquity; it is said to have been “‘given by Wako®’da to
help the people.’’ This society exists in some of the cognate tribes
and is as highly regarded among them as among the Omaha.

So great were the requirements demanded of a man for admission
to the Ho™hewachi that the successful candidate was said to have
been ‘‘pitied”’ (compassionately helped) ‘‘by Night,’ as otherwise he
could not have accomplished the tasks required. The symbols tat-
tooed on the girl were designated xthexe, an untranslatable name
meaning a mark of honor or of distinction. It will be remem-
bered that the Sacred Pole (see p. 219) was called Wawthe'xe, signi-
fying “that which has the power to bestow honor or distinction.”’
The Sacred Pole, as its name implies, was representative of the
authority which was the fount of honor in the tribe. Permission to
place this mark of honor on a girl had to be given by the Seven
Chiefs, as well as by the members of the Ho™’hewachi. The Ho®’he-
wachi is claimed to be very old and in connection with this claim it
should be remembered that the ancient name of the Cedar Pole (see
p- 219) was Waathe’xe, and that the name of this ancient and sacred
object, whose ceremonies had become lost, was transferred to the
new Sacred Pole when the latter emblem was set up in the interests
of tribal unity and stability of government. The ancient pole
of cedar, according to tradition and myth, was allied to ceremonies
connected with Thunder and with the creation of the human race.
It was kept, as was the Sacred Shell, in the Sacred Tent in charge
of the We’zhi®shte gens. According to traditions and beliefs, the
rites pertaining to the Shell were connected with the cosmic forces
which brought the universe into being and maintained its life.
While it is impossible clearly to trace connection between the Ho™he-
wachi and the ceremonies that once clustered about the ancient Cedar
Pole and the Sacred Shell, yet the name given to the mark of honor,
(xthexe), the symbols used, and the sex of the person on whom they
must be tattooed, as well as the name of the society to which they
belonged, all afford a strong probability that the ancient cosmic
rites, long since lost, were related to the Ho™hewachi, if they do not
in part survive in the ceremonies of this society, ceremonies which

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 495

in songs and symbols refer to the creative cosmic forces typified by
night and day, the earth and the sky, forces which were also repre-
sented in the fundamental ideas on which the tribal organization
rested.

THE ONE HunpRED WaATHIN’ETHE

As has been said, the requisite for entrance into the Ho™hewachi
was that the candidate should be able to count at least one hundred
wathi™ethe (see p. 202); but in making this “count”? he could not
include those wathi” ethe (gifts) which he had made to the Seven
Chiefs in order to insure admission into the order of Ni’kagahi xu‘de,
as he had made these gifts for another purpose, one that pertained
solely to his ambition to become a chief. The wathi"’ethe which could
be ‘‘counted”’ in order to secure entrance into the Ho™hewachi were
similar in character to those already described as requisite to
entrance into the Ni’kagahi xu’de but they were not directly con-
nected with the Seven Chiefs. Among the classes of acts and gifts
that ‘“‘counted” and ranked high were those benefiting the tribe and
those made to a very poor man or woman.

The following story was told of Waha’xi, a noted chief who died
before the middle of the nimeteenth century: One day an old woman
came to his tent, entered, and sat down near the door. No one
noticed her for quite a while, but presently the chief bade his wife
clothe the old woman. So the packs were opened and Waha’xi’s
wife took out various garments, dressed the woman in fine leggings, a
tunic of red cloth, and wrapped about her a red blanket. Then the
chief arose and placed corn in her hand and sent her home. The ap-
pearance of the gayly clad old woman bearing corn attracted the
attention of the people, and the chief, already of high rank, was
permitted to “count”’ this act of clothing the beggar as a wathi” ethe.

Making contributions for bringing about peace both within and
without the tribe was an act of public merit and could be ‘“‘counted;”
so also could gifts which were made to put an end to a period of
mourning, as the following will illustrate: On the death of a member
of the tribe who was greatly respected all societies suspended their
meetings and all dances ceased. Sometimes a year might pass, the
village keeping silence to honor the memory of the dead. At length
a chief would call the people together and whoever chose to contribute
toward the gifts to be made to the mourners could “‘count”’ his gift.
The collected gifts were borne by two men to the lodge of the mourn-
ers. For the honor of bearing the gifts each of these men gave a
horse. When the bearers of the gifts arrived at the lodge, the rela-
tives of the deceased were thus addressed: ‘ You have grieved many
days. Your hair has grown long. We have brought these gifts that
you may cut your hair and return to the people.’”’ Then the chief

496 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27

mourner cut his hair, put on gala dress, and distributed the gifts
among his near kindred, while the herald proclaimed throughout the
village: ‘‘ You, the people, are told to be joyous again!’’ Songs and
dances were resumed and the people made merry after their long
silence. This ceremony has not been performed since the middle of
the last century.

Another form of giving was to place a robe on the arm of a child
and bid it take the gift to the lodge of a leading man, who, on receiving
the gift, would emerge from his tent and call aloud the name of the
giver.

All contributions to a Wa’wa® party, or gifts made through this
ceremony, could be ‘‘counted,”’ as these were in the interest of peace
within and without the tribe. For similar reasons the gifts made
during the festival of the He’dewachi were “counted ”

Gifts of horses were accounted among the most valuable. Sometimes
the ‘‘count”’ of a horse was connected with peculiar circumstances, as
in the following case: Waha’xi had ason whom he hoped would one day
be achief, but who died prematurely. At his funeral a fine white horse
was about to be killed, when the father of Kaxe’no"ba brought forward
a mule and asked that it be killed and the fine horse spared. Knowing
that the mule also could not well be spared by the man, Waha’xi
decided not to kill either the horse or the mule but bade the man to
“eount”’ both horse and mule as wathi”’ethe. Such gifts were classed
as “gone to see the dead.”

The We’ku feast offered another occasion for men to make gifts
which could be ‘‘counted.’”’ This feast occurred when there had
been a difference between two tribes and the chiefs wished to make
peace. The Seven Chiefs called the various chiefs and young warriors
together and told them of the proposed We’ku feast, to which the tribe
with whom there had been trouble had been invited. The men then
volunteered to make gifts toward receiving the tribe. Hewho intended
to offer a large gift would say, “I will give some small article.” Those
who could make only asmall donation said nothing. When all the gifts
were gathered, three or four of the donors who were men of rank and
respected by the people were sent to invite the other tribe to the
feast. As the guests were seen approaching, all the men who had
contributed gifts mounted their horses and rode out to meet the
coming tribe, charging upon them as if upon an enemy. The leader
bore a pipe prepared for smoking and offered it to the leader of the
guests who, after it was lighted, accepted it. The gifts were then
distributed, the feast eaten, and peace concluded between the tribes.
After the feast the guests were entertained as individuals among
Omaha families. All gifts made on such an occasion could be counted
‘as wathi”’ethe. The We’ku feast took place for the last time shortly
before the middle of the nineteenth century.

FLETCHDR-LA FLESCH J SOCIETIES 497

Another act that could be counted as wathi”’ethe and that ranked
among the highest was saving the life of a comrade in battle or pre-
venting his capture, as such an act could be done only by risking
one’s life.

A thrifty man could seldom ‘count’’ his hundred before he was
near middle life, even though he wasted no opportunity. During
all the years of his preparation he must work silently and not reveal
his purpose to anyone for fear he might fail. Nor did he tell which
maid he had chosen to receive the mark of honor. There was a
general belief that if a man made his choice known before he was
ready to have the tattooing done, either the girl would die or some
misfortune would befall him.

Passing the long test required for entrance into this society was
regarded as proof not only that the members were favored by
Wakor’da but that they possessed will power capable of producing
results; consequently a form of punishment, wazhi”’agthe (wazhi",
“directive energy”’ or “will power;” ‘“‘agthe,”’ “to place upon’’), was
exercised by them. A disturber of the peace within the tribe or
one whose acts were offensive to the chiefs was sometimes punished
by the concerted action of the Ho™’hewachi through wazhi"’agthe,
the members fixing their minds on the offender, placing on him the
consequences of his actions so that he was thrust from all helpful
relations with men and animals. Misfortune and death were
believed to follow as the result of this treatment. Wazhi"’agthe
belongs to the same class of acts as wazhi’thethe (p. 583) ; the former
was believed to send disaster and the latter to help by the exercise
of will power.

Tue WarHaA’WwA (FEAST OF THE COUNT)

When a man had all his arrangements made, could ‘count’ the
required number of wathi”’ethe, had accumulated the required fees,
and had secured the food necessary to entertain the chiefs and other
guests for the initiatory ceremonies, which lasted four days, he noti-
fied the man whom he had selected to be his sponsor. The sponsor
called together the members of the Ho™hewachi, the candidate fur-
nishing the food for the required feast, and the candidate’s name
was then proposed. If no objection was made, he was told that
he could prepare for the ceremony of initiation.

The tribal herald summoned the Council of Seven and the mem-
bers of the Ho"’hewachi to the lodge of the candidate, which had
been prepared for the ceremony. On this occasion every article
except those intended as gifts to the chiefs and members of the order
must be removed, as the candidate could retain nothing that was

83993°—27 ETH—11——32

498 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27

in the lodge at the time the Seven Chiefs entered, wearing their robes
in the ceremonial manner and bearing the pipe to be used in the
ceremony. A buffalo skin was placed back of the fireplace, on which
were two bunches of grass that were to serve as rests for the pipe.
Near the fire at the edge of the robe was a board on which the
tobacco to be used in filling the pipe was placed. The two Ni’kagahi
u’zhu took their seats in the center at the back of the lodge and
the other members of the Council of Seven occupied their official
places. Next to them, on both sides of the lodge, sat the members
of the Ho" hewachi. The candidate took his seat by the door to the
left as one entered. On the opposite side of the door sat the herald.

During all the years that the candidate had been preparing for
this occasion he had kept a number of willow sticks about a foot long,
each one of which represented a wathi"’ethe. These hundred or
more sticks, tied in a bundle, were handed by the candidate to the
herald, who laid them before the Ni’kagahi u’zhu. The wu/zhw chief
to the left, representing the Hon’gashenu side of the hu'thuga (tribal
circle), took up the bundle and passed it to the other u’zhu, repre-
senting the I*shta’¢u"da side, who in turn handed it to the chief next
tohim. In this way the bundle representing the candidate’s ‘ count”
was passed by the left around the circle. When it again reached the
u’zhu chief who first took it up, he called the herald, who came and
received the bundle of sticks from the Ni’kagahi u’zhu and carried it
back to the candidate sitting at the door.

Meanwhile the concourse outside the lodge had steadily increased
in numbers and among them were those who secretly aspired to the
honor of becoming members of the Ho’ hewachi. The immediate
relatives of the candidate moved anxiously about, desirous of help-
ing his memory during the ordeal of ‘‘ counting,” for his statements
could be controverted by the outsiders and there were always those
who were envious of his attainments and sought to confuse and
disconcert him. The excitement outside the lodge contrasted sharply
with the decorum within, where the candidate stood before the
assembled chiefs, muffled in their robes, and the members of the
Ho™hewachi, who sat closely watching the man as he took up reed
after reed and told what kind of gift it represented, when, where, and
to whom it was made. All the wathi"’ethe had to be classified as
to kind in this public recital. First the candidate “ counted” the
gifts of horses. When the statements regarding a gift were contro-
verted, a witness was called to testify to the truth of the statements.
Robes, bows and arrows and quivers, pipes, and shell disks were
“counted” in groups or classes. The ‘‘count”’ began in the early
morning and lasted all day. It was a severe tax on a man’s memory,
for these gifts often extended over a period of ten or twenty years.
At the close of his ‘‘count”’ the chiefs bade the man enumerate the

PLETCHER-—LA FLESCHS | SOCIETIES 499

articles he had gathered for fees. The chief then sent the herald
to proclaim the completed “count”’ to the people. He would state
that So-and-so (naming the candidate) had given away so many
horses, so many robes, and so on through the list of classified gifts.
Thus the man’s record was made public and thereafter no one could
challenge his “count” as it was then given forth.

The ceremony of smoking the pipe followed the completion of the
count. This was in the nature of a formal presentation to Wako" da
of the wathiethe which had just been publicly ‘‘counted;”’ it also
represented the taking of an oath of membership. The smoking
was a solemn and elaborate ceremony. A firebrand could not be
used to light the pipe, for which purpose a live coal was taken from
the fire with a split stick. When ready to be lighted the pipe lay
with the stem toward the south. The herald took it up and held
it for the Ni’kagahi u’zhu who sat toward the south while the latter
lighted it. The herald then passed the pipe in turn to the Ni/kagahi
uw zhu who sat toward the north, and to the chief at the latter’s left.
While being smoked the pipe was always held by the herald.
It was said: ‘‘The pipe must pass in an unbroken circle from south
to north, and when laid down after this circuit the stem must point
to the north.’ A pause followed the smoking; then the herald
took the pipe from its grass rest and walked with it around the fire-
place. He held it up to the zenith before laying it to rest with the
stem to the north. The chief who had lighted the pipe now grasped
its stem in his left hand and the bow] in his right, and swung the pipe
slowly in a cirele from right to left until it was in an upright position
at the left side of his body. . Then he proceeded to clean the pipe and
lay it back on its grass rest on the robe, with the stem to the south.
The herald then took up the pipe and again walked with it about the
fire. At the completion of the circuit he laid it beside the fireplace.
The chief who had cleaned it then rose and put it back on the buffalo
robe. This last act completed the ceremony of smoking. The varied
and complicated movements connected with passing the pipe and
placing it at rest had reference, it is said, to the movements of the
heavenly bodies. The herald then arose and put together the grass
rest of the pipe and the bundle of sticks used in the counting and laid
them in the back part of the lodge.

Members of the candidate’s family outside the lodge now filled
two large wooden bowls with a kind of porridge made of pounded
maize and passed them through the door into the lodge. The
herald took one of the bowls and placed it in front of the chief who
had lighted the pipe. The latter took four spoonfuls of the food
and passed the bowl to the next chief without lifting it from the
floor. The other bowl was passed from the door up to the chief
who had partaken first from the first bowl. Each person took four

500 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

spoonfuls of the porridge. Care was taken by all not to spill any
of this sacred food and not to make a noise with the lips in eating.
When the second bowl reached the chief who sat toward the south,
he poured a few drops of the food into a depression in the ground
near the fireplace made by the knuckle of the forefinger cf the right
hand.* The other bowl was now brought from the door and the
two bowls were placed side by side in front of the two Ni’kagahi
u’zhu. Considerable food remaimed in both of the bowls. The
chief toward the south then designated a chief on the north side of
the lodge, to whom one of the bowls was taken; next he selected a
chief on the south side to whom the other bowl was taken. Then
the herald was called and bidden to take the bowls to the lodges of
these chiefs. Outside of the tent the herald was relieved of his
burden by the wives and daughters of the chiefs designated, who
carried the food to their homes. After the bowls were emptied they
were brought back and placed near the door of the lodge, to be
returned to their owners.

At this point, if any chief of the Council of Seven was not a mem-
ber of the Ho®’hewachi he was excused. He at once arose, thanked
the assembly, and left the lodge, which now contained only the can-
didate and the members of the Ho hewachi.

THe FEAsT or THE HON’HEWACHI

The candidate now selected two of the bravest men to act as his
heralds and to summon all the chiefs who were entitled to be present
at the Feast of the Ho™hewachi. The heralds put on the buffalo
robes with the hair outside, girding them about the waist, painted
their faces black, and placed eagle down on their heads. Then
they proceeded to the lodges of the chiefs entitled to attend the feast,
addressing them by name, and giving the official call of invitation:
Wagkathi” ho! The meaning of this word is lost. When the her-
alds had passed around the camp circle they returned to the lodge of
the candidate, where the feast was to be held. Even if all who had
been thus invited were already present in the lodge, the two heralds
went to the door of the tent and again gave the official call of invi-
tation, mentioning the names of those who had the right to attend
the feast. The leader of the Ho™hewachi then ordered the drum,
rattles, and bells to be sent for and food to be prepared for those
present, as they had been sitting since early morning and had only
eaten ceremonially of the ‘‘Feast of the Count.” If the count lasted
more than one day this feast could not take place until the count
was completed. The right to ‘‘beat the drum” belonged to the
man who could count the highest war honors. It has become diffi-

a Note the resemblance between this taking of food and pouring of drops into a depression made by
the knuckle and the Ponca ceremony at the Feast of Soldiers (p. 309).

PLETCHER—-LA FLESCHE | SOCIETIES 501

cult in recent years to complete this ceremony after the ancient
manner, on account of the dying out of the men who could count
war honors, for these honors had to have been accorded a man in
the public ceremony of Wate’gictu, already described (see p. 434).
The story is told of an Oto who, in order to complete the ceremony
of initiation, had to send to a cognate tribe to secure the services of
a man who was properly entitled to “‘beat the drum.”

After the meal had been eaten the chiefs and members resumed
their seats, the drum was placed, and the following song was sung:

oN
——_——
cer fo 7) = z—| —— ——— |
e —- ————— = Cae ee 0
- thi-tha sha- ya ma U- thi-tha sha- ya ma
4 = lo
2 a 5 ==:
4s @ ae | == a Ca a
E-go"-sho" do? u-thi-tha Te ma U-thi-tha —sha-ya ma
= ———— + E — eeaieeatl 7 {|
2 eS + so. = as a5 = aa :
Liste Apsaien
U - thi- tha sha - ya ma U- thi- tha sha- ya ma
1

Uthitha shaya ma
Uthitha shaya ma
Ego” sho® do" uthitha shaya ma
Uthitha shaya ma
Uthitha shaya ma
Uthitha shaya ma

Literal translation: Uthitha, to tell you; shaya, coming; ma, he,
they; ego", now, for that reason; sho”, done, completed; do”, there-
fore.

The words of this song are meager and difficult to translate. Their
meaning was explained to have reference to the sponsor coming to
the members of the Ho™hewachi and reporting that the candidate for
whom he stood had now completed the required number of wathi” ethe,
or prescribed gifts, and awaited their acceptance of him.

Athigi shaya ma
Athigi shaya ma
Ego" sho® do" uthudo*be taya ma
Athigi shaya ma
Athigi shaya ma
Athigi shaya ma

Literal translation: Athigi, to fetch, bring, cause to come; shaya,
coming; ma, they; ego", now, for that reason; sho”, done; do”, there-

502 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

fore; uthudo”be, to consider, to look into; taya ma, coming for that
purpose, they.

This stanza was explained as referring to the response to the official
call of the herald which caused the chiefs and members to gather
together for the purpose cf considering the count of the man who
aspired to become a member of the Ho™hewachi, and who was
publicly to present the record of his acts.

3
Thido® be shaya ma
Thido® be shaya ma
Ego" sho" do® uthudo® be taya ma
Thido"be shaya ma
Thido*be shaya ma
Thido*be shaya ma

Literal translation: Thido"be, see you, as the result or outcome
of a decision; shaya, coming; ma, they; uthudo"be, to look into, to
consider, to judge; taya ma, coming for that purpose, they.

This stanza refers to the final judgment of the men who had come
together to consider the claim of the candidate to membership. In
this stanza the three preliminary steps already taken are summed
up. It was during this summing up that the young girl on whom the
mark of honor was to be placed entered and danced before the
assembled Ho™hewachi. The act dramatized the awakening of the
feminine element—an awakening everywhere necessary for a fulfill-
ment in tangible form of the life-givig power. This dance of the
girl constituted the fourth and last step in the movements recounted
in the three stanzas of the song—the step that led directly to the
consummation of the candidate’s long years of effort. Generally the
girl chosen was the daughter of the candidate; but if he had no
child of a suitable age he could select the daughter of a relative
or of a close friend. She must be a virgin who had recently reached
puberty. She was clad in gala garments made for the occasion, for-
merly a skin tunic embroidered with porcupine quills. She was
frequently accompanied on her entrance and dance by two or three
young women who had received the “mark of honor,”

With the meaning of the acts connected with the smging of this
song should be considered the important fact that the song gives the
rhythmic model after which all songs that pertain to the Ho™hewachi
were fashioned. It therefore represented the fundamental rhythm
that expressed the musical feeling concerning those ideas or beliefs
for which the Ho™hewachi stood in the native mind. It may here
be stated that a similar rule was observed in the songs connected with
any given society or rite—they all conformed to the rhythmic stand-
ard peculiar to the society or the ceremonial. As a result, an Indian

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE | SOCIETIES 503

could classify at once a song by its rhythm, as belonging to the
Hethu’shka the Wa’wa", the Ho™hewachi, or any other society or
rite with which he was familiar. This custom has restricted freedom
in musical composition and thus has retarded its development among
a remarkably musical race. It has tended to make the songs of the
tribe monotonous and this tendency has been enhanced by certain
beliefs concerning the function and power of music entertained by the
native peoples. Every member of the Hot’ hewachi was required to
compose a song which had to conform to the rhythmic standard of
the Ho™hewachi initial song. The song had to be an expression of
the man’s personal experience, and frequently, though not invariably,
it referred to a dream or vision that came in answer to his supplication.

The chiefs and members remained all night at the lodge of the
candidate. They continued to be his guests until the completion of
the ceremony of tattoomg. Meanwhile the family of the candidate
occupied a tent near by, and two women, on whom the “mark of
honor” had been placed, were designated to cook the food required for
the assembled guests.

THE TATTOOING

Early in the morning two scaffolds were set up outside the candi-
date’s lodge, one on each side of the door. On these were suspended
the articles to be given as fees. Among them had to be 100 knives
and 100 awls. These were male and female implements. The knives
were thrust into the ground around one side of the fireplace and the
awls were similarly placed on the other side. Back of the fireplace a
bed was made of the costliest robes and a pillow was placed toward the
east. After the morning meal had been eaten by the guests and the
girl had eaten with the family, she was brought in and laid upon
the bed, facing the west, for, being emblematic of life, she had to lie
as if moving with the sun. The two heralds stood at the door of
the lodge and called the names of those who were to sing during
the tattooing. These must be men who had received public war
honors. The official cry already noted was given with each name
called, whether the men were already in the lodge or not.

The charcoal to be used in making the coloring preparation was
placed in a wooden bowl and taken to the man who was to do the
tattooing. Usually one of the chiefs performed this duty. The
figure was first outlined by means of a flattened stick dipped into the
solution made from the charcoal; then it was pricked in with
needles. Steel needles are now employed; formerly flint points were
used. The needles were tied in a bunch, to which small bells were
fastened; formerly the rattles of the rattlesnake were used. After
the pricking the charcoal was put over the surface, which was then
pricked a second time. This completed the tattoomg. The round

504 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

spot was first put on the forehead; this represented the sun. While
this was being done the following song was sung:

SEES StS Sse es a ~~
Mi-tho" shu-i the tha mi- tho" shu-i the tha mi -
Se
== a J oo zt =
s A—e — CS pe Se er Se 25 =
tho" shu-i the tha mi - tho® ga-thu titho® - de shu-
— z= 2 =
E —— oe = ee Ss ee |
a ae o. 6; €* fie oe Se ee
as ¥ + st
i the-tha mi - tho®shu-i the-tha mi-tho® shu- i the-tha

Mitho® shui the tha
Mitho” shui the tha
Mitho® shui the tha
Mitho” gathu ti thode shui thetha
Mitho® shui the tha
Mitho® shui the tha

Literal translation: Mitho", the sun, the round sun; shwi, comes,
speaks, or says; gathu, yonder point; ti tho"de, when it comes;
shui the, comes, speaks, or says.

This ancient song, as was explained, refers to the sun rising to the

zenith, to the highest point; when it reaches that point it speaks, as ~

its symbol descends upon the maid with the promise of life-giving
power.

After the symbol of the sun was placed on the girl’s forehead the
outline of a four-pointed star (fig. 105) was marked on her chest as
the following song was sung:

SSS SSS SSS SS SS ———s
je = aS Se ee Se
5 —— Sore
Ho" - thi® the tha hon - thi" the tha ho® - thi® the tha Um -
_2=s— eee
= :| SS | : © ||
: 5 a = i
6 ——— ——— . a 7 = 5 =305 = = = == ce
ee Oe re ey

ba i-a tho Um ~ ba i-a tho Um - ba-ia tho

Ho"thi" the tha
Ho*thi® the tha
Ho*thi" the tha
Umba ia tho
Umba ia tho
Umba ia tho

—

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 505

Literal translation: Ho", night; thi”, moving; the, going; tha, end
of sentence; wmba, day; ia, is coming; tho, oratorical end of sentence.

The meaning of the song is: Night moves, it passes, and the day is
coming.

Fic, 105. Tattooed design—‘ mark of honor.”

The star is emblematic of the night, the great mother force, its
four points representing also the life-giving winds into the midst of
which the child was sent through the ceremony of Turning the Child,
already described (see p. 117).

506 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

During the completion of the tattooing of the symbols of day and
night the following song was sung:

Tee’ ——- 2 =| i=—s- j= =~ = Ee as ee |
Sor + a ha + OS Soe = = =

——— a a — es — fF — — — —o me
Ga- thi® xu-e tha Ga-thi" xu-e tha E-da_ to"- da
a 5 == i | A ==
a7 = =F re =t = — = =
md o—e—-g—-|- 8 —s rd o@—e—% Ss == a
a — : == : > :
ha xu-e tha Ga-thi® xu-e tha Ga-thi" xu-e tha _hi-o!

Gathi® xue tha
Gathi" xue tha

Eda to"da ha xue tha
Gathi™ xue tha
Gathi® xue tha hio

Literal translation: Gathi", yonder unseen is one moving; ue,
noise; tha, end of sentence; eda, a modified form of edo”, for that rea-
son; to"da ha, over the earth; rue. noise; hio, the cry of the living
creatures.

This song, it was explained, referred to the serpent, here the repre-
sentative of the teeming life that ‘‘moves”’ over the earth. (Note
the tabu of the.lost subgens of the I®shta’¢u"da gens and its mean-
ing.) Because this life is ‘moving’ it makes a noise. Even the sun
as it ‘‘moves,”’ it is said, ‘‘makes a noise,” as does the living wind in
the trees.

Sometimes a crescent moon was tattooed on the back of the girl’s
neck and a turtle on the back of her hands. The turtle was con-
nected with rites pertaining to water and wind, as noted in the ac-
count of the Ke’i™ subgens of the Tha’tada gens (see p. 161). During
the ordeal of tattooing the girl strove to make no sound or outcry.
If she should do so it was considered as evidence that she had been
unchaste. If the healing process was rapid, it was considered a
good omen.

After the ritual songs here given had been sung, the members of
the Ho®’hewachi.sang their individual songs. In the Ponca tribe
the men who had dreamed of buffalo sat on one side of the lodge;
those who had had other dreams sat on the opposite side; and the
songs were sung first by a man on one side and then by one on the
other. This order was not regularly followed among the Omaha.
After the noon hour food was cooked and served to the chiefs,
while the herald called the families of these men to receive their
share. Much food was consumed and distributed on this occasion.

When the tattooing was finished the girl left the tent. Then the
herald brought in all the articles that were hanging on the scaffolds
outside the tent and piled them in the middle of the lodge. All the

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE | SOCIETIES 507

uncooked food was placed near the door. The leader distributed the
gifts. A knife and an awl were given to each person. In apportion-
ing the fees the person who did the tattooing received the largest
share, and all the food, both cooked and uncooked, that remained
became his property.

The accompanying design (fig. 106) tattooed on the hand of a
Ponca girl strikingly sets forth the meaning of the Ho®’hewachi:
Here are the emblems of day and night and between them stand
the forms of children. By the union of Day, the above, and Night,
the below, came the human race and by them the race is maintained.
The tattooing of this fig-
ure was said to be “an ap-
peal for the perpetuation
of all life and of human
life in particular.”

At the meetings of the
Ho’ hewachi, even when
there was no initiation of
a member or tattooing of
a maid, only those men
who had received war
honors could “beat the
drum” for the singers.
Before a man could sing
his song he had to relate
his war honors, telling
what they were and what
were the acts for which
they had been publicly
awarded. While he sang
the women who had re-
ceived the “mark of

honor” danced. Only

women danced at the Fic. 106. Design tattooed on hand of Ponca girl (native
drawing).

meetings of the Ho?’he-
wachi. This was because the order was one in recognition of Night,
of the feminine force or principle. The man recounted his deeds,
for they were “performed in order to insure to the woman that
safety which was requisite for the performance of her duties as
wife and mother.” The rites and symbols of the Ho®/hewachi
epitomized the fundamental ideas on which the tribal organization
was based. The requirements for admittance to membership afforded
undisputed proof of a man’s valor and industry—the two factors
necessary for the preservation and the prosperity of the tribe. The
word for tribe, it will be remembered, indicates that it was composed

508 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prn. ANN. 27

of those who were banded together to fight against attacks from the
outside. Valor, therefore, was necessary to hold the tribe together
and industry to maintain it. These manly requirements were
emphasized in the honors accorded through the Ho™hewachi, which
also dramatically set forth the essential place occupied by woman in
promoting the general welfare. Many of the manufactured articles
which went to swell the man’s “count’’ were the product of woman’s
industry.

The following song is an example of the class of songs which were
composed by members of the Ho™hewachi. This song commemo-
an experience which left its
mark on his subsequent life. A sister whom he greatly loved died.
He missed her companionship sorely. Without her the world seemed
to him a blank. He used to go alone to the hills and there weep
and pray for his sister’s presence. At last one day, as he lay on the
hillside weeping, he became conscious of some one near him. — Lift-
ing his eyes, he beheld his sister’s face, and heard her voice saying:
“T have been seeking for you over the breadth of the land.” Then
the man knew that his sister’s spirit yet loved and guarded him. He
arose comforted, dried his tears, ceased from that day to mourn, and
cheerfully resumed his appointed duties. This incident was the theme
of the song which he composed as his song of membership in the
Ho™hewachi. He used to sing it when he met with the members.
The man himself related this story to the writers and sang them his
song. He died a number of years ago.

rated the experience of the composer

(Sung in octaves)

2 aa eee
= F ae et Se

4S | = —
U- wi- ne he tha U-wi-ne he tha Mo® - zho" the tho® ¢ka
— +f |S
=e 25 = ———
=a aie
tha-ha U-wi-ne he tha U-wi - ne hetha U-wi-ne he tha

Uwine he tha
Uwine he tha
Mo®zho® thetho"¢ka thaha
Uwine hetha
Uwine hetha
Uwine hetha

Literal translation: Uwine he, | seek for you; tha, end of sentence;
mo"zho", earth; thetho"cka, expanse, great size; thaha, over.

Sometimes a song descended to a new member, particularly if the
new member took the place of a deceased father or elder brother.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 509

It was accounted good fortune and an honor to marry a woman
bearing the ‘‘mark of honor.” She not only belonged to a family
that had achieved tribal reputation but it was believed that she
would become the mother of many children who would live to
grow up. If a buffalo bearing white spots or a white buffalo was
killed, only women bearing the ‘‘mark of honor”’ dressed the skin of
the animal, which was presented to the Sacred Tent to renew the
Sacred White Buffalo Hide then in use.

THE WASHIS’KA ATHIN (SHELL SOCIETY)

All the secret societies among the Omaha, as has been stated, dealt
more or less with magic as well as healing by means of herbs and
roots. Even if natural remedies were used, the songs sung when
they were gathered and when they were administered were supposed
to increase their efficacy. In some instances this eflicacy was attrib-
uted to magic; in others the song was an appeal somewhat of the
nature of a prayer.

The account here given of the Shell society, Washis’ka athi®
(washis'ka, ‘‘shell;’’ ath”, ‘they have’’—‘‘those who have the shell’’)
as it existed in the Omaha tribe is very nearly complete; sufficiently
so, it is hoped, to permit of a comparative study of somewhat similar
societies which exist among cognate tribes, the Winnebago and the
Oto. The ‘‘Grand Medicine” of the Chippewa seems to have aspects
in common with this society.

ORIGIN

The following is the Omaha story of the origin of the Shell society:

Once (an indefinite and long time in the past) a stranger came to the village. He
was entertained by the chief and all the prominent men. There was living in the
tribe a man who, while a good hunter, was a quiet man who never pushed himself into
notice. His modest behavior was a source of anxiety to his wife, who was ambitious
and did not share her husband’s aversion to notice. She learned of the stranger’s
presence, and noted how much was made of him, and she determined to have her
husband also entertain this man. She said to her husband: ‘* You will never become
an important man in the tribe if you do not push yourself forward. You must ask this
stranger to our lodge. I will prepare a feast, and you can entertain him as all the great
men are doing.’’ She called her eldest son, and said: ‘‘ You are to go to the chief’s
house and tell him that his guest is invited to your father’s house. Mention your
father’s name.’’ She then set about to make the tent clean and put everything in
order. She cooked food, spread a robe on the seat of honor, and was ready for the
guest. The boy did as his mother told him. When he delivered his message the
chief, who knew the retiring nature of the lad’s father, asked him: ‘‘Did your father
send you?”’ The boy answered ‘‘Yes.’’ In due time the stranger came. He wore
his hair roached, his leggings were yellow and embroidered, his moccasins were black;
he had no shirt, but wore his robe with the hair outside. He had a fine bow, and at
his back a quiver of otter skin filled with arrows. The man, his wife, and the four
children were all clad in their best, and waiting to receive the stranger. Of the

510 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

children, the eldest two were boys, the third was a girl, and the youngest a boy—all
of them healthy and well formed. The wife set before their guest deer meat and beans
cooked with raccoon fat. He ate, and talked with the family, then he returned thanks
to them and left. Soon he departed from the village and was heard of no more all that
summer or the following winter. When spring came the stranger again appeared,
and was treated with honor by the chiefs and leading men. And again the woman
took the initiative in inviting the stranger to her lodge, and again the chief questioned the
son who brought the invitation: “‘ Did your fathersend you?”’ The boy again answered
“Yes.’’ The stranger responded as before. He returned his thanks, but he gave no
explanation of himself, and departed. Another year passed and the spring came, and
so did the stranger. Once more the son carried the invitation and the chief asked the
same question and received the same answer. The stranger came, partook of the hos-
pitality offered, and departed, leaving the man and his wife in ignorance as to who and
what he was. Nor did anyone know aught of the stranger. The fourth spring came,
and so did the stranger, and the same invitation was extended, to be questioned by the
chief and answered by the ladas before. The stranger was received as he had been for
three years; but now as he made his thanks he said: “‘I am a being cf mysteries. I
have been seeking for the proper persons whom I may instruct in the knowledge of
these mysteries. You have shown an interest as to what I have to bring, for this knowl-
edge can only be given to those who seek for it. You have four times entertained
me at the proper season. I have observed you, and am satisfied that you are the ones
to receive knowledge of the mysteries. Everything now is in readiness for me to fulfill
my purpose. It is now the time when the people go away to hunt. I wish you to
stay where you are. After the people have gone, then we will travel for a season.
During that time I shall teach you of these mysteries. I shall expect a return from
you. What it must be I will make known at the proper time.”’

The tribe moved off to hunt, and the man and his wife and the stranger remained
behind. At night, as they all lay down to sleep, the father kept wondering about the
stranger, and lay awake watching him. The stranger pretended to sleep, but he, too,
watched. When the morning came the stranger arose, went for water, returned with
it and gave it to the children to drink, and also to the father and mother. Then he
combed the children’s hair and washed them. These actions perplexed the parents,
but the stranger remained silent as to his motives. The next day after the tribe had
gone the stranger bade the father and mother make ready to move, and they all did
so, going whither the stranger directed. As they traveled, the stranger pointed out
the different trees, told of their fruits, and also of the herbs and roots that were good
for food and those that were good for medicinal purposes, and bade the couple observe
and remember them. The stranger said to the man: ‘‘You are to go to a certain
place on the other side of that stream where there are scattered elm trees, thickets,
and vines of wild beans, and look about and see if there are any animals.” The man
started off, as he was directed, and when he reached the place he sawa deer. Taking
aim, he shot it. It was a young buck about 4 years old. He looked about and saw
other deer. He killed 12, making 13 in all. He drew the carcasses to a place where
he could camp, and started back for his family. On the way he met his wife and
three of the children and the stranger, who was carrying the youngest on his back.

When they reached camp, the stranger told the man to roast four shoulders. When
this was done, he gave a shoulder to each child and another cut to the father and
mother, and bade that the rest of the meat be dried before the fire and then cached.
In the morning the stranger went for water, as before, gave them all to drink; then he
combed the hair of the children and washed them, to the great perplexity of the
father and mother.

The stranger told the man to go to a place where there were sand hills and scat-
tered cottonwood trees and see if there were animals there. The man went, and as

SV A +t

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 511

he drew near he saw an elk feeding. He shot it. It had forked horns and was 4
years old. As he looked about, he saw deer and he killed several. He dragged the
carcasses to a camping place and started back to his family. He met them as before,
the stranger carrying the youngest child. The stranger told the man to take the
heart and tongue of the elk and lay them aside, for that night they would have a
ceremony, and sing. The father did so, and put the heart and tongue where the
children could not meddle with them. After sundown the stranger bade the woman
go and get water and cook the heart and tongue of the elk. The stranger cleared the
fireplace and took a seat at the south side of it. Next on his left sat the father, on his
left the mother, the children on her left, beginning with the eldest, down to the young-
est. The stranger sang twenty-two songs and taught them to the father and mother.
During the pauses between the songs the cries of the different animals with which the
stranger was associated could be heard, showing their satisfaction at the progress the
stranger was making. They sang all night. The two little children went to sleep
but the two older ones kept awake. When they were through singing they sang a
song by which to go out, and the stranger bade them to remember this song.

After about four days, when the meat was dried, the stranger told the man to go on
toa creek that ran through ravines where there were great elms and knolls with stumps,
and see if there were any animals there. The man went as directed and peering
round from behind a stump he saw a buffalo cow. Drawing his bow, he shot it through
the heart. It was about 4 years old. The man was greatly astonished at the sight
of the animal, as he had never known buffalo in that vicinity. He saw several
deer and killed them. He dragged the carcasses to a camping place and started back
to his family. On the way he met them. The stranger was carrying the youngest
child. ‘‘What have you killed?” he asked. The man told of the buffalo. The
stranger bade the man take the heart and tongue and put them aside. When they
reached camp and the sun was down, the stranger told the woman to go for water and
to cook the heart and tongue of the buffalo.

When the heart and tongue were cooked the stranger took his seat at the south side
of the fireplace; the father sat at his left, the mother at the father’s left, at her left the
children, from the eldest down to the youngest. They ate of the heart and tongue.
That night they sang other songs. All night they sang. The little children fell
asleep; the two older boys joined in the singing. Between the songs the cries of the
animals were again heard. At the end they sang the song to accompany their going
out. The stranger told the father and mother never to forget to sing that song before
going out.

The next day, as usual, the stranger rose early, procured water, gave them all to
drink and then combed the children’s hair and washed them. By this time the
stranger had won the confidence and the affection of the children but the father was
getting anxious. He was puzzled by the stranger’s behavior and he and his wife
talked together and wondered about the man. They came to the conclusion that he
must be thinking of his own children and that was why he was so attentive to their
little ones. He had already brought them great good fortune in hunting, and they
not only wanted to show gratitude and appreciation for what he had done, but they
wanted to test him, to see if he was really human. They had not much to offer him,
as they were not well provided for when the stranger became their guest, but they
determined to offer him what they had. So they said to him: ‘‘We have not much,
but we have these things,’’ showing him their store, ‘‘and we have our children.
Take your choice, for we offer you all.’’ They felt sure he would never choose their
children, but to their surprise he handed them back all their goods and said: ‘‘Since
you have offered them, I will take the children.’’ Then the stranger went on to say
to the couple: ‘“‘I am an animal, and have been sent by all the animals that live near
the great lake to secure your children and to make you great in your tribe. All the

Hild THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

animals living near this great lake have had a council and I am their messenger.”
Then he went on to tell the man that there were seven leaders in this council—the
black bear, the buffalo, the elk, the deer, the cougar, the gray wolf, and the skunk.
These were specially connected with the man. There were seven other animals that
would be connected with the woman; these were the otter, the raccoon, the mink,
the swan, the silver fox, the squirrel, and the owl. Of these animals, the black bear,
the buffalo, the elk, and the deer are for food; the cougar has strength and courage,
it rises with the sun and goes forth to get food for its young; the gray wolf does the
same; the skunk is a hunter; it dwells in a snug house and is clean. The otter hunts
in the water; the raccoon hunts along the streams and takes of the fruit growing there;
the mink does the same. The swan provides clothing that gives comfort and also
beauty. The silver fox is a hunter; squirrels live on food from trees; and the owl
hunts at night.

At this council, the first seven counseled with the second seven and all agreed to
help man. Then the sun was appealed to, and the sun consented that the animals
should help man, give him of their own powers, so that by their powers he should have
power to become like them and to partake of their qualities. The sun said: “I shall
stay above and look down on my children.’’ The moon was appealed to, and the
moon gave consent, and said: ‘‘I shall stay above and look down on my children.’”’
The lightning agreed to make paths, the small paths for the elk, the deer, the buffalo,
and the bear, and a wide path for all the other animals. Then all said: ‘‘Go, search
for the proper person to whom to give this power.’’ This was the explanation the
stranger gave to the father and mother when he accepted the gift of their children.

After the meat secured by the father had been dried and cached, the family moved
on, and came near the borders of a great lake. Willows were growing on its banks and
it was beautiful to look upon. In the lake was a high rock and there was also an island
with trees growing on it. There was a smooth beach, on which the water was lapping
the shore and the fish were jumping in the sunlight. The stranger bade the father
search for animals. He went off, and finally he spied a black bear. He took aim, shot,
and killed it. Just then he saw something descending; it was an eagle that dropped
and lit on a cottonwood tree. Then the eagle spoke to the man and asked that he be
allowed to share in the food and he would come and be one of them. The family of
the man had stopped on the second bench above the lake. The man cut up the bear
and carried it all up to his family; he left nothing, not even the blood. The stranger
bade him set aside the heart and tongue of the bear. Then the father went forth and
killed deer. At sunset the wife brought water and cooked the heart and tongue and
again the stranger sat at the south of the fireplace, the father on his left and the mother
at the father’s left, the children at her left from the eldest to the youngest, and all
partook of the meat. The stranger sang songs, and taught them to the father and
mother. They sang all night and the youngest children fell asleep. The two older
boys joined in the singing. At the close they all sang the song they had been bidden
to do.

On the evening of the third day the stranger told the father and mother that he
had long been seeking for such a family as theirs to whom to give his magic gifts by
which they should find plenty of game, accumulate wealth, and become chiefs in
the tribe. He said: ‘‘I am going away, and shall take your children that you have
given me. But I shall come again; you will find me on the lake shore; I shall be
in what you find there.’’ The morning of the fourth day the stranger rose early.
There was no wind and the water of the lake was perfectly still. He got water,
gave them all some to drink, then he combed the hair of the children and washed
them. He told the mother to put on the children’s best clothing, to make the tent
tidy and in order, and to spread a skin at the back of the fire with its head to the
west. He told the mother to sit on the south side of the fireplace near the door, on
her left her husband and at his left the stranger took his seat. He told the children

Rts

FLETCHDR-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 513

to all go out and play, but to stay within sound so they could hear when they were
called. Then he talked to the father and mother. He bade them remember all he
had taught them and to tell no one. After a while the man could choose seven
men, and the woman could choose seven women, and initiate them; then they must
wait four years, when another seven could be chosen. They would have power,
when they initiated the others, to impart the power he had given them. When he had
finished his instructions he sang a song and all the animals living by the high rock
beat on the drum and sang the same song. Four songs were thus sung by the stranger,
and to each the animals on the rock sounded the drum and sang. They were joined
by all those that dwelt on the island. When the songs were finished the stranger
ordered the mother to call to the tent her eldest child. She circled the lodge, went
outside, and called herson. Then she came in and took her seat. Soon his springing
steps were heard approaching the tent. He lifted the door flap to enter. The stranger
cried ‘‘Hah!” and the lad fell forward, striking the pole that stood by the fireplace,
and laydead. The stranger bade the father and mother lift the boy and lay him on the
south side of the skin, his head to the west. Then the stranger arose and painted the
boy. He made a red line across the mouth from the right ear to the left, then drew a
red line from the left ear down the left arm to the thumb; then a similar line from the
right ear down the right arm to the thumb; then a red line over the chin down to the
heart, where a red circle was made; then a red band across the forehead to the ear.
Then he painted the body blue from the waist up to the neck and the elbow up to
the neck. When the painting was completed he took his seat and then bade the
mother call her second child. Again she circled the lodge and passed outside and
called her second son to come to the tent and returned to her seat. Soon he was
heard coming rapidly along. As he stooped to enter the stranger cried ‘‘ Hah!” and
the boy fell as his brother had done. The stranger bade the father and mother carry
the boy and lay him on the skin to the left of his brother. Then the stranger arose and
painted the second child, making the same red lines; but when he came to paint the
body he put the blue paint on in spots. When he had finished the stranger resumed
his seat. Then he bade the mother call her third child, and she arose as before, cir-
cled the tent, went without, and called her daughter to come to the lodge, reentered,
and took her seat. Soon she heard the little girl skipping toward the tent, singing as
shecame. As she put her head in, the stranger cried ‘‘Hah!” and the little girl fell
dead as had her two brothers. Again the father and mother at the bidding of the
stranger lifted the child and laid her on the skin at the left side of her brothers. The
stranger then arose and painted the red lines across the face and on the arms, and from
the chin down to the heart, as on her brothers, but put blue in spots on her body and
cheeks and tied a sash across her heart, and returned to his seat. Then he bade the
mother call her youngest child. She rose as commanded, circled the tent, went out-
side and called the little boy and returned to her seat. She had hardly reached her
place when they heard the little boy running to answer the call. He poked his head
into the tent, the stranger cried ‘‘ Hah!” and the child fell prone and dead. Again at
the stranger’s bidding the parents carried the little boy and laid him on the skin at
the left of his sister. Then the stranger rose and painted the child as he had all the
others, except that the body and arms above the elbow were made the color of the
earth. The stranger told them that the red lines were the rays of the sun that give
life; the blue on the body of the eldest boy was the clear sky; the blue spots on the
body of the second son, the night sky; the blue spots on the girl, the moon and the
night; the brown spots on the youngest child, the earth. The stranger further explained
that the painting on the body of the eldest son, which represented the day, the clear
blue sky, was related to the painting on the body of the girl above the sash and on her
cheeks, which stood for the moon, the power at night. The painting on the body of
the second son, which represented the night sky, spotted with stars, was related to the

83993—27 ErH—11——33

514 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BrH. ANN. 27

painting on the body of the youngest child, which was the color of the earth, for the
earth and the stars were brothers; he bade them observe the circle of stars (near the
handle of the Great Dipper); this circle of stars were all brothers. Moreover, he told
them that the shells were like the stars. He said there was a holy bird which was the
leader of all the animals about the lake. This holy bird was the white swan and the
birds flocked in sevens and fives. He said that the down near the left wing should be
worn on the head. The left wing of the bird would be a symbol of its power. He
bade them notice that the water of the lake was still; so the mind of man, he said,
must be quiet, like to the lake, where dwell the mysterious animals, that they could
give to man of their powers and by means of this magic bestowal he was to be able to
perform strange and mysterious acts. He told the father and mother they were to
remain where they were four days. When the stranger had finished his instructions
he sang two songs and all the animals about the lake joined in the singing and those
on the rock struck the drum. When the singing was over the stranger bade the father
and mother take up the eldest boy, carry him out of the lodge, and lay him on the
beach, face downward, his head ‘toward the water. When they had done so, he bade
them bring the second son and lay him down so that his head would be at the feet of
his elder brother. When they had done so, he bade them bring the girl and lay her,
like the others, face downward, her head to the feet of the second son. When they
had done so, he told them to bring out the youngest child and place him face down-
ward, with his head at the feet of his sister. Then the stranger entered the tent and
left there his robe and came forth and walked on the water to the place where the sky
and water meet and disappeared beyond. Soon a great wave arose and rolled over
the quiet waters until it reached the shore where the children lay. It covered the
body of the eldest boy and drew it in. The parents stood silently watching and as
they looked, in the far distance they saw the stranger loom up and disappear. Then
a second wave rolled up in the east and swept over the lake, which had become tran-
quil again. On it rolled until it came to the beach, when it lapped over the body of
the second child and drew it in. As the wave receded and the lake became still, the
stranger rose and looked at the parents and disappeared. Then came another wave
that rolled on and on until it reached the body of the girl, covered it, and drew it in;
and once more the lake became quiet as at first, while in the distance rose the form
of the stranger. As he disappeared a mighty wave uprose and rolled over the lake,
reached the beach, and swept the body of the youngest child from the beach where it
lay, and again the lake became still. The father and the mother had watched these
proceedings in a wondering state of mind. They made no sound nor did they speak.
The silence of the lake and of all sounds, the absence of the stranger, the empty place
where the children had lain, brought an overpowering sense of desolation to the par-
ents and they gave way to violent demonstrations of grief. They cut their hair,
threw away their clothing, and wailed as they walked beside the placid silent
lake. Night came on; still the man and woman wailed, until from exhaustion
they slept. Before the sun was up the woman arose and began to wail afresh. Her
husband joined her, wailing as he came. The lake lay quiet, but covered with a mist.
As the woman walked she remembered the words of the stranger and began to search,
hoping she might find something as he had said she would. Her eye caught sight of a
gleam in the water. She stooped and took from the water a white shell, exclaiming as
she did so: ‘“‘I have found it! I have found it!”’ Her husband heard her ery of joy,
and he began tosearch. By and by he sawa dark object in the water; he stooped and
took from the water a dark shell. Then he exclaimed: ‘“‘I have found it!” Just then
as they stood holding their shells, the mist parted, making an opening down the lake
like a path and in the path stood the four children, well and happy. As the parents
stood gazing in wonder, the children spoke, and said: ‘‘Do not grieve for us. We are
content. Death is not to be dreaded. Itis not as you think it to be. In course of

FLETCHER—-LA FLESCHD] SOCIETIES 515

time you will be coming and then you will know for yourselves.’””? And as their voices
died away the mist closed the path and they were seen no more but in the mist, as
through a veil, they saw the outline of a strange animal (fig. 107). It seemed as big as
the great lake. Its skin was covered with hair and was brown like that of the deer.
The ridge of its back was serrated with tufts of hair. It had branching horns and hoofs
like the deer, and aslender tail with a tuft at the end, which swept toward the sky to
the farthest end of the lake. At last this mysterious shadowy figure melted away and
the lake lay quiet before the astonished couple. Then the man said to the woman:
‘We have found the mystery, let us go home.”’ His wife consented; she was now
content. She had seen the children and what they had said dwelt in her mind. So
they returned to their tent to abide there as the stranger had said. The man went out
to hunt. He knew where to find game and they had a, large store of meat and many
pelts. While they were still camped beside the lake there came to their tent a mes-
senger from their tribe. He said that he had been sent by their people to seek for
them. They had remained behind the others with a stranger and their kindred

Fic. 107. Mythic animal in legend of Shell society (native drawing).

feared that they might have been lured into danger and some ill befallen them.
“Where are your children?” the messenger asked. ‘‘They are dead.’’ ‘Where is
the stranger?” ‘‘He has gone away, but he has given us all that you see, and he has
promised to give us more when this supply is gone. Go back and tell the people what
the stranger has done for us.”’

When the messenger saw the great store of meat and the many caches filled with
dried meat, the pelts, and all the wealth given to the man and his wife, he was aston-
ished and returned to the tribe to tell what he had seen and heard. Then the man
and his wife left their camp, and, taking all they could with them and caching the rest
until such time as they could return for it, they started back to rejoin their tribe.
When they were once more with their people they determined to organize a society,
as the stranger had told them to do, that they might give to the members of the magic
power which they had received. The first lodge was composed of seven, the man and
his wife and the four children, under the leadership of the mysterious stranger with the

516 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ErH. ANN, 27

magic power. The man and woman each initiated seven others. Then they waited
four years, as they had been told to do. They made packs in which to keep the arti-
cles they must wear when the society met and also the medicinal roots which the
stranger had pointed out to them. Some of these roots were to heal diseases; others
were poisons which were to be used to punish offenders by causing them to die. A
knowledge of all these roots and herbs was given as secrets by the stranger to the man
and his wife, never to be imparted except to those who should be initiated into the
society. Not only could the man and his wife thus impart this knowledge, but they
could also give to those who were initiated a share in the magic power bestowed on
them by the mysterious stranger, who was the messenger of the council of animals that
dwelt in and about the great lake.

Such is the story of the origin of the Shell society.
ORGANIZATION

The society seems to have been organized in order to preserve the
story upon which it was founded and its dramatic presentation forms
the basis of the ceremonies observed at a recular meeting.

The membership was composed of five ‘‘t2,” or lodges, each pre-
sided over by a nudo”ho"ga, “leader” or ‘‘master.” Each lodge
had its place in the dwelling set apart for the meetings of the society.
This was originally a large tent, afterward an earth lodge, and in
recent years a circular wooden building arranged like the latter.

The leaders of four of the lodges personated the four children (pl. 59)
of the story and the lodges were spoken of as the lodge ‘‘of the eldest
son,” ‘fof the second son,” ‘‘of the daughter,” and ‘‘of the youngest
son.’ The fifth lodge was presided over by the u/zhu, or principal
leader, who was at the head of the entire society. It is said that ‘‘in
early times the office of w’zhw was filled by a woman, because it was the
woman, the wife of the man in the story, who took the initiative and
sent her son to invite the stranger to her house, prepared the feast,
and entertained him; and also because it was to the woman, the
mother, that the children addressed themselves when they appeared
in the path on the lake after they had been ‘“‘shot” by the mysterious
stranger. But as time went on the women became too timid to fill the
place so it was taken by men.

The place of the u/zhw was facing the east in the middle at the back
of the dwelling. On his right toward the south sat ‘‘the eldest son”
and his lodge. On his left toward the north were ‘‘the second son”
and his lodge. To the latter’s left on the north side sat ‘‘the daugh-
ter” and her lodge, and on the opposite side on the south to the right
of ‘the eldest son” sat ‘“‘the youngest son” and hislodge. (Fig. 108.)

The position of these four lodges had a cosmic significance. The
manner in which the mysterious stranger of the story painted the
four children bore out this same significance. He painted the body
of the eldest son blue to represent the clear sky with no clouds to
obstruct the passage of the sun’s rays—so the sun was thus indi-

ALBIOOS WIAHS .‘NSYGQTIHO YNOS SHL1L,,

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YLETCHER-LA FLESCH] SOCIETIES bile

rectly represented, it is said. The youngest son was painted the
color of the earth. Both these children and their lodges are on the
south side of the dwelling, the side ‘‘where the sun travels and
causes the earth to bring forth.’’ This side is spoken of also as
“the masculine side.’’ The second son was painted to represent the
night sky and the daughter had the moon painted on her. These
two children had their places on the north side of the lodge, the side
which typified “the night and the feminine forces.’ The position
assigned these ‘‘children’”’ occurs in ceremonies observed in other
tribes, which represent cosmic relations in that the related groups
are placed diagonally and not ‘directly opposite each other. Here
the ‘‘eldest son,” typifying the sun, the masculine power of the day,
is diagonal to the ‘‘daughter,”’ who stood for the moon, the feminine
power of the night; and the ‘‘second son,” representing the stars, is
diagonally opposed to the
“youngest son,” who rep-
resented the earth. The
mysterious stranger de-
clared that “the earth and
the stars are brothers.”’
All the offices of the so-
ciety were obtained by
purchase and were not
elective. When a person
holding an office felt that
age or ill health made it
difficult to fulfill the du- S

ties required, the office was Fig. 108. Diagram illustrating meeting of Shell society. 1,

Fireplace; 2, entrance toward the east; 3, u/zhu; 4, “eldest
cvene 3 , ,
sold, generally to a rela son” (the sun); 5, ‘second son”’ (the stars); 6, ‘‘daughter ’*
tive. Many of the present (the moon); 7, ‘‘ youngest son ’’ (the earth).

officers are descendants of

those who formerly held these places. The present holder of the
office of “eldest son”’ is the fifth in direct descent to hold the place.
He is now a man over 50 and his father and grandfather lived to be
old men. The other offices have been in the families of the present
occupants for three or four generations. The five principal officers
had to be present personally at all meetings. No substitutes were
allowed, so the absence or sickness of one of these persons prevented
a meeting being held. Besides these offices there were minor posi-
tions, the holders of which had certain duties connected with the
dramatic rites. Sometimes a person bought and held several of
these positions: The right to place the four “children” before the
fireplace; to beat the drum; to have charge of the wooden bowl
belonging to the society, which is said to be very old; to fill this
bowl] with water; to examine the water; to pass the bowl; to select

518 THE OMAHA TRIBE [Brn ANN. 27

the servers of the feast; to designate to whom the choice pieces of
meat were to be given; to invite guests to be present at the public
part of the ceremony. The right to wear certain regalia had also to
be purchased. Some of these articles have descended with the office,
and the man who bought the office generally purchased the right to
wear the regalia that had been worn by his predecessor.

No dream was requisite for membership. A member ‘‘must be able
to keep a secret and not be of a quarrelsome disposition.” The unani-
mous consent of all the members was necessary to admission to mem-
bership. In former times four years had to elapse between the pres-
entation of a name and the acceptance of a person as a member,
but of late years the time has been shortened. Other changes seem
to have crept in. It is said that there should be seven lodges. The
mysterious stranger told the man and his wife they were each to initiate
seven members, seven men and seven women; then they were to wait
four years, when seven more of each sex could be taken in. The
seven initiation sticks still used are said to refer to this direction of
the stranger. How the change to five lodges came about could not
be learned and it is a question if it is now known. Of the animals
that held a council with the stranger and agreed to give magic power
to man, the four which were to give themselves as food seem to be
associated with the lodges of the four ‘‘children.” That of the
‘eldest son”’ is sometimes spoken of as the black-bear lodge, that of
the “‘second son’”’ as the elk lodge, the ‘‘daughter’s”’ as the buffalo
lodge (it is said that the ‘“‘moon led the Omaha to the buffalo”),
and the ‘‘youngest son’s”’ as the deer lodge. The eagle belonged to
the w’zhu, the head of the society, because ‘‘the eagle descended and
spoke to the man after he had killed the black bear and said he
would come and be one of them and give supernatural power.”

It was formerly the custom that when a man was initiated he was
required to bring the skin of an otter, a mink, or a beaver to repre-
sent the water, the skin of a squirrel or a badger to represent the
earth, and that of a crow or an owl to represent the air. So, too, when-
ever a member shot a bear, an elk, a deer, or a buffalo, he saved a
portion of the meat for use at a meeting of the society, in memory of
the fact that these animals were closely connected with the rites.

Each lodge possessed a pack, or parfleche case, in which arti-
cles belonging to that lodge were kept. The regalia the right to
wear which had been purchased by members, medicine for curing
diseases, and poisons for punishing offenders were kept in these packs.
Of the five packs belonging to the five lodges three are gone. One
was captured a long time ago in a battle. One was burned accident-
ally near the beginning of the last century, and one that was for-
merly in charge of Big Elk is now in the Peabody Museum (no. 37560)
of Harvard University. The contents of the other two packs have

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FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 519

been divided, so that now each lodge has a substitute for its lost
pack.

The dress of the members varied with their ability to possess fine
garments. The men were expected to wear only the breechcloth
and moccasins. While a few observed this rule, most of the men
wore shirts or leggings. In that case the line of paint which ran
down each arm to the thumb was drawn on the sleeve of the shirt.
The skin tunic of the women of early days was usually replaced in
later times by a calico or other cloth sack and skirt, embroidered
with ribbons which reproduced in color and design the old porcupine-
quill embroidery, or by a gown of the style commonly worn by
white women. Still later, rather bizarre designs much used by the
Oto and some other tribes, which showed considerable white influ-
ence, became “fashionable” as ‘‘foreign importations.”’ (Pls. 60-64.)

The painting on the face, the line from the mouth to the ears,
representing a ray of the sun, and the lines down the arms typi-
fying the lightning were
in accordance with the
manner in which the
mysterious stranger
painted the children;
and the putting of down
(which should be from
under the left wing of
the swan) upon the head
constituted the peculiar
decoration of the mem-
bers.

Among the regalia the
right to wear which was

purchased by men were
an otter-skin cap, a Fic. 109. Moceasin design belonging to “eldest son’s’’ regalia,
Shell society (native drawing).

beaded cap witha feather
in front that slants to the left, a black-squirrel-skin bag, a red-squirrel-
skin bag, a pair of black skin moccasins with a bear embroidered on the
left foot in black beads on a background of white beads, the head being
toward the toe, and a buffalo similarly embroidered on the right foot
(fig. 109). The right to wear these descended to “the eldest son ;” they
may beseen in plate 59. Theright to carry a silver-fox-skin bag was
purchased bya woman. Kach member had hisown otter-skin mystery
bag (fig. 110; Peabody Museum no. 53054) and a left wing which
represented the wing of the “holy bird,” the swan. (This use of the
wing is regarded by some persons as an innovation, as it is said ‘“‘the
wing belongs to the Pebble society.”’) The mystery bags were not
buried with the dead, but were generally handed down and passed on
with the place taken by anew member. Two shells were used, Olivia

520 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ErH. ANN. 27

nobilis Reeve, which is white and was regarded as female, and Olivia
elegans Lam., which is dark and was considered the male. How
these “male” and “female” shells were divided among the members
was not explained.

Besides the wooden bowl already mentioned there was a board
(ninv’amashude) about a foot square with the edges embroidered; this
was used for the preparation of the tobacco for smoking. The drum
was formerly of the native type described on p. 371; later a keg was sub-
stituted but the employment of water
and heat in tuning was still prac-
tised. Two gourd rattles, and two
pillows on which to strike the rattles,
were kept with the drum. All these
articles were the property of the so-
ciety and each had its special keeper.

Each lodge had a pack, as stated
above, and to each pack belonged two
pipes and four sticks (nint’uthubacki),
the latter being used in filling and
cleaning the pipes.

REGULAR MEETINGS

The regular meetings of the society
. were held in the months of May, June,
August, and September, these being
the mating seasons respectively of
the black bear, the buffalo, the elk,
and the deer. At other times, par-
ticularly in the fall and winter, meet-
ings had to be held at night and
were informal in character.

When a member decided to invite
the society to hold a regular meet-
ing he acted as host and prepared the
required feast. Every regular meet-
ing had its host. The host not only
provided the food for the feast, but

gifts to be distributed among the members. In olden times these
gifts were the skins of animals connected with the society as
shown in the story of its origin. In recent times calico, blankets,
and broadcloth were substituted. Afterthe man had accumulated the
required materials he sent for the four servants of the society and
bade them tell the members that on such a day a regular meeting
of the society would be held. When the day arrived he sent a
servant of the society to procure the tobacco board and four sticks

Fic. 110. Otter-skin bag, Shell society.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 521

used for the pipes belonging to the pack of his ti, or lodge and bade
him place these articles in his (the host’s) appointed seat in the lodge.
The food was placed outside the dwelling where the society met and
there was made ready for cooking. The gifts were spread within;
the bowl, drum, and rattles obtained by the servants from their
keepers were deposited in their proper places. Then the servants
were dispatched to teli the members “all is ready.”

Then the members entered the dwelling, passed around the fire by
the left and took their places with their respective lodges; the last to
enter was the host, who took his accustomed seat. (Fig. 111.)

THE OPENING CEREMONY

The pipes belonging to the pack of the lodge of which the host was
a member were brought to him. He took one, filled it with tobacco
which he had prepared on
the board, and handed it
to a servant, who took it
to the wu’zhu. The latter
lighted the pipe, smoked it,
and passed it to the person
on his left, who smoked
and passed it to the left.
Meanwhile the host filled
the second pipe and sent it
by a servant to one of the
masters of one of the
other lodges, whichever one
he pleased. No special or- Fic. 111. Diagram showing positions of officers and of cere-

monial articles at meeting of Shell society. 1, Fireplace;
der was observed. The 2, entrance; 3, u/zhus 4, “eldest son;’’ 5, “second son;”’ 6,
master lighted, smoked, “daughter,” 7, “youngest son;”’ 8, drum; 9, rattles; 10,

. gifts; 11, servants; 12, members.

and passed the pipe to
his left. Soon the first pipe was returned to the host, who refilled
and sent it to another master, who lighted, smoked, and passed the
pipe on. In this way the pipes were filled, smoked, and passed four
times around the assembly.

Next, the host called a servant and handed him the seven invita-
tion sticks. These sticks were made by each host and were never
used twice. They were squared at both ends and the length was
‘“‘the measure of a clenched fist.’’ The servant took the sticks in his
left hand, circled the fire, and went to the master who personated the
“eldest son” and held the sticks before him. He received them in
his left hand, removed one stick, laid it down before him, and handed
the six back to the servant, who, holding the six sticks in his left
hand, circled the fire and went to the master of the lodge of the
“‘second son,’’ and held the sticks before him. The ‘second son’’

De, THE OMAHA TRIBE (ern. ANN. 27

received them in his left hand, took out one, and handed the five
back to the servant, who circled the fire, went to the ‘‘daughter,” and
held the sticks before her. She received them as the others had done,
took one, laid it down, and handed the four back to the servant, who
for the fourth time circled the fire, went to the ‘‘youngest son,” and
held the sticks before him. He took them in the same manner,
removed one, laid it down, and handed the three sticks back to the
servant, who carried them back to the host.

The packs belonging to the several lodges were then taken up by
their keepers, held by the ends, and turned four times from left to
right ‘‘so that all the animals and roots within the packs might move
from north to south.” Then the keeper took a pinch of tobacco
with his left hand and made a line from the bottom to the top of the
pack, sprinkling a little of the tobacco as his hand moved. Four of
these lines were made on the side of the pack and then he let fall
the remainder of the tobacco on the pack. Next he struck the pack
with his open palm four times and lifted the pack slightly. After these
movements the packs were untied. The ‘eldest son” and the ‘‘ daugh-
ter’? manipulated the strings and bindings of their packs in the same
way. The ‘‘second son” and the ‘‘ youngest son” untied their packs
differently from the first two, but both observed the same method in
opening their packs. When all these motions were completed the
regalia was distributed by the officers who had the right to perform
this duty. At this time any ‘medicines’ required by the members
(such “medicines” as were kept in the packs) were given to those
who desired them. This done, the packs were put behind the seats
occupied by the masters of the lodges.

The host then gave the red and green paint he had provided to a
servant, who put them on a cloth laid on the top of the drum. This
was set directly in front of the u’zhu. The w’zhw summoned a
servant, gave him some of the red clay used for paint, and bade
him take it to the woman who sat at the extreme end on the south
side; and she at once began to comb her hair. This represented the
act of the mysterious stranger who. thus cared for the children in the
story. All the members then made ready to put on their regalia, while
the woman to whom the paint was sent arose and, taking her otter-
skin mystery bag, went by the left around the circle of members and,
with her left hand outspread toward each person in turn, mentioned
the term of relationship by which she was entitled to address him.
Meanwhile the u’zhw had mixed some of the green or blue clay with
water in a small wooden bow] and sent it to the master of the woman’s
lodge, who represented the ‘‘youngest son.’’ After the woman had
returned she was painted by the master, who then painted all the
members of his lodge. While the painting of the members was in

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 523

progress the w’zhu directed a servant to gather up the mystery bags of
the members by fours, and lay them before him; he then painted with
the blue paint the head of the animal whose entire skin formed the
bag. When this was done the servant advanced to the drum, made
four feints, and then struck the drum four times. This represented
that part of the story in which the animals in the lake and on the
island struck their drums when the children were painted. The cere-
mony of gathering and painting the bags and striking the drum was
the same for all the lodges.

Then the master representing the ‘‘eldest son”? rose (he had
painted his invitation stick red), having completed his duty of paint-
ing the members of his lodge, and, holding up his invitation stick, he
passed by the left around the fire followed by all the members of his
lodge. When they reached the entrance at the east they paused,
faced the west and the fireplace and sang the following song, led by
their master who held the painted stick aloft. The drum was not
used to accompany any of the songs belonging to the opening and
second part of the ceremony.

M. M. J—120 (Sung in a Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracey

—— —__

ae qe SoS
Mo®

) wi-ta- we he she- wa-the - ke- he MHa-thi thi- u-
=
G2
de

Sag es

SF
the - ie no® Ga - mo® - de she - wa - the
= = = == 4 +
SS ees
> =e Z
ke Ha Ahi aa Stone the - woe no" ge Ga - mo?
+ = : Se
2 = 4 = | es | - F oe
oc anes @ 2 Ce on ee a =, 7 +}
de she - wa - the - ke Ha-thi thi-u - de the - ka no®
——— | = =
3 =a == Sas era =
ie? == os — s oS |= ss ss
et ra
ge Ga - mo® - de she - wa - the - ke Ha -thi thi-u

o a = + s+ +

== ——s a= =| |
de

the - ka - no®- ge Ga - mo" - de she - wa - the

524 THE OMAHA TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 27

epee SS

ke Mo® - wi- ta - we he she - wa - the - ke he
Se S
eee af el 4 = 3
2 2 2 —— Sat SSS] Bee = =
= + — = o— @ =
Ge —- a a
Ha - thi thi - u de the - ka no® - ge

Mo" witawe he! Shewatheke he
Hathithiude thekano*ge
Ga’mo"de shewatheke
Hathithiude thekano"ge
Ga‘/mo*"de shewatheke
Hathithiude thekano*ge
Ga’mo"de shewatheke
Hathithiude thekano*ge
Ga/mo"de shewatheke

Mo® witawe he! Shewatheke he
Hathithiude thekano"ge

Translation: Mo", arrow; witawe, mine; he, vocable; shewatheke,
as you have bidden; hathithiude, deserted or abandoned; theka no’ge,
you who have been; ga’motde, this I shall do. ‘‘ You who have been
deserted [or abandoned] have given me an arrow which you have
bidden me to use, and this I shall do as you have bidden me.”

This refers to the instructions given by the father and mother to
the members of the society when they first organized it. The song
speaks of them as the ‘‘abandoned ones,’’ as they were left all alone
when the stranger and the four children disappeared among the
waters. The ‘‘arrow”’ refers to the shell, which was shot as an
arrow.

At the close of the song the lodge marched around the fire and the
master returned the invitation stick to the host, after which they
moved to their places.

Then the master who represented the ‘‘second son”’ arose, hold-
ing his painted invitation stick. All his lodge rose and followed him
around the fire to the entrance, where they turned, faced the fire,
and sang the song belonging to their master and lodge. This song
the writers were not able to obtain. After the singing of this song
the ‘‘second son”’ circled the fire and returned his painted invitation
stick to the host, when he and his lodge went back to their appointed
seats.

The ‘‘daughter”’ then arose, as did her lodge. They circled the fire
to the entrance, where they turned, faced the west and the fire, and
sang theirsong. This song the writers were not successful in obtain-
ing. At the close they circled the fire and the ‘‘daughter” returned

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 525

her painted stick to the host; then she and her lodge passed on to
their seats.

The ‘‘youngest son”’ arose, and with his lodge cireled the fire, paused
at the entrance, turned, faced the fire and the west, and, holding up
his red painted invitation stick, sang the following song:

Transcribed by Edwin 8S. Tracy

M. ‘a = 120 ee in octaves)
= f - ceie= i as
ae ES eeaes
Mi-the-ga ha ha ha _ ha do? mi - the- ga_ha...... ha
# fis
E = ae — ae = @_s == a a r|
——o = ja
ha e ya It igeracaces ha ha - a mi - the - ga ha- ha
—
eae S| A-|— a=] ee a =
[ = oospeaqanees JESS |
J = - a z oe oe
ha e ya Biaesense ha ha the-ge u ha mi-the he he

SSS
— Se

he mi-the he mi-the he - he he ha do® the - he - he

rae is ork = 5 = = == =f]

vw cof ‘Sap ee Sr 6, St 0. Se
+e + e+e +e +
ha ha ha ha do" mi-the ga ha ha _ ha - do®

Mithega ha ha ha hado?! Mithega ha ha ha e ya ha ha ha hado?
Mithega ha ha ha e ya ha ha ha thege uha
Mithega he he he mithega ha mithega ha ha ha hado”
Mithega he he he mithega ha mithega ha ha ha hado®™
Mithega hado®
Literal translation: Mithega, I go; ha, vocable; hado”, behold, see;
thege yonder; wha, to walk as in a path.
When the song had been sung they circled the fire by the left,
returned the stick to the host, and then took their accustomed seats.
A servant was next dispatched with the wooden bowl to fill it with
water. This bowl is said to represent the earth, which held the lake
spoken of in the story, and the water had to be taken from a spring,
a lake, or other quiet body. When the servants returned with the
bowl the water was examined by the officer whose duty it was to
attend to having the water correctly furnished. Meanwhile the
officer who had the right to place the four “‘children” before the fire
went to the man representing the ‘‘eldest son,” who arose and fol-
lowed the officer. They two circled the fire and went to the place
where the ‘‘second son” sat. He arose and followed them, and the
three circled the fire and went to the ‘“‘daughter.’’ She arose, fell

526 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

into line, and the four passed about the fire and then went to the
“youngest son.”” He arose, fell in behind the ‘‘daughter,” and the
five passed around the fire. When they reached the west they paused
and stood facing the east.

The officer who led the “children” then took the bowl of water and
handed it to the “eldest son,’ who took four sips and passed it to the
“second son.” He took four sips and handed it to the ‘‘daughter;’
she did likewise and passed the bowl to the ‘“‘youngest son.” After
taking his four sips he
handed the bowl to the
officer, who carried it to
the member sitting at the
left of the row of mem-
bers, the one who first
combed her hair. She
took four sips and passed
the bowl to the person at
her left, who also after
four sips passed it on to
the left, and so the bowl

went entirely around,
Fig, 112. Diagram showing arrangement and four ceremo- = <
nial movements of officers at meeting of Shell society. 1, each member taking four
Fireplace; 2, entrance, facing the east; 3, w'zhu; 4, lodge sips. Finally the bowl
of ‘eldest son;” 5, lodge of ‘‘second son, 6, lodge of

“ daughter;’’ 7, lodge of ‘youngest son;*’ 8, drum and rat- was given to its keeper.

tles, moved back;”' 10, gifts; 11, servants, 12, ‘‘children”’ The drum was then
ejecting shells on gifts after encircling lodge four times. D,
A, B, C, successive positions of ‘children’’ before the fire; moved ba ck an d the

D, last position, like the first. goods were spread toward
the south. Then began a series of circlings of the fire by the four
“children,” during which a song was sung to each of the four direc-
tions; the “children” shifted their places and finally returned to
the position occupied at the beginning. The accompanying diagram
(fig. 112) may help to make clear this movement, which is not with-
out dignity as the people perform it.

All standing at the west, the ‘‘eldest son” turned, faced the north,
and sang the following song:

ELDEST SON’S SONG

M. M. }=72 (Sung in octaves) Transcribed by Edwin | S. Tracy
eet es et ae Ze i —_
Oak S| ele SEE IEE (EY
— —
Ha-gu- di tha the ha the Ha-gu-di tha the tho............-.....

Fee foster fe ops a Ss]

shu-tha ha tha he tha ha Ha-gu-di he tha the ha the

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 527

ee ee ee

Ha - gu - di tha the LNT EopeapgoSobnnc assoc Shu i ha the
lon
=n Ne } fs == = { Hl
= qs ———— = —} — St
G2 @ — oe a oe 2 be (A Ca aa 7ps
———EEE
he tha ha Ha-gu-di he tha the ae pacooosossegdbaco amescacaccose
slow Cry of Mystic Ancients

G2 Se eee allele
Ss eases See cee

ha ha ha

Hagudi thathe ha the
Hagudi thathe tho
Shuthahatha he tha ha
Hagudihe thathe ha tha
Hagudi thathe tha
Shuthahathe he tha ha
Hagudi he thathe tha

Translation: Hagudi, where? thathe, theathe, I send, I make to go;
hathe, this (refers to the shell, with the secret power); shuthe athe,
shuthahathe, in your direction; he, vowel prolongation; tha, end of
sentence. ‘‘Where do I send this (the shell)? I send it im your
direction.”’

The “eldest son”’ then led the way, the others following in single
file, to the north side of the fire. When all were standing in line facing
south he left his place, circled the fire alone, and on his return took his
place beside the ‘‘youngest son.”’

The “‘second son’ then turned, faced the east, and sang the following
song:

M. M. J= 96 aneenibed by aoe S. Tracy
je ee
AE a Sj
Hi-tha-ha-the he e-a - a - be he he he he he he
fe
6 e : “9 ape =e aires a 2_ > |e_ eo |e r=
SS = 5 eseeseye
Hi-tha-ha-the he ea - a- be he _ he he he he he he

[sams seed erie eee

Hi - tha - ha - the - i ea - ae he he he he e - he he he

528 THE OMAHA TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 27

SSS 5s ae]

Hi-tha-ha- the he e-a - a - be he he he e- he he he
ee
Hi-tha-ha-the he ea - a - 6 - vf e- he he he
= ¥ — FEN cae ee see
A oS =a > = —: = =
~ + + D Bile a

Hi -tha-ha-the he e-a - a - be he Hi- tha - ha - the’ he

as see pe
Roses — = i SS
a

e- - a - be he he he e - he he he’ Hi-tha-ha-the he
‘J = =]

[6 +e Sia Z get =e Ee = 2 = Pa meh
e-a - a - be he he he e - he he he oh = of the

Literal translation: Hithathe, I have found it; eabe, said. Voca-
bles are introduced to stretch the words to the music.

The song refers to the mother finding the shell and exclaiming,
‘‘T have found it!’’, as recounted in the story.

At the close of the song the ‘‘second son” led toward the east, the
others following in single file. When they were all standing in line he
left his place, circled the fire alone, and on his return took his place
to the right of the ‘‘eldest son.”

The ‘‘daughter” then turned, faced the south, and sang the follow-
ing song:

M.M. |= 138 Transcribed by Edwin S. T Spe
$ e a Oey Poet it :
(SSS Sa

T= 1° tho™ ho® e e tho® ho" e-a - be he.....:

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE | SOCIETIES 529

Pe —
F sis aoe al Waser soe Woe | a |2 | =.= - =|
=e ee
ho" e-a- be heeesssscee he he Geom hernteee he he
—— ————
+
; = 2—|-e === 2 = f was = o |e === =

t) 1 ~6tho™ ho® e e tho® ho 6) 8 =) Dba hio

f SS ape rareeetee ieee

——_—

(0) ene par ROD Tiny 127 tho? hot 6 e tho® ho® e- a- be
F ae —
jt aS = SN
=
WSS SS araieie == 3S a = :
1h Reso he he Gy Sedhegooccee he he Ie i" tho®
—— 2 SS SS St Se
ra ein (SRS i SOS el pees el Sen
: =
ho® e e tho" ho® @ = a) =) bere.

1" i" tho" ho" e e tho" ho® eabe he he he
Ehe he he

I" i" tho" ho" e e tho” ho" eabe he he he
Ehe he he

I" i" tho® ho" e e tho™ ho" eabe hio

I" i" tho" ho" e e tho" ho" eabe he he he
Ehe he he

I“ i" tho" ho® ee tho" ho” eabe hio

Literal translation: /”, stone; tho”, round; eabe, it is, they say.

This song refers to the mother finding the shell. It is to be noted
that the shell is here spoken of asa round stone. This song, as well
as other points in the story it dramatizes, raises the question as to
the relation between the Shell and Pebble societies. If they are
related the Pebble society bears marks of being the older. Its rituals
deal with more fundamental conceptions than does the story on which
the Shell society is said to be founded.

After the song the ‘‘daughter”’ led toward the south, and the others
followed her in single file. When all were in line she left her place,
circled the fire alone, and on her return took her place on the right
of the ‘‘second son.”

The ‘‘youngest son” then turned and faced the west, and sang
the following song:

Transcribed by Edwin 8S. Tracey

itt es: ope

slits —— = eS +f2= ES at Se a = - |

Le == 4S —
Ah!ke ya ha we _ he I"-de mu-ca ya ke ya ha we

83993°—27 erH—11——34

530 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

aS
we hia

a I" de mu-¢a ya ya
ON slow quicker
pete ees = Se
[ —be— 5p | 2 | a = SS SS
- ——
hia hia
2 Cry ¢ of Magie Ancients
i¢=——= = 7 |—|— SS SSS
ia ej +] + [oe fe-le |. | ee
J 3

ha Gu HOteneceeeeeeeet
Ah! ke ya ha we he
Ide mu¢a ya ke ya ha we hia
Ide mug¢a ya ke ya ha we hia

Literal translation: Ah ke, now then; ya ha we he, come, let us
gather together; inde, face; muca, to shoot: hia, magical cry. Some
of the words are archaic.

This song refers to the completion of the purposes of the stranger
and the organization of the society. In it the members are bidden
to ‘“‘come now and shoot each other in the face.’ The otter-skin
from which the shell was supposed to be ‘‘shot” was always aimed
at the mouth, whence comes the breath, the sign of life in man.
The Pebble people shot at any part of the person; the Shell people
only at the face.

At the close of the song the ‘‘youngest son” led toward the west,
the others following. When all were in line he circled the fire alone,
and on his return took his place to the right of the ‘‘daughter.” All
four were then in their first position.

Standing before the fire and facing the east, the four laid their mys-
tery bags down in front of them. Then, beginning with the “eldest
son’”’ (no. 4), they coughed in order as they stood. The cough was
repeated four times in the same order and at the fourth cough the
shell was ejected. The four coughs were said to be for the purpose of
gaining strength to reach the four hills of life leading to oldage. The
palms of the hands were then moistened, the bag was picked up with
the right hand, the shell held in the left. Then all four started around
the circular dwelling at a trot, with one breath uttermg the magic
cry Chochochooo until they reached the middle of the north ¢ de.
There they took breath, then, with the same cry, trotted to the middle
of the east, took breath, and with the same cry and movement went
to the middle of the south side, where they again paused to breathe
and then went on with the same cry to the west. This movement
about the dwelling with the four stops and prolonged magic cries was
repeated four times. After a brief rest the four started again. With
the same magic cry they circled the fire without pausing until they

FLETCHPR—-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES Soll

reached the south side, where the gifts of goods were spread. They
there put their shells into their mouths and each one fell prone on the
goods. This act represented the death of the children in the story.
The drum was then put before the w’zhu, and one of the minor offi-
cers started a song of the slow-time class called a ‘‘rest song.’ During
its singing the four ‘“‘children” stood motionless before the fire.

InrRopuctTorRY TO Dramatic MovEMENT

Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy
MM. J= as (Sang in celsve ie

=3- = « ear 3
sas = eee
Da - go - ha wiu"tha ha - Tae - de
ae a at ee aS Se
e— SSS _ 26 SS ee =
ga ha He he ha ha u®tha - ha - ku-de he
—— @ e—-|—e o ‘6 o o
=e s a 5 iss Sao (Pa Seed ed
a = = ood ta mE
ga Mi - the ga ha Uae thay a kul aide he

ga ha He he ie ec - tha ku - de he
: et —— a is Sl al aaa a ee
S22 222 a ee
—e Se ee ee ——
ga Mi - the - ga ha u®-tha ha ku - de he ha
c= = a | Ss — AG =a
——— od =
o + a

He he ha ha u®-tha Ma ‘sh - ae “

Dagohotha ha wiu"thahakude he ga ha
He he ha ha u"thahakude he ga
Mithega ha u*thakude he ga ha

He he ha ha u"thahakude he ga ha

He he ha ha u"thakude he ga

Mithega ha u*thahakude he ga ha

He he ha ha u"thahakude he ga

Translation: Dagotha, an archaic term meaning ‘‘what is 1t?”;
the vocable ho is introduced to stretch the word to the music; wiw”,
me; thakude, you shoot; ha he ga ha are vowel prolongations or voca-
bles; mithega, I go forth. The meaning of this song is: ‘‘ What is it
with which you shoot me as I go forth?”

582 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

After this song, one in fast time was sung. All the lodge of the
“eldest son” joined in the singing during which the following move-
ments took place: The four ‘‘children” passed around the fire four
times, and then went to the lodge of the ‘‘ youngest son” at the south-
east and ‘‘shot”’ four members at the end of the line; the latter fell
rigid but in a few moments arose, took their places behind the four
“children” and in single file the eight circled the fire. The last four
then ‘‘shot” four of the lodge of the ‘‘eldest son,”’ who fell, arose, and
followed the others, and the twelve circled the fire. Then the last
four ‘‘shot”’ four members of the lodge of the ‘‘second son,” who fell,
arose, and took their places behind the others, and the sixteen
circled the fire. Then the last four ‘“shot’’ four from the lodge of
the ‘‘daughter,” who fell, arose, and followed the others and the
twenty went around the fire.

(Sung in octaves) Music transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy
lon
- $5 f f — e ° o = =e e Zz e °
[Ge 2 ee ee
Ku- tha e wa-ko® da ha she iz ge tha ha
3
(SS SS
f a a
—— 2s
Hi- no°- ge ta 1 - ge tha ha as He e - wa- ko®
$ ne Sl aE ar ————
: = +-——4 - 1
ee
6 ee =
da ha tha-h A-she- i? - ge- he tha ha Hi-no" - ge

2S SS

ta i i" - ge tha ha ku-tha e- wa-ko®"-da ha tha ha

fered ee eee ease

AS Shem ge tha ha ku-tha e - wa- ko" - she - i"

——
- $ 8 4 SSS ==
[secs Ee es ere
= i
ge tha ha Hi- no®- 7 ta i?- ge tha ha haves

Kutha e wako"da ha
Sheitgehe tha ha

Hino'ge ta ha i"ge tha ha
Kutha e wako"da ha tha ha
Ashei®gehe tha ha

Hinotge ta ha i"getha ha
Kutha e wako"da ha tha ha
Asheitge tha ha

Kutha e wako"da ha
Sheitge tha ha

Hino*ge ta ha i*ge tha ha ha

eS me 5,

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 533

Literal translation: Mutha, a term of endearment for a wife, used
only in great grief (the word for wife in ordinary address is
thano ha; when spoken of, wigaxtho”); e, he; Wakot’da, here used in
the sense of ‘‘mysterious;” shei"gehe tha ha, an archaic form difficult
to translate, refers to all things yonder—the animals, the earth, and
its teeming life; hinovge, let us run; the word used refers to the
running of animals, not men. The lines are all composed of changes
on these words.

The song refers to the incident in the story when, after the shell had
been found, the husband in his grief called to his wife and said, ‘‘We
will now run home.’ The movement was to put them in accord with
that of the animals of the earth and of the magic and mysterious
animals of the story; also, they were to be endowed with their
swiftness and magic power. Beneath the story of the song lies
another meaning, which relates to the imparting to the man and
woman of added life, reproductive power, by means of the magic
granted to them.

This dramatic movement completed the opening ceremony, which
was closed to the public.

THE PUBLIC CEREMONY

At the close of this cumulative procession about the fire those
members who chose to do so returned to their respective places. The
drum was then taken to one of the lodges and the members of that
lodge formed a choir while the drum was with them. Each lodge
had its own songs, and there was an initial song for each lodge which
had to be sung first when the drum was brought; subsequently the
singers chose the songs they wished to sing, there being no fixed order
after the first. The drum was beaten as an accompaniment to all
the songs, which were divided into the slow, or rest, songs, during
which the members sat and talked or rested; and fast songs, during
which they passed about the fire, ‘‘shooting’’ whom they pleased.
Whoever was ‘‘shot”’ fell rigid, lay a few moments in a tense attitude,
then arose and took a place in the moving line about the fire, and
“‘shot’”’? whomsoeyer he wished. After the drum had remained a
while with one lodge it was carried to another. The initial song of
that lodge was sung, then other songs belonging to the lodge, accord-
ing to the fancy of the choir, and the procession formed again. The
drum had to pass to all the lodges during a regular meeting.

534 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

The following are the initial songs of the four lodges:

IniTrAL SONG oF THE LODGE OF THE ‘‘ ELDEST SON”’

M.M. }= 72 (Sung in octaves) Prenecried by Edwin 8. Tracy
——— eZ coos
[eee eS == aes ae ey =
- u- tha ki- da wi-hi the? hesrs.--..
—o o-
eT cis
Shiescaeros | (RON WHeseces he he E - u- tha ki-da wi - the
$ polly eee ee —
pees grees arses =
e = ae
roaooe wa - ko"- da wi - the he he he e-i#
—_ See Sar a
= P| é a a
ga - we he he - - u- tha ki-da wi
= ee = «
ea reeeeeees
hers<sss he he 125i ae! =e: | eracsece he he E-

Sas Se
—V Z

u-tha ki-da

+s =
Fe zat obs te ae ——
Be —s @ o oe
he

e-i®-ga we hen... - u-tha ki-da

se Saal

wi- the he...... he the! i8' pa. ie, Wess, dhersteeseece c

Eutha kida wihithe he he he
Washige he hehe

Eutha kida withe he he he
Wako"da withe he he hee
I=gawehe hehe

Eutha kida wihithe he hehe
T*gawehe hehe

Eutha kida wihithe he he he
I"gawehe

wi - the

Literal translation: Hutha, tell; kida, when home; withe, I cause
you; hehehe, vocables; washige, possessions or wealth: wakonda, mys-
figs et on to the mysterious stranger who gave the magic;
withe, caused, appointed ; ingawehe, speaking to me thus.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 535

The song refers to the command of the stranger bidding the man
and his wife to say when they went home that the mysterious stranger
had offered them riches, possessions, through the magic power given
them, The song implies that like powers will be passed on to the
initiated.

INITIAL SONG OF THE LODGE OF THE ‘‘SEconD Son”?

M.M. j= 160 (Sung in octaves) Transcribed by Edwin 8. Tracy
# o—t--4 o——e-,6 -—>35 Z
ie | ! = SS 2 eee TS a
F “4 ss =e oe = ee ===
The-ge _he........ he he Hoi= wa - ne he:..--..2-..
4 aa = [* a | o—e [2 (Se eS
eee (a
-the - ge he he he Ho - wa- ne he he he

ce oer ees eer SS Sa

time nase SS

A-the-ge he he Ho- wa- ne......

fiers tees cars cas roe reese

Ni-ka the-ge he he he Ho- wa-

_H ipSsare ee a be , .
i oe s =F = oe: =a

= | { | i—— +. |
= me = -ji—
Ca =o [Ze | Se AS (ae a

The- ge he he he Ho- wa - ne hia
aut E = =| at —=
= 4 + 4 —— =! a | 2 [== =
ee
A=. “he hese he he he Ne eens he he

co “is see eats

oceoomoct = = 7 G8 AINE Sos eRe ORS OCR RCE Inpee Soso- PCE)

Thege he hehe
Howane he he he
Athege he hehe
Howane he hehe
Athege he hehe
Howane hia
Nikathege he hehe
Howane he hehe
Thege he hehe
Howane hia
Ahehe hehe hehe hehe
Ahehe he ha

536 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Literal translation: Thege, these; howane, I have sought; athege,
behold these; nika, part of nikathega, people; hia, cry of magic
animals; vocables and magic cries.

The song means: Behold the possessions I have sought and gained
by the magic given by the mysterious stranger; behold the people I
have gathered about me by his help. Reference is made to the magic
help given to the initiated in the society.

INITIAL SONG OF THE LODGE OF THE ‘‘ DAUGHTER”’

Transcribed by Edwin 8. Tracy

Fe Stee area eee eee

A - wa- te - di tha - tie - do® - o® Ho® tho® tha _ the ha

ares oe mere es SS See :
on ers

A - wa- - di tha - tie - do® - 0° Ho® tho" tha _ the ha
ie = : = EF 7 |
- wa-te - di oe - tie - do®- o® Ho® tho® tha the ha

a AA

- wa- te - di_ tha - tie - do® - 0° Ho® tho" tha the

go mney

Vi- e - ha she - ti- di tha ti-e ia Hi - wi - the

genes Series

A- wa-te- di tha- tie - do™ o® Ho® tho® tha the ha

Go ae = 2 a2 = aeAigae =

- wa- te - di tha - ee do® - of Ho® tho® tha

Awatedi thati e do" o®
Ho*tho"thathe ha
Awatedi thati e do™ o®
Ho*tho*thathe ha
Awatedi thati e do™ 0”
Ho"tho"thathe ha
Awatedi thati e do™ o®
Ho"tho"thathe ha
Wicha shetidi thati e do™
Hiwithe ha

Awatedi thati e do”
Ho*tho"thathe ha
Awatedi thati e do”
Ho"tho"thathe a

—_—

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES yah f(

Literal translation: Awatedi, at what place; thati e do”, came you;
ho"tho"thathe, and you found me; wieha, it was I; shetidi, at yonder
place; thati e do", you came when; hiwithe ha, I found you.

This song refers to the initial incident in the story, the mother send-
ing her son to invite the mysterious stranger. He asks: Where did
you find me? I it was who found you at yonder place, the house of
the chief from which the stranger came to partake of the feast pre-
pared for him by the woman. In this song the “daughter” recalls
the act of the mother which led to the formation of the society and
the gift of magic.

Inir1AL Sone of THE LODGE Or THE ‘‘ YOUNGEST SONn”’

>x *« Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracey
tye Sg ee SSS Se ar 4 mes a Bee as a a
boos “SS Se Sue

E wa-ko"-da a _gi-bo"-thi-tho® ha E wa-ko™da a gi- bo™-thi-tho

> >)
(See ea

E wa-ko"-da = a_ gi- bo"-thi-tho® ha E wa-ko"-da = a__gi- bo"-thi- tho

a) a ee

wee|2 tt eel ec rr} ee ele ||
sai: SS 2 sa ae SS Se eas ee

E wa-ko™da = a_ gi- bo®-thi-tho" ha E wa-ko"-da a_ gi-bo"-thi- tho”

E wako"da a gibo"thitho™ ha
E wako"da a gibo*thitho®
E wako"da a gibo"thitho” ha
E wako"da a gibo"thitho"
E wako"da a gibo"thitho™ ha
E wako"da a gibo"thitho®

Literal translation: 7, he; wako"da, mysterious; a, vowel prolonga-
tion; gibo"thitho”, called him.

This song refers to the calling of the youngest son into the tent,
where he was “shot”’ as he entered, by the mysterious stranger, as told
inthe story. By that ‘‘shot’’ magic was given and can be transmitted
by the representative of the youngest son, according to the claim of
the society traditions.

These initial songs are among those said to have been taught by
the mysterious stranger when the family were eating of the game
that had been killed through the magic influence given the hunter to
call the animals.

When the drum had passed around all the lodges the members took
off their regalia, and while the disrobing was in progess the servants
brought in the food for the feast. The w’zhu then took a wooden
spoon, dipped up some of the broth, and dropped it into the fireplace.
Then he circled the fire, and when facing the east, took another spoon-

538 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH. ANN. 27

ful of the broth and carried it out of the lodge. At the entrance
facing the east he held the food up to the sun, then poured out the
offermg at the entrance to the dwelling. Then he returned and,
placing his finger on the spoon, touched with his moist finger the head
of each of the mystery bags of the four masters and both moccasins
of the ‘‘eldest son” and the ‘“‘second son.” After this ceremony all
the articles which belonged to the packs were laid away where they
belonged. The choice pieces of meat were then removed and given by
the servants as directed by the officer who has that duty. Then all
the members were served. Before anyone partook of his food each
member arose and gave thanks to the host, beginning at the south-
east end of the line. When the last person had spoken he took a bit
and ate it; then each in turn followed, and all partook of the food
without further ceremony. At the conclusion of the meal the gifts
were taken to the ‘‘eldest son,’’ who either distributed them or sent
them to another master for distribution. The servants were always
remembered in this division.

After the gifts had found their way to those who were to receive
them, the songs of dismissal followed. These were the songs which
the mysterious stranger bade the father and mother never to forget
when rising from a feast. They were sung in the order of the
‘‘children,”’ beginning with the ‘‘eldest son.’”’ Each song has two
stanzas and there are four repetitions.

‘DISMISSAL SONG OF THE ‘“ ELDEST Son’”’

M.M. /= = 152 Transcribed by Edwin 8. Tracy
—--b- 2 at a ae =A o—s— as SSS
See eee ee
U
A-yo"-ge he i®-ga - ne . he Ho..... zho"-ge i" - ga - ne
ra ao eo —— & —e ===
GS ae Ee a ras |
A- yo"-ge he i®- ga - he! Holz. zho"-ge i® - ga - ne
oS =
GAs 4 ie PSS
ch
A-yo"-ge he i - ga - ne he Ho.....zho®-ge i® - ga - ne
maid <a =
~ Sal SS
iG? é =| - poe 22s: o—e—| = 2 ES =|
Wa-ko"-da_ the- the - ga ha = zho"-ge i® - ga - ne

a eee

Wa-shi- ge the-the - ga ha Ho.....zho"-ge i® - ga - ne

‘

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 539

oo oe ee

A-yo"- ge he i® - ga - ne he Re = ge 12 - ga = ne

ee ears cesar

A-yo"-ge he i@ - ga - ne he Gina - ge im - ga -
SESSA aE
of [os —— se
Wa-shi - ge the-the - ga ha ihiae ahes - ge i®-ga - ne
J

Ayo®ge he i®gane he
Hozho*ge i*gane
Ayotge he i"™gane he
Hozho*ge i"gane
Ayorge he i®gane he
Hozho'ge i"gane
Wako"da thethega ha
Hozhotge i"gane

Washige thethega ha
Hozho*ge i*gane
Ayorge he i"gane he
Hozho*ge i“gane
Ayorge he igane he
Hozho*ge i"gane
Washige thethega ha -
Hozho*ge i"gane

Literal translation: Ayo"ge, as it has been said; he, vowel pro-
longation; i"gane, spoken to me; he, vowel prolongation; hozhorge,
path; he, vowel prolongation; wako"da, mysterious (refers to the
stranger) ; thethega, go hither.

This song was explained to mean: “I rise to take the path pointed
out to me by the mysterious messenger or stranger.” The path refers
to the path of life, with its avocations.

The second stanza is identical with the first except in lines 1
and 7. Washige in these lines means ‘‘possessions,” the products
of hunting gained through the magic imparted by the mysterious
stranger to bring the animals.

540 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH, ANN. 27

DismMIssAL SONG OF THE ‘‘SECOND Son”’

M. M. }=66 Transcribed by Edwin 8. Tracy
poppy fp at .
Bae = wa a = =a st soot . LED o
at = —_
e
A™ - mo"-thi® tha go" a the- he de e ga An-
a(S) ss as es ee Ee ee li da a ee ea
Gre =—— SS ieae mae ——— ==
mo"-thi* the go"™-a the he e ga -mo"-thi* the go™-a
qi ao a eS es Se ee
Foca cee ee ie ee: a
tha he de e ga A*™-mo"-thi"the go" a the he de e ga
Giese SS
| = Ca nee = = = =
2s = Soe a
mo'-thi® the got-a the he de e ga A» - mo*-thi" the go”

Ae eo ea :
E pp —— == a ee [== a
ee oes — ——_—_ = a
= face eee aa
Zhi-ma tha ha A" - mo™-thi" the go" a the he de-e ga

A*mo"thi" thego” athahede e ga
A™mo"thi" thego” athahede e ga
A™mo"thi" thego" athahede e ga
A™mo"thi® thego"™ athahede e ga

Atmo"thi" thego" athahede e ga
A*™mo"thi® thego”

Zhimatha ha

A™mo*thi® thego" athahede e ga

Literal translation: A™mo*thi”, the other one; thego”, is gone; atha-
hede, a longing desire; zhimatha, an archaic word; the remaining
syllables are vowel prolongations and vocables.

The meaning of this song is said to be: ‘The other one, my brother,
has gone, ome i have a longing to follow him along the Sante opened
before us.’

DisMIssaAL SONG OF THE ‘‘ DAUGHTER”

Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy

e-3
~—<? oP _| #0 # pes
(Ea a a ay Fm Pe yes ———

gethe ge ga ha the ge the ge

: — —
Se ee
2 i ~—

“~~
ga ha the - gethe ge ga ha the - pethe ge ga ha the-

FLETCHHR—-LA FLESCHE ] SOCIETIES 54 iL

—_ A

— 4 = \—— _—=— : = 3
Fo = SSS

x ~~
- gethe ge ga ha the - gethe ge ga ha the - gethe ge

8
3
SS =f
4 a «| _—_— | | Ee a | } al
E 2 SS ee o= ess — o-oo

— H | hs
~ — ~t~awvew wr Fes ———— ™
a

ga ha the - gethege ga the - gethe ge ga ha the-
—| —_ 3 o ae
IG = i= SS] | = E E =
SSL eI 4 + - ——— + ™. —t ai ts =
— —@ o o—e 'e,_ — 4 {
—_— — ee we: vv vw
= - gethe ge ga ha the - gethe ge ga ha mo®- thi" du-a
SS 3
— E a
Ftppp oa Ett Sess
a SS Bp; 7) SSS SiS Se

ge he we - shi-ge ha-a we - shi-ge ha a the - ge the ge he ga
|

Thegethe ge ga ha
Thegethe ge ga ha
Thegethe ge ga ha
Thegethe ge ga ha
Thegethe ge ga ha
Thegethe ge ga ha
Thegethe ge ga ha
Thegethe ge ga ha

Thegethe ge ga ha
Thegethe ge ga ha
Thegethe ge ga ha
Thegethe ge ga ha
Mo*thi® dua ge he
Weshige ha a

Weshige ha a

Thegethe ge he ga

The words of this song can not be translated. They are said to be
old—at least, they are unintelligible to the Omaha of. to-day. The
meaning of the song is said to be: ‘““We will again take this path.”
The word weshige, or one like it in sound, occurs. This word means
“‘possessions’”’ or ‘‘wealth,” referring to the fruits of the successful
hunter whose magic helped him to reach the animals in the story.
“The path” therefore may refer to the possessions given through the
magic imparted by this society.

542 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Dismissat Sone or ‘‘ YounGEsT Son”’

Transcribed by Edwin 8. Tracy

F M. M, - Sp AunEs in octaves) ———
F 3 =e e—| 3—2 o—e| 2-6 t |
= = Soa oe H - o a
ee J-4 — 2 pa) ee
She u - ha wi tha asier.ay-ice ha ha She - u -
— — =
[ 2. Se =. ~—|--— ~~ [ ——- ee ==
a a 7 aay (SS SSS SS SSS
ha wi tha Haecorecees ha ha Ku-u- tha ha wi tha ha... ha
= eel
Se 4
5. oe oe o——|—e oe SSE
ha She - u he wi - tha _ha...... =e ha ha Ku-u - tha
Se ae =——— |
roa ae eS 4-7
hale ha ha ao - ha wi - tha hades ha
$ = Sere —
SS Se es! St ae aS =A. a
E 4—e o—e 2 SS S| Se es Se ar aie
ha She-u ha wi tha ha _ ha ha mo® zho"
a ee = — OEO——
tS SSS ae
= SS ESS ae Be a ieee BPI
ha wi-tha Haeescen =. pobre ha She-u ha_ wi- tha ha...... ha ha
=> —
- = — 3 Ss a
[Gia —— | ——— | =" a
— 4
Ku - u - AG Ses wi-tha ha ha ha She - u ha wi- tha
<a ——— = = or 2S =
4 Se A sS = sy = _sw__
saa Se ee ae a a 7 ay eer Sey ee
na eosee ha ha Ku-u - tha hanes ha ha She -u -
- ee +
= A A-F- —4
Ga= ——-s — o_o z o =; 7 | a: “||
—
ha wi-tha havc ha ha She-u-ha wi-tha ha
1

Sheuha withaha ha ha

Kuutha ba withaha ha ha

Sheuha withaha ha ha kuutha ha ha ha
Sheuha withaha ha ha

Sheuha withaha ha ha

Mo®zho® ha witha haha ha

Sheuha withaha ha ha

Kuutha ha witha ha we ha

Sheuha withaha ha ha kuutha ha ha ha
Sheuha withaha ha ha

Sheuha withaha

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 543

Literal translation: She, those; wha, paths; wethaha, we go; kutha,
wife; mo”zho”, land, earth.

The words of the song are few but the song is said to refer to the father
and mother of the children speaking together after the death of their
children, recalling the fact that before this strange experience they
had traveled together but now they were to follow other (‘‘those’’)
paths over the earth, which had been pointed out to them by the
mysterious stranger. That there was grief in facing the change is
shown in the use of the term kutha, ‘wife,’ which, as already ex-
plained, was never used except in great sorrow, as at death.

At the conclusion of this song the lodge of the ‘‘youngest son”’
arose and went out first; then followed the lodge of the “daughter,”
next the lodge of the “‘second son,” then that of the “eldest son,”
and finally the w’zhu.

In olden times a sweat bath was obligatory in washing off the
paint but now it is removed with warm water.

The following eight songs belong to the lodge of the “eldest son”
and afford a fair sample of the songs of the society. Three are of
the slow class, ‘‘rest songs;’’ that is, there is no movement when they
are sung. A song of this class always preceded one of the fast songs,
during which the dramatic movement about the lodge took place,
the members “‘shooting’’ one another. There is one special song in
this group (no. 8) which is sung only when the thunder is first heard
after the winter season. As the regular meetings of the society are
not held during the spring, this song can not be classed with those
usually sung at a meeting of the society, when any of the remaining
seven songs of the following group could be sung while the drum was
with this lodge. Of the songs here given some are evidently old, others
are modern—at least, not quite a hundred years old. It will be noted
in the explanation of these songs that throughout the story and prac-
tices of the society there runs a double thread, the dramatization of
the story itself and a suggestion of the dual forees whose conjunc-
tion brings about living forms. The circle of life is also presented;
its beginning, birth, is in mystery and it returns to the mystery of
death. The magic side of the beliefs of the society is well brought
out in songs nos. 3, 6, and 7.

Owing to the great difficulty and expense of obtaining material of
this character, no attempt has been made to secure the songs of the
other three lodges. The ritual songs of the secret ceremonies of the
opening of a regular meeting are practically complete, as well as the
customs and usages of the society. It is probable that the songs of
the other lodges are similar to those here given. It is possible that
some phase of the story or the beliefs may be emphasized in one lodge
more than in another but the general scope is practically as here
presented.

544 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

First Sonc—Stow Sona, Intropuctrory To DRAMATIC MOVEMENT IN ‘‘ SHOOTING’?

MEMBERS
Be {= 66 kK Transcribed by Edwin 8. Tracy
52 Cee es gee See eee eS
E vex ——— —— 2 |= = ——= 3 : 4 y= —
s = 4 : S
Da-go- tha-ha wa-a - ku-de i®-ga - we he he he
> Port.
4 Bigs e @ = _K
— - fe: o__@ @__9* «9 oe eo eo e- «
= a ae ee ee
= Bu 2 ——
E- he he he wa - a - ku-de i®-ga- we he he he
>,
= — o-* ee aes a o- 6 x
; = ES eT | a ewes Pareles ea a ee Be
aE — ee el Se
E-he - he he wot'-a-ge he ga ha wa- a-ku-de i*ga-we
é ‘
a ES, — = — X= == :
a e e are r eo _# “ly s—s—s a= ss Ee i
- —- = =a a ae = =
he he he E-he he he wa-a - ku-de ry ga-we he he he
> panel ree eb
ea ey
———— —-= ov = coc
E-he he he Da-go tha ha- wa-a - ku-de im-ga-we
Portando.
$ =e — — —
E = Se Se
: y—v 5 = =
he he E-he - he he wa - a - ku-de i®-ga - we
J = =
= ear SS —A—A— 4 = 5
f= — AS — «|. —— Seen
= >
he he he E-he he he Wa-a- ku-de iga-we he
1

(Sung twice)

Dagothaha waakude i” ga we he he he
E he he he waakude i* ga we he he he
E he he he wo"age he ga ha

Waakude i” ga we he he he

E he he he waakude i” ga we he he he
E he he he

Dagothaha waakude i” ga we he he he
E he he he waakude i” ga we he he he
E he he he waakude i” ga we he

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 545

(Sung twice)
Dagothaha waakude i" ga we he he he
E he he he waakude i" ga we he he he
E he he he I"no"ge he ga ha
Waakude i" ga we he he he
E he he he waakude i* ga we he he he
E he he he
Dagotha ha waakude i" ga we he he he
E he he he waakude i" ga we he he he
E he he he waakude i® ga we he
Literal translation: Dagotha, what is it?; wakude, to shoot; wo"age,
an archaic word; J"no"ge, also archaic. The remaining syllables are
vocables and vowel prolongations.
The song is said to be old. It refers to the shooting of the children
by the mysterious stranger, as told in the story.

SEconp Sona—Stow Sona, INrRopuctory To A Dramatic MOVEMENT

M.M. |, = 104 (Sung in octaves) Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy
° eo |

= ae _—— 2 a—|—e r e e
‘G | = = 4 [ = v | = 2 25: iS SSS
N

o® - ge shu the - tha - bi - ga ha ha ha

SS SSS

]
he ha ha no" - ge shu - the - tha bi - ga ha ha
Ns 4 =s zi = ee ==
E 4 -—| = a es * =|
E =} —
ha he he ha ha U2 = da mo® -
——e == =
; #—- oe = o- 7 —— =|
ns 7 o gy ace core mt y —— pa]

thin - du - wa - ge he No® - ge shu the tha bi ga

ey aI aa!
SSS SSS Sees
Z Z se

ha ha ha he he ha ha No® - ge shu the - tha
aS ean Baa ~ =] as S| = Sai SS Sa
eee ee ee er

bi - ga ha ha ha he he ha ha No® - ge - shu

83993°—2

1
fol
4
q
=

|
Cc
oO

546 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH, ANN. 27

the - tha - bi - ga ha

$ 4 —— LA. N= i ~ - >
i | See
. E z
ge - shu the - tha bi - ga ha ha ha

No*ge shuthethabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha
No*ge shuthethabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha
U"da mo"thi® duwage he

No®ge shuthethabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha
No*ge shuthethabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha
No*ge shuthethabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha
No*ge shuthethabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha
No*ge shuthethabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha

No*ge shuithabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha :
No*ge shuithabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha
Uda mo"thi® duwage he
No®ge shuithabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha
No*ge shuithabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha
No*ge shuithabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha
No*ge shuithabiga ha ha ha he ha
Literal translation: (1) No"ge, running; shuthethabiga, going forth
in your direction; u"da mo"thi" duwage, along the different paths they
are running. (2) Noge, running; shuwithabiga, coming, returning.
The song refers to the rapid movements of the “four children” when
they ran around the lodge and stopped at each of the four directions.
The two stanzas are said to have another significance: The “‘run-
ning” indicates vigorous and abundant life, the birth of living things
‘“ooing forth;’ the second stanza refers to their ‘‘returning”’ to
Mother Earth, moving along the different paths to final death.
The music is unusually attractive and melodious—in contrast to
many of the songs of this society.

Tuirp Sona—Stow Sone, Inrropucrory TO A Dramatic MoveEMENT

Transcribed by Edwin 8. Tracy
M. M. }=100

ie p= 68> 0p — aT 0 = pee
fbr See eed eres eee eas

Shi-ge thi-no"-ge-tha ha...... ha ha shi the - thu

‘ee
sos
Neal
.)
|
We
UL
ait
[1d]
\P
ra)
i
(iy
f
rte
Ha |
it
ay
il

ima
=
oO
inn
oD
ima
@
i
®

Shi-ge thi-no®-ge-tha hal ha

Rite om
— +

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 547

gag Pea eS pe

ha Shi the thu ha! ha ha Shi the - thu
ao se aS =| =} = Sues 2
aes a
hal ha ha e he he he
3 tt g— eee 25 i=
cae eran rere ne eee rir
Shi-ge thi - no™-ge - tha ha ha Shi the - thu
ieee ye
fsa oes ee bees Lee ees
o—e--e—|a—e o
ha Shi the - thu ha ha shag e
ty =f2- = oe —— aN
2 aS aes 2 oo = J oe | ek
gtssa ay Ct Boer sare e 4, 4 Ld
Sy: he he Shi no®- Mai helese we waa! ha — Shi
ED #,—— (Spoken) = Cry of Magie Ancients
alate —j— =S-| TE | 2 =) SS S. a rt
E ggg he =a mom -@ =.
the..... thu ha ican ho ho ho ho ho ho ho

(Repeated four times)
Shige thino*gethaha! ha ha
Shi thethuha! ha ha
Shi thethuha! ha ha e he he he
Shige thino*gethaha! ha ha
Shi thethuha! ha ha
Shithethuha! ha hae he he he
Shige thino"gethaha! ha ha
Shi thethuha! ha ha
Shi thethuha! ha hae he he he
Shi no*gethaha! ha ha
Shi thethu ha!

Literal translation: Shige, again; thino"gethaha, in an appointed
direction you are running; shi, again; thethuha, here is the place;
no"ge, running. The remaining syllables are reais and vowel pro-
longations.

This song refers to a meeting of the society at which the members by
their magic turned themselves into birds and animals and flew and
wandered over the earth. One member strayed off and was lost but
was finally discovered, and this song refers to the calling of the mem-
bers to the one that was lost, telling him that he was gomg in the
opposite direction, and bidding him come ‘‘again” “here,” that is,
to the place where the other members were gathered.

548 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

FourtuH Sonc—Fast Sone ror Dramatic MOVEMENT

(Sung in octaves) Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy
lon
=p 5 ae .=— =. SSE @ e — ey ee =
E =4— ene eee
E wa- ko®-de tha ha E-no® wa-ko"-de tha ha

ko® - de tha ha In - da- di wa- ko" -de tha ha

(Sung four times)
Eno® wakode tha ha
Eno® wako*de tha ha
I"dadi wako"de tha ha
Eno® wako"de tha ha
I"dadi wako"de tha ha

Literal translation: Eno”, he alone; wako"de, mysterious; tha, is; ha,
end of sentence; i"dadi, father (referring to the stranger).

In this song the stranger of the story is called ‘‘father” and he is
declared to be mysterious and the giver of magic. The members of
the society are as his children and receive from him the mysterious
power. ‘‘ My father is mysterious—he alone is mysterious!”

The fast songs are used for the movements about the lodge when
the members ‘‘shoot”’ one another with the magic shells.

FirtH Sone—Fast Sone ror Dramatic MOVEMENT IN ‘‘SHOOTING”’

M. M. i= 160 Transcribed by Edwin S. Traey
x —_
(lee cee y ees er | SS
= ae soe ses = ee ee SSS
rs = = = Sa.

Ku-tha he-da do®-a- do" ha no® tha pe tha xa- ge he

=p Eg 2 ° = zl — es =—
(See eee ae ee

Ku-tha he-da-do® - a- do" ha no" tha pe tha xa- ge he

F -~—] mI =e = AE 2 == | =|
{$4 ———+—|-— +
——@ @ —@ @ = FI

mo" wi- ta we he no tha-pe tha- xa - ge he Ku-tha

5 a ees Deen ese Se

an eee m-tha pe tha xa- ge he

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 549

(Sung twice or more)

Kutha hedadoado” ha

No*thape thaxage he

Kutha hedado"ado™ ha

No"thape thaxage he

Mo" wita we he no™thape thaxage he
Kuga hedado"a ha

No*thape thahage he

Literal translation: Mutha, a term of affection applied only to a
wife ; hedado"ado” ha, what is it? no"thape, afraid of ; thaxage he, you cry;
mo” arrow; wita, my; vocables. The only changes for the second
stanza are in the lines beginning with kutha and mo” wita, and these are
as follows: Kutha shia dado” ado™ha, “Wife, what else are you afraid
of?” Mo"ko" witawe no"thape thaxagehe—mo"ko", medicine (not magic,
but physic); witawe, mine; no"thape, afraid of; thaxagehe, you cry.
The magic power is here spoken of as an arrow.

This song is said to have a double meaning and to be phallic in
character. This phase of the society was disapproved by a class of
the older men of the tribe, as tending to licentiousness among the
young people.

SixtH Sona—Fasr Sone ror Dramatic MoveMeENT IN ‘‘SHooTING’’? ONE

ANOTHER
M.M. |= 162 Transcribed apie Edwin S. Tracy
(hited i BO —@.
i> : [= TE = =e ee = \—e—o-* se Zz
= = = Z E j
Je ha i"- ga - we he Sho®-ge mi® ha i” ga we he
Fe Se bees eee ees ee
= So = 2 =
Je ha i" ga sho®- ge-mi® ha i" ga we he
aAew —
4 -o|-2
ic 2 eseeaae Pepe aeee
Je ha i" ga he sho®-ge- mi" ha i"-ga_ we
Sera a en ee = E=|
ic == € ———a =
Je ha -ga Sho®-ge mi? ha 5 we he

——= Saas eeste

Je ha rt we he sho®- ge- mi®

550 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ern ANN. 27

SS be eee

Je ha it ga Sho"-ge-mi® ha

G
iG se fe ee ee ee 55 =

Je ha i" ‘ga awe he Sho%-ge mi" ha i? ga we he

TEGO’’S SONG OF REVENGE

Je ha i® ga we he sho"ge mi*ha i® ga we he

Je ha i" ga sho"ge mi*ha in ga we he

Je ha i® ga we he sho"ge mi” ha i® ga we he

Je ha i® ga sho"ge mi"ha i* ga we he

Je ha i ga we he sho"ge mi® ha i™ ga we he

Je ha i® ga sho"ge mi® ha i" ga we he

Je ha i® ga we he sho"ge mi” ha i® ga we he

This song refers to the killing of a horse by magic because the

owner had offended one of the members of the society. The incident
is said to have occurred early in the last century. The only recogni-
zable word is sho"ge, horse; the others are obscured by syllables.

SrventH Sonc—Fast Sona ror Dramatic MovEMENT IN ‘‘SHooTING’’ MEMBERS

M.M. J= 160 (Sung in octaves) Transcribed by Edwin 8. Tracy
ere ee
= A. a. SS a
A- gu - di wa tha xta ha A- gu- di wa - tha
Dots indicate ake: of the voice
+ wees =
139 = = o—|—e - 5 °
eS a
xta ha Zhu - ga - di wa_ tha xta Zhu - ga - di
oe —
SS
wa tha xta da 1a A-gu-di wa ae xta
% a — —J 2
42 = == joa —=s
[ aS al ay | od Sy aS == =| 1 —s 4 te |
= Se ae =
v
A-gu - di wa tha xta A- gu - di wa - tha
& eeee ee 2 cee oe
oe 2 e 2 ' @--_}1- 3 _6 o—-|
fae eee ee

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] SOCIETIES 5d!

Zhu - ga - di wa tha Zhu - ga - di wa tha
SS SS
Ee eC eed eee ae

ve oo @ eo i] e =
xta da ha EM cfr o fit AE aebareen arene xta

Agudi wathaxta ha
Agudi wathaxta ha
Zhugadi wathaxta tha
Zhugadi wathaxta tha ha
Agudi wathaxta tha ha
Agudi wathaxta

Literal translation: Agudi, in what part of the body; watharta,
shall I bite him; zhugadi, in the body.

The song relates to the story of two members of the Shell society
who were determined to kill each other by the power of their magic.
One of these men was fond of the wild potato and used to go at the
proper season to a certain spot to gather them. His opponent knew of
this habit and exercised his magic to have a rattlesnake hid in the
grass near this place. When the man went to dig potatoes he was
bitten by the snake and died—not of the bite, it was claimed, but
from the effect of the magic that put the snake there. This song
dates from the early part of the last century.

EicutH Sona—Stow Sone, SuNG wHEN THUNDER IS First HEARD IN SPRING

j= 144 Transcribed by Edwin 8. Tracy
= bs ag eg a
|e mee fees ta ae Ie
I-e tha ha Le she-mo® tha _ha...... ha

ooo eae am

ga ere Beeps

ha I-e tha ha...... ha ha T-e she-mo® tha hale eee cee eras towsaeetee
—wp--—» Ay +» —-
= — e—e*|—a ——
[Dao ia testes Bees EEE
= [a= Zr =
tha) shazess, ha ha T-e she-mo® tha ha...... ha ha
— —
Si =a ae ap ==
Pe ee ee rete eee eee
-— 2— E vi 5 = o = —_— F
T-e tha ha....-. Jie, Naka Le she - mo® thas hasesec.
ea, —— _—~
t= eS
= F teas ee
hae hence. a Le she-mo® tha ha...... ha ha...... I-e she-

552 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

(SaaS SS

mo® tha ha...... ha ha. Peet T-e: _, ‘she-mo® y tha. Shi- aigoesss ee eevee ees

; = ae
SS SS
le tha ha... has haste Ine -wshesmo's tha hast: Sones eaters

Je tha ha ha ha

Te shemo® tha ha ha ha
Te tha ha ha ha

Te shemo® tha hia

Te tha ha ha ha

Te shemo® tha ha ha ha
Te tha ha ha ha

Te shemo” tha ha ha ha
Te shemo® tha ha ha ha
Te shemo® tha ha ha ha
Ie shemo® tha hia

Te tha ha ha ha

Te shemo® tha ha

Literal translation: Je, speech, or command; shemo", yonder moy-
ing; tha, plural sign; all the rest are vocables.

This song was sung by the members of the lodge of the ‘‘eldest son”
when the thunder was first heard in the spring. This was the signal
of the awakening to new activity of all the life on the earth. The
words mean, it was explained, ‘‘the command of those yonder [the
Thunder] I have obeyed.”

The following account by one of the writers gives an eye-witness’s
picture of the dramatic movement at a meeting of the society:

When I was a lad at the mission school I used to steal away and go to the village to
see the performance of the ceremony of the Shell Society. The meetings of this
ancient organization were usually occasions of great interest to the tribe, for a general
invitation would be given to the people to witness that part of the rite which was open
to the public.

At these gatherings particular care was observed by young and old to appear in the
best constumes that could be obtained, so that while waiting for admission to the
spacious earth lodge the great concourse of spectators, clad in colors most pleasing to
the savage eye, would present a brilliant appearance.

At the first sound of the resonant drum, and as the member of the society who was
honored with the invitation to preside at that important instrument sang a bar or two
of his song by way of leading and opening the ceremony, every man, woman, and
child rushed for the long entranceway in order to secure the best positions in the lodge
from which to observe the “‘dance’”’ advantageously. Being small and active, I used
to push my way between the legs of the grownup people, and thus manage to get in
advance and find a good place where I could see the whole ceremony to my heart’s
content.

The first song and the accompanying initial procession of the members around the
central fireplace of the great circular room—the men, tall and majestic, moving with
stately tread to the measured rhythm of the music, and the women following modestly,
but with no less dignity—never failed to impress my mind with the earnestness of the

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE ] SOCIETIES 553

fraternity. Immediately following the termination of this opening procession, a song
in faster time would be struck up and the solemn movements of the members would
suddenly change to motions full of dramatic action. Each person would menacingly
thrust forward an otter skin with grinning head, which he carried in his hands. The
members seemed as though determined to destroy each other with the magic power
contained in the otter, and everyone uttered a peculiar cry which gave efficacy to the
sacred skin. Suddenly a man would fall rigid to the hard floor, trembling in every
limb, as though shot with a gun or arrow; then another and another would fall, while
those who did the “‘shooting’’ moved on with triumphant cries. After a moment of
writhing in seeming agony those who had been ‘‘shot’’ would rise and take their turn
at “shooting” others. All this ‘shooting’ and falling and the uttering of mystic
cries would overwhelm me with awe, for it was all so strange and so far beyond my
understanding.

I often witnessed this peculiar ceremony when a boy, and, like other careless
observers, I as often went away impressed only by the songs, the solemn procession,
the rhythmic movements of the “‘dance,’’ and the fine regalia of the society, with
never a thought that beneath all this outward show there might be some meaning so
profound in its nature as to support a member in the maintenance of his dignity while
going through acts which on ordinary occasions would make him appear frivolous.

In later years, when I began the serious study of the customs and cults of my
people, I learned that in this as well as in other rites there were, back of the cere-
monies given publicly, teachings made known only to the initiated, teachings wor-
thy of careful thought and reflection. Knowing this to be true, I sought in various
ways to obtain a knowledge of the ritual and teachings of the Shell Society without
having to become a member, but failed in each attempt. It chanced, however, in
1898, that a novitiate who had lost his shell, learning that I was to visit the reserva-
tion, wrote to me to bring him a shell. From the meager description he gave me
I was not sure of the kind he wanted, so I purchased a few of several varieties and
took them out with me. When I exhibited my collection the new member looked
them carefully over, but was not sure which was the right kind. To his great relief,
the member of the society by whom he was initiated appeared on the scene, and we
placed before him the pile of shells. He separated the right kind from the others,
and then waited for me to speak.

“T have brought these shells,’’ I said, ‘‘for your friend and for you, but for my
services I desire to know something of the inner teachings of your society.”’

““A request of that kind,’’ he replied, ‘“‘usually comes with proper fees and cere-
monies observed by us all, and with the recommendation of members in good stand-
ing, but since you seem to be in earnest to know something about the teachings of
our society, and as we are in need of the shells, I will waive all this and give you the
beginning only of the story, which is long and beautiful. There are two kinds of shell
used in our society,’’ he continued, selecting two from the pile and holding them up;
“one is male and the other is female. The distinction so made comes from the story
I am about to tell you.”’

Then he proceeded to give me a paraphrase of the story of the origin of the society,
which was later obtained in full, together with the ritual, songs, and account given
in the foregoing pages.

CEREMONIES ON THE DeEatTH oF A MEMBER
On the death of a member a meeting of the society was called, and
the regular opening ceremonies already described (see p. 521) took

place. It was said that ‘on such an occasion death is not simulated,
but real for one of the members has passed from this life.” The body

554 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ErH. ANN. 27

of the deceased, arrayed in his best clothes, with his face painted, in
accordance with the rules of the society, was carried to the dwelling in
which the society held its meetings, where it was seated in the mem-
ber’s accustomed place. During the ceremony in the presence of the
dead no one spoke except when the rites required, and all the members
when not actively engaged sat with bowed heads. The dead man was
the only one with head erect. On such occasions outsiders were afraid
to go in when the doors were opened, for it was said that in times past
onlookers had been killed by magic. All the regalia which the dead
member had purchased the right to wear was removed from him at
the proper time and returned to his lodge. Nothing of that character
was buried with the dead. After the lodges had been dismissed in
the manner already described, the dead body was removed and given
the ordinary form of burial.

Macic CEREMONY FOR PUNISHING OFFENDERS

When the contents of the Sacred Tent of War were deposited in the
Peabody Museum of Harvard University, a pack was found among

Fig. 113. Pack belonging to a lodge of the Shell society.

the articles which had no connection with the duties or ceremonies
pertaining to the We’zhi"shte gens as keepers of the rites of war. It
has since been learned that this pack had belonged to one of the
lodges of the Shell society. Big Elk was the keeper of this pack
and as he was a chief and leading man not only in his own gens, the
We’zhi"shte, but in the Council of Seven, he felt at liberty to store
this pack in the Tent of War. At his death and during the general dis-
turbance of tribal customs which soon followed, the pack remained
with the articles that properly belonged in the Tent of War and so

FLETCHDR-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 555

passed into the possession of the writers in 1884 when these were given
to them to be deposited at Cambridge, Mass. A photograph was taken
of this pack (fig. 113; Peabody Museum no. 37560) as it came into
the hands of the writers, just as it was left by Big Elk.

This pack had long been regarded with great fear, as it was believed
to contain virulent poison. So great was this dread that a promise
was exacted of the writers that if the pack was opened extreme cau-
tion should be used, as it was feared that whoever handled the con-
tents would surely die in consequence of the sacrilege. The sprays of
cedar thrust through the strings that tied the pack had nothing to do
with it,so faras is known; these may have been added in recognition of

Fic. 114. Largest bag in pack (fig. 113).

the Tent of War in which the pack was kept. When the pack was
opened at the Peabody Museum it was found to contain some queer
little boxes made like trunks, evidently toys, dating from the early part
of the last century, in which were little bundles containing red paint, a
few shells, and dusty fragments impossible of identification.

Six bags were found in the pack; these were woven with two
kinds of coarse yarn or twine, one of wool, the other of vegetable
fiber. This material was of white manufacture and was probably
obtained from traders; the weaving was native. The general hue of
the bags is reddish brown.

556 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BrH. ANN. 27

The largest bag (fig. 114; Peabody Museum no. 48265) found in
the pack measures 11 by 94 inches; it contained a similar bag (fig.

Fic. 115. Bag found in pack (fig. 113).

115; Peabody Museum no. 48288) shghtly smaller, its dimensions
being 10 by 74 inches. In this bag were various little boxes and

Fic. 116, Bag found in pack (fig. 113).
bundles containing down painted red, such as is seen on the heads of
the members of the Shell society.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 557

The next smaller bag (fig. 116; Peabody Museum no. 48318) is 7?
by 64 inches. Its contents were: A bladder package (fig. 117, a;
Peabody Museum no. 48301) containing paint, probably carbonate
of copper; a bladder package (fig. 117, b; Peabody Museum no. 48305)
containing gum; a similar package (fig. 117, c; Peabody Museum no.
48300); a similar package (fig. 117, d; Peabody Museum no. 48306)
containing two little brushes of stiff animal hair; a package of
cloth (fig. 117, e; Peabody Museum no. 48292) containing gum and
swan’s-down.

Fic. 117. Objects found in bag (fig. 116).

The fourth size bag (fig. 118; Peabody Museum no. 48289), 6 by
4 inches, is of a finer weave than the other bags and contained pack-
ages wrapped in corn husks. One of these (fig. 119, a; Peabody
Museum no. 48281) inclosed a dried caterpillar. The contents of
the other husk packages (fig. 119, b, c) had turned to dust; nothing
else remained when the pack was opened.

The fifth bag (fig. 120; Peabody Museum no. 48319), 44 by 4
inches, contained a package incased in a skin covering (fig. 119, e;
Peabody Museum no. 48285) of red paint, a bit of cloth of native

558 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

weaving, vegetal fiber inclosing a small piece of mica and tied up
with shed buffalo hair and swan’s-down (fig. 119, d; Peabody Museum
no. 48286), and a red stone concretion attached to a long thong (fig.
119, f; Peabody Museum no. 48287).

The sixth bag (fig. 121; Peabody Museum no. 48295) measures
only 4 by 2% inches; it contained small skin bundles in which were
galena, green paint, and carbonate of copper. These bundles, which
were tied together, may be seen in the illustration, projecting from
the bag.

Besides the foregoing articles there is a tobacco bag (fig. 122, a;
Peabody Museum no. 47818) embroidered with porcupine quills. The
groundwork is yellow, the figure of the eagle is in red, the tip of
the tail, the wings, and the beak white. The border is of alternating

Fic. 118. Bag found in pack (fig. 113).

blocks of white and reddish yellow, and the fringe is of buckskin.
Near the bag lay a figure cut from dressed skin, about 17 inches long
(fig. 122, b; Peabody Museum no. 47819). The headdress is slightly
more than 24 inches in height. The arms measure about 44 inches in
length. The figure is cut into two parts and sewed up on the sides
of the arms, legs and body, and head, making it a bag with separate
compartments. A slit in the back afforded the opening through which
articles could be inserted orwithdrawn. This figure remained a puzzle
to the writers fora long time. Finally its photograph was recognized
by a member of the Shell society and its purpose was explained by
Pe’degahi, an old chief, no longer living, a member of the Shell
society, who had seen this figure used by Big Elk (the latter died in

————O

Ny nal, aga

eee aie

oe
Bere. =

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] SOCIETIES 559

1848 or 1849). It is said that this figure-shaped bag had come
down to Big Elk through eight generations. Pe’degahi remembered
the names of six of the former owners of this interesting relic. He
sald that there used to be a ritual connected with the figure but that
it had been lost.

It was explained that the figure represented the society. It was
called Gahi’ge toga, “great chief.’ The head stood for the w’zhu,
leader or master of the entire society, whose symbol was the eagle.
The left arm was the ‘‘eldest son,”’ representing the sun and the black
bear. In the bag made by this arm were kept the poisons used for

Fic. 119. Contents of bags (figs. 118, 120).

‘

punishment. The right arm was the “‘second son,” representing
the stars and the elk. Jn this bag were kept the roots used as medi-
cine for rheumatism. The left lez was the ‘‘daughter,” representing
the moon and the buffalo. In the bag formed by this leg were kept
two shells, male and female. The right leg was the ‘‘youngest son,”
representing the earth and the deer. In this bag were kept medi-
cines for curing diarrhea. It was explained that the left arm and
the left leg ‘‘went together.’’ It will be noted, as stated above,
that these represented the ‘eldest son”’ and the “ daughter’’—the two
that were placed diagonally to each other in the arrangement of places

560 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

in the lodge. The arm contained poisons for punishment; the leg,
the magic shells which made it possible to administer them, so that
the functions of this left arm and leg, which ‘‘went together,’ were

Fie. 120. Bag found in pack (fig. 113).

also related and made effectual because male and female. The right
arm and leg represented brothers, the earth and the stars, and both

Fie. 121. Bag found in pack (fig. 113).

contained medicines for healing. It was said in explanation that ‘‘the
punishment (effected through this figure) was directed by Wako"’da
to keep the people in order and to check crime, as molesting wives

fee i et A com il nn ne

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] SOCIETIES 561

or daughters and destroying property, and so causing mischief to arise
in the tribe.”

The statement concerning the poison was rather vague and it has
not been possible to procure the plants for identification. The poison
was made from the root of a vine of which there are four varieties.
These were described as follows: ‘‘One grows on the ground, one runs
on trees and has red leaves, the third has but few leaves, and the

Tie) f
wer 1 beet SW

Fic. 122. Tobacco bag (a) and figure (b) found in pack (figs 113).

fourth has many rootlets clinging to the bark of the tree. It is the
root of the latter variety from which the poison was made.” To this
root was added the decaying flesh of the lizard and “‘a bug that swims
on the surface of the water.’”’ These were said to be the ingredients of
the poison kept in the left arm of the figure. It was explained: ‘‘The
left is always first; we begin to paint ourselves on the left and fol-
low the sun.”

83993°—27 Era—11 36

562 THE OMAHA TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 27

The figure has a roach of hair made of a bit of ‘‘bear skin,” the hair
so arranged as to stand up. The zigzag lines from the eyes were said
to be tears. The moons on the shoulders were all the gibbous, or
‘““dying,’’ moon, and signified death. The circle represented the sun.
In this figure of the sun was kept the bear’s claw used when drawing
the outline of the condemned man. The red lines down the arms
represent the lightning. This figure was said to’ represent a man
whom the Monster flayed, using his skin as a receptacle; and the
Monster told the man and his wife to make this figure in imitation
of the human-skin bag and to use it in this ceremony. It is said that
Big Elk had a pair of moccasins made from the paws of the bear.
Whether or not these moccasins were worn at the ceremony when
this figure was used no one now living. can tell nor do the moccasins

now exist so far as can be learned.

re The lost ritual is said to have ex-
plained all the parts of the figure,
even the use of the strings.
= When a man committed an offense
07 12 ~~ that seemed to demand punishment
e . . .
wee l are e_ the society met at night to consider
eS “ys : ia soi
ZR e the matter, at which time both the
e

3 act and the man’s character were
discussed. If the society deter-
mined to punish the man, then this
figure was brought out. It seemed

Ss to stand as a symbol of the united
Fic. Sy Dinenaaa DURES WIEMIDAS 0S) ASHEN: purpose of the society, for on such
of Shell society at secret meeting for pun- eS ©
ishment of an offender. 1, Fireplaceand an occasion the members had to act
fou sets 2, eof Sen gs a unit, ‘The meeting when they
were to take action occurred in the
early morning. The servants had already been dispatched to a secret
place where they had excavated a circular space for a fireplace and
piled toward the east the earth taken out. Four sticks pointing to
the four directions were laid in the fireplace. Before sunrise the mem-
bers went forth singly from their homes and gathered quietly at the
place appointed for the meeting. They sat in a circle. The four
masters, representing the four ‘‘children,”’ took their places at the
west, facing the east. A small bow, about 2 feet long, and two
arrows with flint points, provided with shafts about 2 feet long, were
placed in front of the four masters. (Fig. 123.)

When all were seated, the man who had suffered the wrong laid.

his pipe down in front of the masters, west of the bow. He then
ordered the servant to take the pipe and a live coal to a certain man
and offer it to him. If the man accepted the pipe and lighted it, he

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 563

signified that he was willing to draw the figure of the offender on the
ground. The pipe had to be lighted with a live coal which was car-
ried ina split stick. Ifthe man refused to accept the pipe, the servant
carried it back to the accuser, who designated another man. The
servant then carried the pipe to the second man. If he refused, the
accuser could select a third, fourth, and fifth person. These selections
could be repeated four times. There is a tradition that twice the
pipe was offered the full number of times and every time refused, so
that the punishment of the offender had to be abandoned. Some-
times the pipe was accepted by the first man, but more often it was
passed to two or three persons before one was found to accept it, for
all must agree and promise to keep this session of the society and
its action a secret. When the pipe was accepted it was lighted by
the one accepting it and was smoked by all the members of the
society, an act which signified that
all consented. The accuser then re-
filled the pipe and ordered it taken
to the leader of another lodge, all
the members of which smoked it.
It was then refilled and sent to
the leader of still another lodge, all
the members of which smoked it.
Once more the pipe was refilled and
sent to the fourth lodge, in which
it was smoked by all the members.
During this ceremony the pipe had

started from each of the four lodges
and had passed four times around
the members, thus binding all, both
as lodges and as individuals, to se-

Fic. 124. Diagram illustrating tinal cere-
mony of secret meeting of Shell society,
1, Fireplace and four sticks; 2, pile of earth;
3, 3, servants; 4, 5, 6, 7, masters of the four

lodges.
crecy and to the fulfillment of the act :

contemplated. The pipe was then returned to the accuser. The latter
then bade the servant take the bear’s claw from the breast of the
figure to the man who had accepted the pipe. Then the masters
consulted together in order to determine how many days the offender
should be allowed to live. After their decision was made, the man
who had received the claw rose and recounted his faithfulness to the
teachings of the society and that of his fathers before him. Then he
turned to the left and laid his left hand on the head of each member,
saying as he did so: ‘‘To trust you with my action.’’ Then he stood
at the north, where he intended the feet of the figure to be, and faced
the north. Then he turned and placed the bear’s claw at a point
which would be the middle of the top of the figure’s head; and
without lifting his hand from the earth he made a continuous outline

564 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

of a man, beginning at the left on the top of the head and passing
to the right around the figure, ending at the point where he began.
Next he made the left eye, then the nose, then the right eye, then the
mouth, and from the lower lip he drew a line down to the heart,
which was indicated by a circle, and above this the two lungs. (Fig.
124.) When the drawing was done, he laid the bear’s claw on the
left shoulder and then ordered the servant to pick it up and take it
to the accuser.

The accuser now ordered the servant to take the bow and arrows
from before the masters and hand them to the one who had drawn
the figure. This man might refuse to receive them. If he refused,
the servant was told to take them to another man. On his way to do
this he had first to circle the fire. Sometimes the office of the bow and
arrows was refused several times. At last a man was found who
accepted them. He then arose and passing to the left laid his left
hand on each member’s head, saying as he did so: ‘‘To trust you with
my action.’”’ When he reached his place, poison was brought him
from the master and he poisoned the arrows. Then he stepped to
the left of the figure, stooped, and fitted the arrows to the bow, pulled
the string slightly, but did not shoot. He then passed around in front
of the row of members and stopped again at the left of the figure and
made another feint. This was done four times and at the last he shot
the arrow into the heart of the figure and left it standing there, and
returned by the left to his place.

The masters now rose and said: Aiwashko™ga ha!—“ Let each
man take care of himself!”

The members then threw off their robes and each left singly, going
his own way. The servants gathered up the robes and the other
belongings of the officers and members and took them to their owners
and keepers.

Two servants new watched the offender, ‘‘ who was soon taken sick.”
When this occurred, it was reported to the four masters, who gathered
at night in a tent, without fire, where they sang low and continued to
sing until the man died.

A story is told that once when these rites were in progress, the
offender—who chanced to be a member of the society—came upon
the secret session. While he did not know certainly that he was to be
the victim, he suspected it. He joined in the proceedings but moved
about the wrong way in order to break the spell and so prevented the
completion of the rites. The place where the meeting was held was
on a high bluff overlooking the Missouri river. Suddenly some of
the members rushed on the man, drove him to the edge, and threw
him over, but by his magic he turned himself into a bird as he fell,
and by this artifice gained in safety the other side of the river,

FLETCHPR-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 565

whence he piped to the disappointed avengers. This story is repeated
by members of both the Shell and Pebble societies as representing
their own experience.

There are many stories of turning the otter-skin mystery bags (fig.
110) into live otters.

Some old men assert that the reason why the shell is sacred and is
honored by this society is because the Omaha first lived beside the
ereat water where the shells are found.

THE I\’KUGTHI ATHIN (PEBBLE SOCIETY)

The literal translation of the name of the I’ kugthi athi" (7, ‘“peb-
ble;”’ kugthi, ‘‘translucent;’’ athi”, ‘to have or possess’’) society is
“They who have the translucent pebble.”’

Membership was gained by virtue of a dream, or vision, of water or
its representative, the pebble, or the water monster, received when
fasting. The water monster was said to be a huge creature in animal
form that lashed the water with its mighty tail. It was generally
spoken of as living in a lake.

The members of the Pebble society wore very little clothing, some-
times only the breechcloth, but the body was painted with devices
indicating the animals or monsters seen in the dreams. In this
respect the Pebble society differed from the Shell society. The
members of the latter made it a point to wear gaily ornamented
apparel.

The meetings of the Pebble society were not held at stated inter-
vals and only through the summer. The opening part of every session
was secret; only members could be present.

Opportunity was once given to one of the writers to be present;
while no portion of the proceedings was explained the following
movements were observed:

Back of the fire calico was spread on the ground—a gift from the
man who gave the feast and so made the meeting of the society
possible. All the members sat around the sides of the lodge. When
the members had gathered, some one announced that all were present.
Then four men from different parts of the line of members went, one at
a time, t> a place on the south side of the lodge where there was
powdere | charcoal on a board. As each man came to this place he
stooped and laid his hands on the earth and then passed them over
his arms and over his body to the feet. The movement seemed to
be similar to that made on a man who had just safely passed through
some difficult and dangerous experience, in order to come in touch
with one who had been the recipient of some great power. After
this action he placed the fingers of his right hand in the charcoal and
made a black line from his mouth down the length of one arm, and

566 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

a similar line from his mouth down the other arm. After that he
made black lines on his body with his blackened finger tips. Then
he took some of the black powder in the palm of his hand and went
back to his lodge. He then painted the symbolic black lines from the
mouth down the length of the arm on all the members of his lodge.
While he was doing this, another leader went to the south side, and
standing before the black paint made the same movement with his
hands on the earth and on his body; he then painted himself and
returned to paint the other members of his lodge. When all four lead-
ers had touched the earth and had painted themselves and the mem-
bers of their lodges, they went to the rear of the lodge and stood facing
the east, with the offering of calico at their feet. Then all four bent
over and made movements as though retching. Finally they spat out
their pebbles. They next circled the fire and passed to the end of the
row of members on the south side and “shot”’ four with their pebbles.
These four members fell rigid to the earth. The four leaders then
circled the fire, as did also the four who had been “‘shot;”’ then these
four ‘‘shot’’ another four, who after circling the fire ‘‘shot”’ still
another four, and so on by fours until all had been ‘‘shot”’ and all the
members were moving about the fire. No songs accompanied these
complex movements. When all the members had been “shot,” they
took their respective places and sat down. The drum was then
taken to the lodge sitting at the south and the members of the choir
took their places about the drum and began a slow song. This was
the signal that the secret session was closed.

After the secret ceremonies guests were admitted. The members
rose in their places as the outsiders entered. The public part of the
ceremony consisted in moving around the fire in single file and
“shooting” one another with the pebble or some other small object.
The hand which simulated ‘‘shooting” was shielded by the wing of
an eagle held in the other hand. Any part of the body might be
struck. The person ‘‘shot” immediately pressed his hand on the
spot supposed to be touched, assumed a tragic attitude, then fell to
the ground and lay rigid. Much more action was observed in the
Pebble society by the person ‘‘shooting” and the person ‘‘shot”’
than in the Shell society, which made the exercises of the former the
more dramatic. The magic cries also were different; those of the
Pebble society were lower in tone and were considered to be more
impressive. The songs of dismissal were differently rendered in the
two societies. In the Shell society, it will be recalled, the master of
each lodge Jed in the singing and each lodge had its song, which was
sung in the order of the ages of the four ‘‘children.” In the Pebble
society each member had his own song of dismissal and when the
time came for the meeting to close all sang simultaneously. The

‘

FLETCHER—-LA FLESCHE | SOCIETIES 567

effect on an outsider was anything but agreeable—it was ‘‘like bed-
lam,” and only when one looked into the faces of the members and
noted their intense earnestness was it possible to conceive how each
man could hold to his own song against that of his equally vociferous
neighbor.

The exact organization of the society could not be definitely
learned, except that it was divided into four groups or lodges.

The members of this society treated sickness by mechanical
means—bleeding, sucking out the disturbing object, and practising

Fie. 125. Waki’dezhioga.

a kind of massage which consisted in kneading and pulling on the
region below the ribs, a rather severe and painful operation, called
by the Omaha ni’zathito”.

The rituals of this society could not be fully obtained. Each group
seems to have had its ritual and these may have been parts of the
entire ceremony. It is doubtful if the complete set of rituals is now
known to any living Omaha. The following, a part of the opening
ritual, was obtained some years ago from the former leader, Waki’-
dezhi®ga (fig. 125), who is now dead. It deals with Creation and the
cosmic forces.

568 THE OMAHA TRIBE [erH, ANN. 27

OPENING RiTuAL

. Mii tho” tathisho®, ni’kashiga
A’wage ego", ni’kashiga
. Wani’ta dado”, toga ke shti wo”
Bthu’ga xti uthe/wi" i ego", ni’kashiga
. Wagthi’shka dado" ke shti wo"
Bthu’ga xti uthe’wi" i ego™
A’wa te ego" 1 iei™ te
. Eno® xti o" xti thimke ego"
9, Ethe’go" wathe’ go
10. I" co” toga te tho
11. Mo”’xe itha’ugthexti p’u’tho®
12. Mo*’xe itha/ugthexti
13. Zhi’ga the ui’the u*gi’kaxe ta i te tho"zha
14. Ato™ tha i te sheto”™ ui’the u"gi’kaxe ta i te -
15. Eshe a bado”

16. Edi uwa’to” thitke
17. Peto™nuga tha to" she, pa ke gcnede’ a xti no®zhi® ego”
18. Pa‘hi ke e’to" thitge’ xti no"zhi" ego”
19. A’wate ego" tonde ke uti’ ihe’the go"
* * * * * * *
20. Vugishto" athi"” ga’ha i de
21. Ni‘kashiga, ni’kazhide ma shetho®
22. Zhitga ui’the u"gi’kaxe ta i te tho"zha

“IG Ol Hw © bo

23. Edi uwa’to” sho™to"ga nuga ede hu tithe’the ki
24. I’thapithi" xti to™’de ke, thap’o™de xti

25. Thapo’de uthi’shi xti, thapo’’’de go”

26. Ui’e ga’xa bi e go”

27. Edi uwa/to” he’ga ede, pa‘hi ke zhi/de xti

28. I’thapithi® xti, ahi" ke na/di"di® the no®zhi" ego"
29. I’thapithi" xti gaha’ itho"tho® ego”

30. I’thapithi" xti giu™ the go"

31. I*sha’ge we/utha ga’xa bi e go”

Literal translation

1. Mi, sun; 7, come; tathisho", in that direction east; nikashiga,
people.

2. Awage ego", of whatever kind; nikashiga, peopie.

3. Wani‘ta, animals; dado", every kind; to"ga, great; ke indicates
that they spread over the ground in vast numbers; shti wo", they also.

4. Bthu'ga, all; ati, truly; uthewi", gathered; i ego", it came to
pass.

5. Wagthishka, insects; dado”, of every kind; ke, spread (scattered
over anextent of ground); shti wo", they also.

6. Bthu'ga, all; ati, truly; wthe’wi", gathered; 7 ego", it came to
pass.

7. A’wa, how; te ego”, what manner; 7, come; iei"te, did they
come?

PLHTCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 569

8. Eno” «ti, it alone; o” ati, the greatest; thi"ke, sitting; ego", like.

9. Ethe’go", to think; wathe’go", to cause.

10. J”, stone; ¢o", white or pale; toga, great, big; te tho”, that
stood.

11. Mo"’xe, sky, heavens; ithaugthe, all the way up; ati, verily;
pu’'tho”, in a mist, as steaming.

12. Mo"xe, sky, heavens; ithaugthe, all the way up; 2ti, verily.

13. Zhi"’ga, little ones; the, this; wi’the, to speak of, as a theme;
u"gikaxe, they shall make of me; fa 7 te, shall; tho"zha, however.

14. Ato"’, whatever distance; tha i te, they travel; sheto", so long;
ui'the, to speak of, as a theme; w"gi’kazxe, they shall make of me (as
an object of veneration); ta 7 te, shall.

15. Eshe, you have said; a bado”, they have said.

16. Edi, there; wwa’to", next in order or rank; thi"ke, sitting.

17. Peto"nuga, male of the crane; tha to” she, thou who standest;
pa, beak; ke indicates length; enede’, long; a ati, very; no"zhi",
stands; ego”, like.

18. Pa’hi, neck; ke, the length; eto”, the same in length; thige’,
none; ati, verily, in truth; no"zhi”, standing; ego”, like, and so.

19. A’wate ego", in a manner; to"de, ground, earth; ke, the (length);
uti”, to pick at or strike; ihethe, quickly; go”, like.

20. Jugishto”, words that are not true; athi”’, to have; ga’za, make;
i, plural; de, shall.

21. Ni’kashiga, people; ni’kazhide, red people; ma, plural, they;
shetho", you who are.

22. Zhiga, little ones; withe, a theme; w"gi’kaze, they shall make
of me; ta 7 te, shall; thotzha, however.

23. Edi, there; wwa’to", next in order or rank standing; sho"’to"ga-
nuga, male gray wolf; ede, a; hu, voice; tithethe, to send or utter;
ki, and.

24. I'thapithi, without effort; xti, verily; to’de, the earth; ke,
lying, or that lay; thap’o"’de, to make to vibrate with the voice; zti,
verily.

25. Thap’o"’de, to make to vibrate; uthi’shi, impossible; xti, verily;
thap’ ode, to make vibrate; go”, like.

26. Ui'e, something to speak of; gaxa, made; bi e go”, they have.

27. Edi, there; wwa’to", next in order or rank; he’ga, buzzard;
ede, a; pa’, neck; ke, long; zhi’de, red; czti, truly.

28. I’thapithi”, without effort, slowly; ati, verily; ahi", wings; ke,
the; na’di"di”, dry; the, make; no"zhi", stand; ego”, like.

29. I’thapithi", without effort; ati, truly; ga’ha itho"tho", rising up
and down; ego", like.

30. I’thapithi", without effort; ati, truly; giv”, flying; thego", he
went.

570 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH ANN. 27,

31. I"sha’ge, old men; we'utha, example; ga’xa bi, they made;
ego”, like.
Free translation
. Toward the coming of the sun
. There the people of every kind gathered,
. And great animals of every kind.
. Verily all gathered together, as well as people.
. Insects also of every description,
. Verily all gathered there together,
By what means or manner we know not.

oR ODN eH

“I

. Verily, one alone of all these was the greatest,

. Inspiring to all minds,

. The great white rock,

. Standing and reaching as high as the heavens, enwrapped in mist,

. Verily as high as the heavens.

. Thus my little ones shall speak cf me,

. As long as they shall travel in life’s path, thus they shall speak of me.
. Such were the words, it has been said.

iad
Poo oO

ee
oe & bd

. Then next in rank
. Thou, male of the crane, stoodst with thy long beak
. And thy neck, none like to it in length,
. There with thy beak didst thou strike the earth.
* * * * ¥ * *
20. This shall be the legend
21. Of the people of yore, the red people,
22. Thus my little ones shall speak of me.

a
© OID

23. Then next in rank stood the male gray wolf, whose cry,

24. Though uttered without effort, verily made the earth to tremble,
25. Even the stable earth to tremble.

26. Such shall be the legend of the people.

7. Then next in rank stood Hega, the buzzard, with his red neck.

8. Calmly he stood, his great wings spread, letting the heat of the sun straighten his
feathers.

29. Slowly he flapped his wings,

30. Then floated away, as though without effort,

31. Thus displaying a power (a gift of Wako"’da) often to be spoken of by the old

men in their teachings.

The above, which bears the marks of antiquity, is unfortunately

incomplete.
The old leader gave the following explanation of the teachings of
the Pebble society, which may be a paraphrase of a ritual:

At the beginning all things were in the mind of Wako™da. All creatures, includ-
ing man, were spirits. They moved about in space between the earth and the stars
(the heavens). They were seeking a place where they could come into a bodily
existence. They ascended to the sun, but the sun was not fitted for their abode.
They moved on to the moon and found that it also was not good for their home.
Then they descended to the earth. They saw it was covered with water. They
floated through the air to the north, the east, the south, and the west, and found no
dry land. They were sorely grieved. Suddenly from the midst of the water uprose
a great rock, It burst into flames and the waters floated into the air in clouds.

a he i A I er

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE | SOCIETIES Oni

Dry land appeared; the grasses and the trees grew. The hosts of spirits descended
and became flesh and blood. They fed on the seeds of the grasses and the fruits
of the trees, and the land vibrated with their expressions of joy and gratitude to
Wako"da, the maker of all things.

Among the Osage there is a similar myth, in which the elk figures
as a helper of mankind to find a place to dwell.

The sweat lodge was used as a preparatory rite and always when
a member was about to minister to the sick. The following ritual
was that used by Waki’dezhinga as he entered the sweat lodge to make
ready for his duties toward the sick:

RiruaL FoR Sweat Lopes, No. 1.

. He! I"shage’ ecka

. Ie shnike she e¢ka

. I®shage’ ecka

He! zhi"ga’ wi ewe’po"¢e tho"de

. Ego® bi e¢ka

. Ishage’ ecka

. He! gthi® a’bito® thethe xti

. Thagthi” ado® ecka

. Tade’ ui’the the’no® ha te tho" e¢ka

. Tade’ bago" ego" thagthi” ado" ecka

. Ishage’ ecka

. He! xa/de zhi®ga tho" tho® e¢ka

. Uti’ e’thathe ego" thagthi” ado" ecka

. He! wazhiga a/zhazha xti thagthi”’ ado® egka
. Hi"xpe’ a’gthagtha xti thagthi” ado" ecka
. I*shage’ ecka

CHONIAHMRwONe

a
=

a
we oO bo

a
“I o> Ot

=
ec)

. Edi uwa/to® ecka

. Edi uwa’to® ecka

. He! ni nike she ecka

. Ni nike ato” adi’to®

. Gacu’ce shni™ e i"te ecka

23. He! du’ba thi’thiga i te

24. Utha thithi’’ge te tho"zha ecka

25. Zhitga’ i’thite go’tha i te tho"zha ecka
26. He! Ti thato™ she e¢ka

27. Ti thate™ she e¢ka

28. Wani’ta to"ga ecka

29. He! itha’ kigthaxade e¢ka

30. Zhitga’ ui’the ugi’kaxe ta i te eshe ama tho" ecka

bo ho
Nesoa

31. He! tishi thato” she e¢ka

32. No®‘xahi thiba/gizhe xti

33. A’baku thiba’zhu tho®

34. No"t’u’¢a xti

35. Zhitga the uithe u*gikaxe ta i te tho"zha e¢ka
36. He! pehi®’ bixa’xado™ ecka

37. No®zhi‘ha tho" the’tho®

38. Xa/de tho” hi® a’zhi ado" e¢ka

39. Hi'’tho® cka do" ecka

40. Hi" a/zhi te tho" e’waka i do® e¢ka

oes THE OMAHA TRIBE [BrH. ANN. 27

41. He! mo*thi* tai ke ecka

42. Wi’u"wata uki/mo"gtho" i ke e¢ka

43. A’baku tho” no"t’u’¢a xti

44. Uzho™ge no*¢ta xtii ke

45. Pe a’co® githe ihe’thatha xti

46. Mo*shni” ado” I*shage’ e¢ka

47. He! zhitga’ giko™tha bado® ecka

48. Ithigiko™ tha tabado" ecka

49. Thie i’wigipathi" ta mike tho"zha e¢ka
50. [*sha’ge ecka

He! is an exclamation involving the idea of supplication and dis-

tress; ecka, a refrain, meaning “‘I desire,’”’ ‘‘I crave,” and, sometimes,
“‘T implore.”’

MOD oR ow Ne

Free translation

. He! Aged One, ecka

Thou Rock, e¢ka

Aged One, e¢ka

He! I have taught these little ones
They obey, ec¢ka

Aged One, e¢cka

He!

. He! Unmoved from time without end, verily

. Thou sittest, e¢ka

. In the midst of the various paths of the coming winds

. In the midst of the winds thou sittest, egka

. Aged One, ecka

. He! The small grasses grow about thee, egka

. Thou sittest as though making of them thy dwelling place, ecka
. He! Verily thou sittest covered with the droppings of birds, egka
. Thy head decked with the downy feathers of the birds, egka

. Aged One, ecka

. Thou who standest next in power, ecka

. Thou who standest next in power, e¢ka

. He! Thou water, e¢ka

. Water that hast been flowing

. From time unknown, ecka

. He! Of you the little ones have taken

. Though thy mysteries remain unrevealed
. These little ones crave thy touch, e¢ka

. He! Thou that standest as one dwelling place, e¢ka

. Even as one dwelling place, e¢ka

. Ye great animals, ecka

. He! Who make for us the covering, egka

. These little ones, thou hast said, let their thoughts reverently dwell on me, egka

. He! Thou tent frame, e¢ka

. Thou standest with bent back o’er us

. With stooping shoulders, bending over us

. Verily, thou standest

5. Thus my little ones shall speak of me, thou hast said
}. Brushing back the hair from thy forehead, e¢ka

’
- me

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES ile

37. The hair of thy head

38. The grass that grows about thee

39. Thy hairs are whitened, e¢ka

40. The hairs that grow upon thy head, ecka

41. O, the paths that the little ones shall take, e¢ka

42. Whichever way they may flee from danger, ecka

43. They shall escape. Their shoulders shall be bent with age as they walk
44. As they walk on the well-beaten path

45. Shading their brows now and again with their hands

46. As they walk in their old age, e¢ka

47. He! This is the desire of thy little ones, e¢ka

48. That of thy strength they shall partake, ecka

49. Therefore thy little ones desire to walk closely by thy side, e¢ka
50. Venerable One, e¢ka.

In the ritual the primal rock, referred to in the opening ritual,
that which rose from the waters, is addressed by the term ‘‘ venerable
man,’ whose assistance is called to the ‘‘little ones,” the patients
about to be ministered to. Line 7, with its exclamation of sup-
plication and reverence, He!, opens the description of the rock, which
sits from all time in the midst of the winds, those messengers of life-
giving force. Note the use of the phrase ‘‘midst of the winds” in
the ritual of Turning the Child (p. 120). The small grass refers
to the means of heating the stones placed in the sweat lodge as a
“dwelling place.’ Again, the abiding quality of the rock is referred
to in lines 15 and 16: Immovable the rocks have remained while the
droppings of the birds and their molting feathers have fallen season
after season. In lines 20-25, ‘‘ Thou water,’’ “water that hast been
flowing from time unknown,” it is said, that ‘‘these little ones [the
people] crave thy touch.”” The primal rock of these rituals is the
theme of some of the songs of the Pebble society.

The standing house, the sweat lodge, is next spoken of; the
animals who have given it a covering are remembered gratefully, the
bent-over boughs are mentioned and compared to the bent shoulders
of the old men whose long life is like ‘‘the well-beaten path.’ The
prayer for the gift of life for the ‘little ones,” whose health is
desired, is curiously and poetically blended with this description of the
standing house, wherein the power is sought by which they, the
‘little ones,” ‘‘shall desire to walk closely”’ by the side of the long-
lived rock, and, because of these supplications to rock and eyer-
flowing water, shall secure health and length of days. These ritu-
als, naively poetic, reveal how completely man is identified with
nature in the mind of the native.

574 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH, ANN. 27

The following was intoned as the sweat lodge was prepared for
curative purposes:
RituaL FoR Sweat Lopes, No. 2

He! I"sha/ge, ’¢ka
. Zhirga’ wako™ditha ba ’do*, ecka
. Gthi ‘tho thigitha ba *do®, e’¢ka
. Edi uwe’he ta mike xu’ka, edi uwe’he ta mike
Eshe’ ama tho” d’ecka
Zhiga wako™ditha ba’do” e¢ka
. I’thiginitha ta ba’do®, e¢ka
8. Gthi ’tho™thigitha ba’do", ecka
9. I*sha’ge, ’¢ka
10. He! Zhi*ga ithigino"zhi® go™tha ba’do”, ecka
11. Gthi ’tho™thigitha i tho"zha, ecka
12. I"sha/ge ’¢ka
13. Eda‘do® shti wo" ’de ’shna ’zhi te
14. Uki‘hi ’azhi tho™ka eshne’go" te
15. ["sha’ge ’¢ka

orm © We

“I

Literal translation

1. He!, address to call attention; i"sha’ge, old man, a term of
respect addressed to the stones that are heated for the bath; ’¢ka,
ecka, I desire, implore.

2. Zhinga, children; wako"ditha, being in distress; ba, they;
’do", ado", therefore; ecka, | implore.

3. Gthi, at home, the arrival at home (refers to sweat lodge) ;
tho’ thigitha, itho’thigitha, itho"tha, something round placed on the
ground (refers to the stones used in the sweat lodge, but the appeal is
in the singular as the generic stone is addressed) ; thi, you (refers to
the stone); gi, the possessive sign; ba, they; ’do", ado", therefore,
because of; ecka, I desire.

4. Edi, with them, there; wwehe, I shall join, or take part, or
cooperate; ta, shall, it is my will; mike, 1 am or 1 be; ta mike, I shall
be; xu’ka, to teach, instruct, initiate.

5. Eshe’, you have said; ama, they say; tho” d’, tho” di, an idiom
meaning it can not be denied; eka, I desire.

6. The same as the second line.

7. I'thiginitha—TI, of, by, in; thi, you; gi, possessive; initha, to seek
protection (gi implies a relation between the one speaking and the one
addressed, something in common; if the appeal was to a stranger the
gi would be omitted); ta ba ’do" (ta, may; ba, they; ‘do”, that),
that they may—‘That in you they may seek protection.”

8. The same as the third line.

9. The same as the first, omitting he.

10. He, address to call attention; zhi"ga, children; ithigino*zhi*,
by means of you to stand (no"zhi", to stand); go"tha, to desire,
applied to whatever supports life, health; ba, they; ’do”, ado”, that.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE ] SOCIETIES 575

11. Gthi'tho*thigitha (see third line); 7, plural, refers to “they,” the
children; tho”’zha, although, nevertheless; ecka, I desire.

12. The same as the first line.

13. Eda’do™ shti wor (eda’do”, things; shti wo", whatever), idiom—
and whatever things; ’de, ede, words; shna, to think; ’zhi, u"kazhi, not;
te, do.

14. Uki'hi, learned; ’zhi, u"kazhi, not; thotka, they are; eshnego”,
you judge; te, do.

15. The same as the first line.

Free translation

1. Oh! Aged One! I implore,
2. Your children being in sore distress, e¢ka,
3. Have brought you home, e¢ka.
4. ‘“‘IT shall be with them as an instructor, I shall be with them.”
5. You have said, they say, it can not be denied, e¢ka,
6. Your children being in sore distress, ecka,
7. That in you they may take refuge, ecka,
8. Have brought you home, e¢ka,
9. Aged One! I implore.
10. Oh! Your children desire to arise by your strength, ecka,
11. Though they may have erred in their bringing you home, e¢ka,
12. Aged One! I implore.
13. And whatever you may think, do not reproach them,
14. But rather, judge them by their ignorance,
15. Aged One! I implore.

The following ritual was used when entering the sweat lodge before
the initiation of a member of the Pebble society was to take place.
According to ancient custom, one of the articles to be served at the
feast given as part of the ceremony was a white dog; this was cooked
as the stones were heated for the sweat lodge. During the prepara-
tion and cooking of the dog all the leaders of the society had to be
present. The dog was painted before it was strangled; a band of
red was put across the nose and the feet and tip of the tail were
painted with the same color. Songs preceded the death of the dog,
the dressing of it, and also the feast. Any mistake made in singing
these songs or in reciting the ritual resulted in the early death of the
offender. The songs which accompanied the feast have all been
forgotten owing to the lapsing of the ceremony. The ritual here
given was obtained from an old man who has now been dead many
years.

Rirvuat FoR Sweat LopGe, No. 3
. He I*shage ecka
. He I® shnike tho" e¢ka
. Ishage ecka
. Wibthaho® ta mike tho®zha ecka
. Tshage ecka
. He I*shage ecka
. Nito"ga niuathite uthishi xti ke tho" e¢ka
. Pshage ecka

Ol wm oo ND

ant a

576 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH, ANN. 27

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. Niuitha atithagthitado" e¢ka

. Ishage e¢ka

. Agudi to" tiedo" ethego" wathe shniki ecka

. Pshage ecka

. Niuitha atithagthi® ado" e¢ka

. 1"! T*! eshe thagthi® abado™ ecka

. Zhitga the awagi i" tamike tho"zha ecka

. Te waagino"o” agthi™ tamike tho™zha e¢ka

. Eshe abado® ecka

. Wi? ie thashno® ki zhi no™gtho™tha uthishi ago" thethi™ke zho" tho®zha ecka
. Totde ke kapiethe xti no"gtho™tha ta thi" eshe abado™ e¢ka

. I*shage ecka

. ["dado® piazhi ke tho™ e¢ka

. Mo"te shtiwo® tha’zhi ado® ecka

. Ibe xi" ego" uxthitu ego” thagthi" ado" e¢ka

. I*shage ecka

. He I"shage ecka

. Wit u*gthaho® o"gthapi ego” de ecka

. I"shage e¢ka

. Ithagishti" tamike tho"zha e¢ka

. Gudiha ego" the do” ec¢ka

. I"shage ecka

. Baxu weduba ke tho” e¢ka

2. Wethabthi", weduba ke tho” e¢ka

3. Shetheathi® tho" etho"be hi ta ma eshe aba do” e¢ka

. I"shage ecka

. He I*shage e¢ka

36.
. Takitde cittha ego" thagthi® ado" ecka
38.
. Azhuhi igawa ego" thagthi® ado” ecka
40.
. He I"shage ecka

2. Tishi thato™ she tho® e¢ka

. Niko™ha ke tho" e¢ka

. Apamo"gthe xti aithagthi" ado® ecka

. Itaxetho” tho” e¢ka

. Niuthubido® tigthagtha thagthi" ado" ecka

. Tishi thato® she e¢ka

. Zhiga witachi thetho"ka tho® ecka

. Wi" aagigthi™ ta mike tho"zha ecka

. Edado® piazhi ke e¢ka

. Bthuga xti mugihi awagithe tamike tho®zha e¢ka

. O™ba ukiho*ge wi? ibako® thi"ge xti ethumbe hi tama eshe abado® ecka

. I*shage ecka

. “He, dadi’ ha” eshe taya eshe abado" e¢ka

. Nisni ke tho" ecka

3. He ni iti" xti itho"the niuthibthi itho"the, ta t’itxe dado" piazhi upethe ke

Dado" uto"bathe ego" thagthi® ado" ecka
Pegittha ego" thagthi® ado” ecka

Zhitga tho"ka wi mike ego" ta tho"ka wi" o"gthaho® o*gthapi ego"ki, I"shage ecka

tho” bthuga xti agaha gthihe ado® ecka

. Mo*te shtiwo® tha zhi ado" ecka
58.
59.
60.

I*shage ecka
Ebe i7de witachi wi? i u” thu®gita i shte shte wo" ecka
Edado® piazhi ke tho” e¢ka

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHD] SOCIETIES Sel

61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.

I)
. Aged One, egka

. The impurities, ecka

2. Shall not enter within, ecka

. Shall drift, like filth, as thou sittest, e¢ka

. Aged One, ecka

. Oh! Aged One, ecka

. If one of mine prays to me properly, e¢ka

. Aged One, ecka

. shall be with him, e¢ka

. Further along he shall go, egka

. Aged One, ecka

. The fourth hill, e¢ka :
2. The third, the fourth, ecka

. Even in going they shall appear thereon, they say, you have said, ecka

. Aged One, e¢ka

- Oh! Aged One, egka

. Thou sittest as though longing for something, ecka

. Thou sittest like one with wrinkled loins, ecka

. Thou sittest like one with furrowed brow, e¢ka

. Thou sittest like one with flabby arms, ecka

. The little ones shall be as I am, whoever shall pray to me properly, e¢ka
. Oh! Aged One, ecka

. Oh! Thou Pole of the Tent, e¢ka

rae
to

SONATE WON

Bthuga xti mucihi awagethe tamike eshe abado” ecka
Xthuga duba ha te tho" e¢ka
Bthuga xti thiexthua piazhi ke tho" u¢ihi awagithe tamike tho"zha ecka
Zhitga ecka
Akiki ho*ge ethobe hi tama tho"zha ecka
Kimotho® xti tade bago" xti aino"zhi" tama ecka
Eshe abado® ecka
I*shage ecka
Free translation

. Oh! Aged One, ecka
. Oh! thou recumbent Rock, e¢ka

Aged One, e¢ka

. To thee I shall pray, e¢ka

. Aged One, ecka

. Oh! Aged One, e¢ka

. The great water that lies impossible to traverse, ecka
. Aged One, ecka

. In the midst of the waters thou came and sat, e¢ka
10.
. Thou, of whom one may think, whence camest thou? ecka

. Aged One, ecka

. From midst the waters camest thou, and sat, ecka

. It is said that thou sittest crying: I"! I"! e¢ka

. Though I shall carry these my little ones, ecka

. Though I shall sit and listen to their words, ecka

. Because, they say, you have said, e¢ka

. If one shall go astray in his speech, although here lies one on whom one’s foot-

Aged One, e¢ka

steps may seem impossible to stumble, e¢ka
Upon this, the earth, very suddenly he shall stumble, they say you have said, e¢ka

83993°—27 ErH—11——37

578 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prH, ANN. 27

43. Along the banks of the streams, e¢ka

44, With head drooping over, there thou sittest, egka

45. Thy topmost branches, e¢ka

46. Dipping again and again, verily, into the water, ecka

47. Thou Pole of the Tent, ecka

48. One of these little ones, ecka

49. I shall sit upon one, ecka

50. The impurities, ecka

51. All I shall wash away from them, e¢ka

52. To the end, without one obstacle, they shall appear thereon, they say, you
have said, ecka

53. Aged One, ecka

54. It is said that you have commanded us to say to you, Our Father, ecka

55. Thou Water, ecka

56. Oh! Along the bends of the stream where the waters strike, and where the

waters eddy, among the water-mosses, let all the impurities that gall be
drifted, ecka ;

57. Not entering within, e¢ka

58. Aged One, ecka

59. Whosoever touches me with face or lips, e¢ka

60. All the impurities, e¢ka

61. I shall cause to be cleansed, it is said, you have said, e¢ka

62. The four apertures of the body, ecka

63. And all within the body I shall purify, it is said, you have said, ecka

64. Little ones, ecka

65. Through and through shall appear, ecka

66. Against the wind, in the midst of air, they shall appear and stand, e¢ka

67. It is said, you have said, e¢ka

68. Aged One, ecka

Tn this ritual the Primal Rock is addressed as “‘Aged One,” sitting
in the midst of water ‘impossible to traverse.’’ The stones in the
sweat lodge represented this Aged One, while the steam from the
water symbolized the mighty water whence issued life and which
had power to wash away all impurities. The almost tender mention
of the willows that dip their branches ‘‘again and again”’ into the
stream and that now constitute the framework of the lodge is note-
worthy. So, too, the mention of the placing of the little ones
‘against the wind, in the midst of air,’ bears testimony to how
deeply seated in the native mind is the religious idea of the life-
giving power of the winds—the winds that stand at “‘the four direc-
tions’’ into whose ‘‘midst”’ is sent the child, that he may reach the
four hills of life.

The ritual is very difficult to translate. It is highly poetic in the
original, full of picture and movement. The refrain, e¢ka, “‘I desire,”
“T am drawn toward,” “I seek,’ carries the idea of a movement
urged on by earnestness on the part of the person speaking. The
word ec¢ka has no exact equivalent in English.

FLETCHDR—-LA PLESCHE] SOCIETIES 579

The following songs, recorded from various members of the society,
give the peculiar mhay thee characteristic of the songs that belong to
the Pebble society. The first has heen selected as giving the general
theme or motive in its simplest form. The other songs show how
this motive has been treated without sacrificing the peculiar rhythm.
These songs were sung as the members moved about the lodge waving
their eagle-feather fans and ‘‘shooting” the pebble, the magic power
of which caused the one “shot” to fall rigid as the pebble was
supposed to strike the body.

#022 See ee ee

A a)
a re ee ag

Hu wi-bthe tho ho the-ke atha... Hu wi-bthetho ho the-ke atha... the-kea-tha ho

Literal translation: Hu wibthe, I have told you; tho, end of sen-
tence; ho, vowel prolongation; theke atha, here it lies; ho, vowel
prolongation.

—_—

ee 3 ; eae
———— = Bz ie =

Mo"-thi® tha- the he — shu-tha-the the he mo®-thi® tha - the he

st :
aS

=== =
a Ga> Ga

SS 3 a
ee
shu-tha-the the he e a shu-tha the he shu-tha-the the he
E 2 o r e Z —— Ss z H | = = ||
——-= ie a a CaS ee z
SSS SSS SS SS SS
mo® thi® tha - the he shu-tha-the the he ‘tivaisecs. ha

Literal translation: Mo", arrow; thi", moving; thathe, I send; he,
vowel prolongation; shuthathe, I send to you; the, end of sentence; he
vowel prolongation. In this song the pebble is compared to the swift-

moving arrow.

GS 226 ee =e F —— = f

The-thu a-ti no®-zhi® ho®-tho® tha-the tha ha the -thu ati Taas

4 =
4 =e == = {
[oes eames 3 2e SS ee ee ee

ho®-tho® tha- the tha ha ho®-tho® tha-the tha- ha ho®-tho® tha- the

CS SS SS Sl

tha ha ho*-tho® tha-the tha ha ho®-tho® tha-the tha - ha

580 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

Literal translation: Thethu, here; ati, come; no™zhi”, stand ; ho"tho
thathe, you have found me; tha, end of sentence; ha, vowel prolonga-
tion. This song represents the singer proclaiming: “‘Here where I
stand the pebble has come and found me, struck me with its power.”

SSS

Va-ko®-da tho® mi-ke a"-tho"-tha - the A-zho® mi-ke

§ = =I = =e a 5 eae
j—— =e SS
a SSS SSS = 2

tho® tha - the he A - zho" mi- ke tho" the - the he

st o°
A-zho"® mi-ke tho®-the-the ho tha ha A-zho" mi-ke an-tho®- tha-the

Jas =s=s5 fisSe S25

Hu-hu mi-ke tho"-tha-the he Hu-hu mi-ke ae ie tha he!

Cry of the Magic Ancients E hu -

Literal translation: Wakor’da—this does not refer to the great
Wako"’da but to the mysterious creatures, the givers of magic; tho”,
as; mike, I am; atho"thathe, thou hast found me; he, vowel prolon-
gation; azho", I lay; mike, I am; tho"thathe, hast found me; huhu,
fish; mike, lam; atho™thathe, thou hast found me; e-hu-u-u-hu, vibra-
tions, cry of magic power.

This song refers to an experience of one of the members of the
society who was one day bathing, when he caught sight of a hawk,
and fearing it was an enemy he turned himself into a fish. The bird
descended to get the fish, when the man eluded his fellow-magician
by turning himself into a rock, and so escaped by his magic power,
while his fellow-magician, the bird, hurt his bill on the hard rock.
There are many songs which refer to these magical transformations.

The following song is said to preserve an incident in the early his-
tory of the society:

When magic was first given to the members the power was not
strong. By and by the members felt that it had gained in strength
and they determined to attempt to do something more than merely
to exercise it on animals. So they agreed to try their magic power
on men and two persons were chosen to experiment on. | When these
men were ‘‘shot” by the pebble the magic proved to be so powerful

FLETCHER-LA PLESCHE] SOCIETIES 581

that one of them was killed. Then the society knew that they had
really become possessed of the gift of magic.
(Sung in octaves)
39295 =| + 2 0 SS SS
] = SS eee ee ee oe fee
A- wa-ki-de tha wi" a - u tha the ha a-wa-ki- de tha

oe 6 oe:
wi? a- utha the ha- wi" a- u tha the ha wina -

[ — [== —— |=:
Co ee aon eS ae ae a —~
: ¢ ¢ t+ et oe es St
wi? a-u tha the ha wi a-u tha the ha

> oo
no®-ba wa-ki-de be-tha o®-mo®-ki-de tha ha wi" a - u tha the

: ooo = = = ——= a—
G = — a
rs oe
u

Literal translation: Awakide, I shot at them; tha, end of sentence;
wi", one; autha, I wounded at once, or at the first shot; tha, end of
sentence; ha, vocable; wo"shige, man—an old word now in use among
the Winnebago; no"ba, two; wakide, shot; betha, they were; 0” mo”,
the other; kide, shot or killed.

The song presents a point which may be of historic interest, in the
word used for “‘man’’—the one who was shot and killed —qworshige.
This is said to be an old word. It has disappeared from the Omaha
language but is used by the Winnebago, whose speech has been
regarded as preserving an older form of the parent tongue than the
present Omaha language. The keeping of this one word, which
relates to the effect of the magic in killing a man, while the other
words have changed, raises the question whether this song (said to
be very old) has come down from a time when the Omaha and Win-
nebago were still together as parts of the parent body.

The rituals and the customs of the Pebble society are more primi-
tive than are those of the Shell society and there are indications that
the latter society has borrowed from the former. In one of the Shell
Society songs, included in the preceding account of that society, the
shell is spoken of as a pebble or stone.

As these two societies are the only ones in the tribe which observe
shamanistic practices and as they both strongly emphasize magic.
it is not impossible that at one time they may have been connected,
If such was the case, it is probable that the Pebble is the older society
of the two.

XIT
DISEASE AND ITS TREATMENT

Among the Omaha hygienic and physiologic laws were practically
unknown. Even the contagious character of some diseases was not
recognized. It was this fact that made the scourge of smallpox so
severe, and later measles laid hold of old and young, with a virulence
unknown to our own comparatively immune race. Disease was
regarded as more or less of a mystery; sometimes but not always
magic was held to be responsible for sickness, but it alone was not
depended on to insure a cure. Herbs and roots were used for medic-
inal purposes, but in gathering and administering these, certain
formulas had to be used. These formulas were in the nature of a
prayer to Wako"’da and an invocation to the power dwelling in the
healing herb, calling on it to become curatively active. The knowl-
edge of such plants and roots and of their ritual songs and how to
apply them had to be purchased, as a high value was placed on such
knowledge. After payment the purchaser was shown the proper
plant and directed to its locality, he was taught the songs used when
gathering it and also the songs to be sung when it was administered.
No one individual knew all the medicinal plants. Treatment of
disease was specialized, so to speak, one person curing hemorrhages,
another fever, and so on.

Bleeding was commonly employed in treating ailments; for this
purpose gashes between the eyebrows were made with a flint knife
or cupping on the back was effected by the use of the tip of a horn.
A species of massage was also employed. The influence caused by
the presence of women about a wounded person was deemed to be
unfavorable; this influence (wa’thite) was regarded as related to the
vital functions of woman. A similar influence was thought to arise
by binding a wound, even in an emergency, with anything that had
been near the genital organs of a man.

Herbs were used not only in the treatment of disease but for the
purpose of healmg wounds. That success often attended the cure of
wounds and other injuries is well known. How the Buffalo society
treated wounds has been described (p. 487). As all medical aid was
given with more or less ceremony and with songs accompanied by the
beating of a small drum, these noises evidently exercised a psychical

582

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] DISEASE AND ITS TREATMENT 583

influence on the patient and did not injuriously affect the nervous
system, as they would have done in the case of one to whom the
sound was without meaning. The patient knew that the songs were
sung to invoke supernatural aid and that on the efficacy of the appeal
he must largely rely for relief.

Although witches and witchcraft did not exist among the Omaha,
disease was sometimes supposed to have its origin in the magical
introduction into the human body of a worm or other object, which
could be removed only by means of magical formulas, by sucking,
or by manipulation. Certain individuals and certain practices were
supposed to be able to bring disease and death to a person by means
of magic. In such cases magic had to be used to dispel the imposed
magic. Among the Omaha these magical practices were almost wholly
confined to the members of the Shell and Pebble societies. Some of
their practices were claimed to trench on the marvelous. They
declared they could transform themselves into birds, animals, stones,
or leaves and joined in tests of the strength of their respective magic
powers. One form of test consisted in trying to jump or fly over
one another; the one who succeeded in so doing was regarded not
only as possessing greater magic but as controlling the one defeated.
No authentic accounts could be obtained from anyone who had actu-
ally witnessed these feats, but many persons were ready to assert
that they had certainly been performed.

There was another method by which death and disaster could be
brought to a man. This power was vested in the Ho™hewachi (p.
497). Inthiscase the invoking of disease and death was in the nature
of inflicting punishment on a social offender by turning on him the
consequences of hisownactions. The method employed was connected
with the belief that help could be sent from one person to another
by the power of willing known as wazhi"™thethe (wazhim’, ‘“will—the
power by which man thinks, feels, and acts;’” the’the, “to send’’).
Wazhi thethe therefore means to send one’s will power toward another
to supplement his strength and thereby affect his action. To this
helpful exercise of will power belongs the class of songs called we’to”
waa" (p. 421).

The exercise of will power for punishment, as practised by the
Ho™hewachi, was called wazhi"’agthe (wazhi™”, “will;’ agthe, “to
place on”). The two words, wazhi"’thethe and wazhi"’agthe, might
seem at first glance to have the same meaning. The former means,
however, the will power of one person sent to help another, and the
latter the will power placed on. In the latter case the Ho™hewachi
wills that the consequences of a certain line of conduct shall fall
on a person who of his own accord has determined on such a line
of conduct; that is, the man is to be abandoned to the results of his
own unwise behavior; he is to be thrust out from all helpful relations

584 THE OMAHA TRIBE [erH. ANN. 27

with men or animals. Wazht”’agthe would seem to have been
expressive of a kind of excommunication pronounced by the men
who had achieved position in the tribe, through valor and industry,
against a man who had offended social order and endangered the
peace of the tribe. This form of punishment, which blended social
ostracism with a kind of magical power, was greatly feared and fre-
quently resulted in the death of the victim.

The practice of midwifery belonged almost exclusively to women.
In some exceptionally complicated or dangerous cases of parturition
male doctors were called. In general women made rapid recovery
from childbirth and within a week were able to resume their usual
domestic duties.

Somer CuRATIVE PLANTS

Among the roots used for medicinal purposes were the following:

Sweet flag (Acorus calamus S.), called by the Omaha mo*kor’ni-
nida. The root was chewed for disorders of the stomach. It was
also put into the feed of horses when ailing. When on the tribal
hunt the people came to a marshy place where the sweet flag grew,
the young men gathered the leaves, made wreaths, and wore them
about the neck or head because of the pleasant odor.

The outer covering of the root of the Kentucky coffee tree (Gym-
nocladus canadensis) was used in hemorrhage, particularly from the
nose or during childbirth. This root was used also when the kidneys
failed to act. The native name of the tree was no” titahi. The root,
powdered and mixed with water, was administered to women during
protracted labor.

The root of the large bladder ground cherry (Physalis viscora) was
used in dressing wounds. The Omaha name for the root was pev’-
gatushi. This was one of the roots employed by the Buffalo doctors
as described on page 488.

The root of the cat-tail (Typha), called ¢a’hi", was used for dress-
ing scalds. The root was pulverized and spread in a paste over the
burn. The ripe blossom of the cat-tail was then used for a covering,
the injured part being bound so as to keep the dressing in place.
The blossom of the cat-tail was called waha’baigagko"the. This word,
meaning “‘to try the corn,” is said to have originated in the follow-
ing manner. The boys used to gather the cat-tail blossoms and try
to break them up so as to scatter the seeds. If they were success-
ful they shouted “The corn is ripe,” as the cat-tail blossom shed its
seeds about the time that corn was ripe enough to eat.

The root of the hop vine (/umulus lupulus) was used for healing
wounds; this was called mo"ko™ basho™sho”, ‘‘crooked root.”’

From the root of the wild rose was made a wash for inflamed
eyes, known as wazhi'de.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] DISEASE AND ITS TREATMENT 585

The root of the vine Cucurbita perennis (ni'kashigamo"ko", ‘human
medicine,’ so called because the root was said to resemble the human
form) was used medicinally. The root, pulverized and mixed with
water, was taken for pains. Only that part of the root which cor-
responded to the seat of the pain was used; that is, if the pain
was in the head, body, or leg, that portion of the root resembling the
particular part affected was taken, ete. This root was used also in
protracted labor.

There were many other plants and roots known to the Omaha as
having medicinal qualities which were used by men and women
of the tribe when attending the sick, but it has been impossible to
obtain full knowledge of them. It can be safely said that, on the
whole, medicinal remedies were more frequently resorted to in the
case of sickness than magical practices. In almost every instance,
however, the remedy was accompanied by its appropriate formula of
song or ritual.

Fees were always expected by the doctor called to attend the sick
or the injured.?

The pleasure taken in swimming has been mentioned; this, how-
ever, was apart from bathing. In summer the bath was taken in a
stream, and afterward the body was rubbed and dried with sprays
of artemisia. In winter both men and women erected small tents
in which they bathed in warm water. This was not the sweat bath.
That kind of bath was always more or less ceremonial, indulged in
for the purpose of healing, to avert disaster, or to prepare one’s self
for some ceremony or duty. <A framework of slender poles was bent
so as to make a small dome-shaped frame; this was covered tight
with skins. Stones were heated over a fire and then placed in the
center of the tent. Sweat baths were not usually taken alone,
although this was done occasionally. The bathers entered, carrying
with them a vessel of water. The coverings were then made fast and
the inmates, with ritual or with song, sprinkled the water on the
heated stones and sat in the steam. After a sufficient sweat had
been experienced they emerged and plunged into cold water, after
which they rubbed themselves dry with artemisia or grass. Both
men and women took sweat baths but not together; these were
employed to relieve headache, rheumatism, weariness, snow-blindness,
or any bodily ailment. If a person had been the subject of dreams
betokening his approaching death, a priest was summoned. The

aThe word meaning payment for services, as when one hires another to do a certain thing, is
wawe'shi, such payment being contingent on the service being actually performed. The word employed
to designate fees paid a doctor is waon’the (on’tha, ‘‘to throw away), ‘‘things thrown away;” the fees
paid a doctor are to remunerate services that may or may not bring about the desired result and
therefore the fees are as things that may be counted lost. The term waon’the is applied to fees paid
for admission to membership in the secret societies and also to the payment made for knowledge of
medicinal roots, ete.

586 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BrH, ANN. 27

latter prepared a sweat lodge, and, taking within the person threat-
ened, chanted his special ritual and gaye him a strenuous sweat
bath, which effectually averted the approach of death. Children
were not given baths of this kind except in the case of sickness.

The following ritual was recited while the sweat lodge was being
prepared for medicinal purposes:

He! I*shage! ecka

He! Nikashiga petho"ba

Uthe’wi® kitha i kizhi

I"shage, ecka

Thi wepetho"ba shni ama

Thi wepetho"ba thagthi” ego”

Thi I*da/do® ke i’shpaho® ama

I*shage, ecka

Ecko"no® itda/do® ithanibtha te do® ethe’go™ igkizhi e¢ka
Uzhutge uki’gthixida i do, ecka

Thagthi" abito™thethe xti thagthi™ ego"

Tade’ ui’the duba te, uthuti™ xti thagthi™ ego"

Thino® xti ’dado" ihuthe wathe ’go" thagthi® abado®, ecka
I*shage! ecka

A’wate i te ’do®

Awate no"de tho" edo™

Awate ¢i te ’do” ethe’ wathe xti thagthi” tho"zha

Thi no® xti itdado® ihuthe wathe ’go® thagthi™ abado”, ecka
I*shage! ecka

Ecko"no® zhitga ecko®no®

Gudiha ego" zhuawagigthe bthe ado”

Nie’ thitge’ xti zhuawagigthe ado®, ecka

Um/ba no*ba, um/’ba tha’bthi", um’ba du’ba etho"be pi ko™bthego®
I*shage! ecka

Go® wi/bthaho®, thano®’o® e’zha mi

I*shage! ecka F

Wa/’gacu shti wo" iteatha mo®zhi tho™zha, go™ wi’ka
I*shage! ecka

Free translation

Ho! Aged One, ecka,
At a time when there were gathered together seven persons,
You sat in the seventh place, it is said,
And of the Seven you alone possessed knowledge of all things,
Aged One, e¢ka.
When in their longing for protection and guidance,
The people sought in their minds for a way,
They beheld you sitting with assured permanency and enduranc
In the center where converged the paths,
There, exposed to the violence of the four winds, you sat,
Possessed with power to receive supplications,
Aged One, ecka.
Where is his mouth, by which there may be utterance of speech?
Where is his heart, to which there may come knowledge and understanding?
Where are his feet, whereby he may move from place to place?
We question in wonder,

-I

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] DISEASE AND ITS TREATMENT 58

Yet verily it is said you alone have power to receive supplications,
Aged One, e¢ka.
I have desired to go yet farther in the path of life with my little ones,
Without pain, without sickness,
Beyond the second, third, and fourth period of life’s pathway,
Aged One, e¢ka.
O hear! This is my prayer,
Although uttered in words poorly put together,
Aged One, e¢ka.

This ritual shows with unusual clearness the symbolic character
of the stone as well as the native anthropomorphic habit of mind.
In the ritual the stones are addressed, generically and anthropo-
morphically, as “Aged One,” a title of highest respect. The ‘Aged
One” is spoken of as having persisted through all time since the
gathering of the primal seven, to have sat at the center where the
paths converge, and endured the shock of the four winds, those
mighty forces which bring life and can destroy it. Because of this
enduring quality, abiding throughout all stress and change, the stone
symbolized the steadfast power of Wako?’da, the permeating life of
all nature, and so was possessed with ‘‘power to receive supplica-
tions’ —this despite the fact that reference is made in the ritual to
the lack of means on the part of the stone of man’s ability to express
his volitions (as organs of speech, feeling, and motion). Therefore
to it man turned for protection and help when beset by distress of
body or mind. It will be recalled that the Omaha used the sweat
lodge not only for curative purposes but to avert disaster, as impend-
ing death, and also as a preparatory rite. Here is set forth the
recognition of the contradiction between the inertia of the actual
stone and the vitality of the stone as a symbol. The mental atti-
tude of the Omaha when he addresses the stone can be discerned—
his thought is not centered on the apparent stone, but passes on to
the quality or power which the stone typifies. What is true of the
stone applies to the animals, the thunder and lightning, and the
cosmic forces to which the Omaha addressed himself. All were
symbols of qualities he recognized in man and projected upon natural
objects and phenomena.

XAT
DEATH AND BURIAL CUSTOMS

Death was looked on as one of the inevitable things in life. The
old men have said: ‘‘We see death everywhere. Plants, trees, ani-
mals die, and man dies. No one can escape death and no one should
fear death, since it can not be avoided.” While this view tended to
remove from the thought of death any supernatural terrors, it did
not foster the wish to hasten its approach. Length of days was
desired by all and the rites attendant on the introduction of the
child to the teeming life of nature (see p. 115) and those connected
with the entrance of the child into its place in the tribe (see p. 117)
all voice a prayer for long life, ‘‘to reach the fourth hill.” Although
not unknown, suicide was rare, and its rarity was owing perhaps to
the belief that the spirit as well as the body perished in self-destruc-
tion. Generally speaking, no matter how hard the conditions under
which he was living, the Omaha clung tenaciously to life.

The belief in the continuation of the natural relationships after
death necessarily led to the fixing of a locality where the dead dwell.
The mystery of death in some way seems to have become associated
with the mystery of night and the stars. The Milky Way was re-
garded as a path made by the spirits of men as they passed to the
realm of the dead. While the mystery of dissolution seems to have
demanded that the abode of the dead should be removed from
the earth, there were other thoughts and feelings that inclined the
Omaha to conceive of its being possible for the dead to come near
and act as helpers of the people. In the attempts of the Omaha to
give concrete form to vague ideas concerning life and death we come
upon the mythic stage of thought and observe how closely all their
thoughts on these subjects were interwoven with their conception of
a common and interrelated life, a living force that permeates, and
is continuous in, all forms and appearances. By virtue of this bond
of a continuous life the dead, though dweiling in a distant, undis-
cernible region, are able to come near their kindred on the earth and
to lend their assistance in the avocations with which they have been
familiar. This belief of the Omaha in the unification and the con-
tinuity of life assists toward the understanding of his point of view in
reference to his appeals for help to the animals and the natural forces.

588

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] DEATH AND BURIAL CUSTOMS 589

All of these symbolized to him certain faculties and powers indi-
vidualized, so to speak, in the eagle, the wolf, the elk, the earth,
the rock, the water, the tree, the thunder, the lightning, and the
winds. All these forms, he believed, exist in the realm of the
dead as well as in that of the living and the life which informs
them, like that which informs man, is continuous and unbroken,
emanating from the great mystery, Wako?’da.

The Omaha believed also that under certain conditions the realm
of the dead is accessible to the living. For instance, a person in a
swoon was thought to have died for the time and to have entered
the region of death. It was said of one who had fainted and recoy-
ered that ‘he died [fainted] and went to his departed kindred, but
no one would speak to him, so he was obliged to return to life”
[recovered consciousness]. It was further explained: ‘If his rela-
tives had spoken to him he would never have come back but would
have had to stay with the dead.” It seems probable that the stories
told by certain persons who had swooned as to what they saw in
visions have had much to do in forming the Omaha imagery of the
other world. It will be recalled that the sign of the tabu was put
on the dead in order that they might be recognized by their rela-
tives, as on the feet of a dead member of the We’zhi"shte gens, moc-
casins made from the skin of the male elk to whom before his death
the animal was tabu.? These and like customs confirm the general
statement that life and its environment beyond the grave were
thought to be conditioned much as on the earth, except that the
future state was generally regarded as being happier and freer from
sickness and want. It was said that there are seven spirit worlds,
each higher than the one next preceding, and that after people have
lived for a time in one world they die to that world and pass on
to the one next above. When asked if death in the next world does
not cause the same sorrow that it does here, the reply was: ‘‘It is
not the same as here, for the people, having once passed through
death and rejoined their kindred, recognize that the parting is only
temporary and so they do not grieve as we do here.”

There was no belief among the Omaha in a multiplicity of souls—
“man has but one spirit’’ the old men declared—nor has any trace
of belief in metempsychosis or in metamorphosis been discovered
among this people.

a The statement has been made (//th Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol., 542), ‘In two of the buffalo gentes of
the Omaha (the Inke-sabé and Hanga) there isa belief that the spirits of deceased members of those
gentes return to the buffaloes,’? and the buffalo is spoken of as ‘‘the eponymic ancestor.’” The writer
here cited fell into the error of regarding the animal which furnished the peculiar symbol in the rites of
these kinship groups as the progenitor of the members of the groups. No such confusion seems to have
existed in the Omaha mind. Men were not believed to be descended from animals. If the expressions
“Buffalo people,” ‘* Elk people,”’ “‘ Deer people,”’ or “‘ Thunder people,’’ were used, these descriptive terms
were not employed in a literal sense but as tropes.

590 THE OMAHA TRIBE [prit. ANN. 27

As the environment in the spirit world is similar to that on the
earth, the avocations seem to be the same and it would appear as
though interest in the affairs of this world never wholly ceases.
The warriors attended the Thunder and it was said that sometimes
during a thunderstorm the voices of certain brave men not living
could be recognized. The chiefs seemed to consort together for,
according to one explanation, the aurora borealis is caused by
the chiefs holding a dance. Another explanation accounted in a
more prosaic manner for this phenomenon, declaring it to be the
light of the sun as it makes its way from the west back to the east.

There does not seem to have been any conception among the
Omaha of supernatural rewards or punishments after death. The
same conditions which make for good conduct here were believed
to exist in the realm of the dead. It was said that at the forks of
the path of the dead (the Milky Way) there “‘sat an old man wrap-
ped in a buffalo robe, and when the spirits of the dead passed along
he turned the steps of the good and peaceable people toward the
short path which led directly to the abode of their relatives, but
allowed the contumacious to take the long path, over which they
wearily wandered.’ It is probable that the difference in the treat-
ment believed to be accorded the good and the bad indicates white
influence as does also the story that there is a log across a chasm
over which the dead must pass; the good experience no difficulty,
but the bad in crossing find the log so unstable that they sometimes
fall off and are lost. The simple and ancient belief seems to have
been that the Milky Way is the path of the dead. It was said also
that the spirit of a murderer ‘‘never found his way to his relatives,
but kept on, endlessly searching but never finding rest.” The restless
ghosts were supposed to whistle and for this reason children were
easily frightened by whistling.

Many tales are told concerning ghosts. Those who have camped
on old battlefields have heard the sounds of fighting, and persons
becoming separated on hunting expeditions have told of hearing the
coming of strange people, who made camp, set up their tents, and
went about their usual avocations. A narrator of one of these
stories declared that all the members of his family heard these
sounds—even the dogs barked; but on looking out of the tent nothing
was to be seen. These ghostly visitants did not always come at
night; sometimes they stayed during the day and continued talking
and moving about their unseen camp. Similar stories have been
told by persons who had been left behind in the village when the
tribe moved off on the annual hunt, tales of how the ghosts came and
took possession of the earth lodges and held dances and feasts. In
only one instance was it claimed that these visitors became partially
visible. In that case the narrator said: ‘Only the feet and the legs
as high as the knees could be seen;’’ and then added: ‘If I had been

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] DEATH AND BURIAL CUSTOMS 591

alone a little while longer I think I should have finally been able to see
the entire figure and recognize the people, for at first I could see
only their feet.” Ghosts bent on mischief, as tampering with food
after it was prepared for eating, could be thwarted by placing a
knife across the open vessel containing the food. A ghost would
not meddle with a knife. Nor would ghosts ever cross a stream;
so, if a person was followed or chased by a ghost, he would make
for a stream, wade it, or even jump across it. No matter how small
the stream, it made an impassable barrier between himself and his
ghostly pursuer.

The following dreams were thought to betoken death:

To have the Wa’wa® pipes presented to one ceremonially.

To have snakes enter one’s body; but if the dreamer shuts his
eyes, stops up his nose and ears, and clenches his hands so as to
prevent the snakes forcing their heads between his fingers, and thus
succeeds in keeping out the snakes, he will escape death.

To dream of lice.

If a horse shies at a person, it is because the animal sees blood on
him, indicating that the man will soon die.

Whatever restraint the Omaha was trained to put on himself
during the ordinary experiences of life was abandoned when death
entered the family circle. No one, man or woman, was ashamed. to
weep at such a time. Mourners seem to have found relief from the
mental pain of sorrow by inflicting physical pain—slashing their
arms and legs. To cut locks of hair and throw them on the body
was a customary expression of grief, as was wailing. At times
the cries of the mourners could be heard on the hills in the early
morning and during the night watches. Sad as was the sound of
this active expression of grief, it was not so pathetic as the silent
form of sorrow, which sometimes terminated in death. The mourner
would draw his blanket over his head and with fixed downward
gaze sit motionless, refusing to eat or to speak, deaf to all words
of comfort and sympathy, until at last he fell senseless.

Abandonment of all that otherwise would be prized seems to have
been characteristic of the Omaha expression of grief. Manifestations
of this kind were not confined to the time immediately following
bereavement but whenever a person was reminded of his sorrow
there was a fresh expression of grief. At the He’dewachi, which
was a festival of joy (see p. 251), those who since the last celebra-
tion had lost children or other near relatives were wont to wail over
the remembrance while others were shouting exultantly their anticipa-
tions of pleasure at the coming festival. Or, it might happen while
the tribe was on the annual hunt that a woman who had left the
camp to gather wild potatoes would suddenly remember the fondness
of a lost child for these roots; on her return she would take the store
she had gathered to the center of the tribal circle and there throw

592 THE OMAHA TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 27

down the product of her digging and return empty-handed to her
tent. Her act was recognized by all the people as that of a person
in sorrow whose thought was fixed on the dead and whose grief made
her careless of present physical wants.

Very soon after death the body was prepared for burial, which took
place within a short time. Rarely more than a day elapsed between
death and burial. The best clothing was put on the dead and regalia
was sometimes added, as well as a man’s weapons and shield. The
tent cover was sometimes lifted at the bottom so that persons from
the outside could look on the dead as he lay prepared for burial.

In olden times the body was borne on a rude litter and placed in
the grave in a sitting posture, facing the east. Graves were usually
made on a hilltop. A shallow hole was dug and the body placed in
it, and poles were arranged over the opening upon which earth was
heaped into a mound. Mound burial was the common practice of
the Omaha. After the acquisition of horses, one of these animals
was sometimes strangled at the grave but it was never buried with
the man. The personal belongings of men, women, and children were
usually deposited in the grave.

Some time after the death and burial of a young man or woman
the parents gave a feast, and invited to it the companions of the
deceased. After the feast races were run and property contributed
by relatives was divided among the winners. Young women took
part in the contest if the dead was a girl, and young men raced if
one of their own number had died.

The placing of food on the grave has been explained as an act of
remembrance and has been likened to the offermg of food when a bit
was dropped ceremonially into the fire in token of the remembrance of
Wako"'da’s gift of food to man. Other similar acts of offering food,
all of which partook of the character of remembrance, were instanced
in explanation, none of which were done because of a belief that the
dead needed or partook of the food.

A fire was kept burning on the grave for four nights that its light
might cheer the dead as he traveled; after that time he was sup-
posed to have reached his journey’s end.

When a man or woman greatly respected died, the following cere-
mony sometimes took place: The young men in the prime of life met
at a lodge near that of the deceased and divested themselves of all
clothing except the breechcloth; each person made two incisions in
the upper left arm, and under the loop of flesh thus made thrust
a small willow twig having on its end aspray of leaves. With the
blood dripping on the leaves of the sprays that hung from their
arms, the men moved in single file to the lodge where the dead lay.
There, ranging themselves in a line shoulder to shoulder facing the
tent, and marking the rhythm of the music with the willow sprigs

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] DEATH AND BURIAL CUSTOMS 593

they sang in unison the funeral song—the only one of its kind
in the tribe. The contrast between the bleeding singers and the
blithe major cadences of the song, suggestive of birds, sunshine, and
the delights of the upper air, throws light on the Omaha. belief
relative to death and to song. ‘‘ Music,” it was explained, “can
veach the unseen world and carry thither man’s thought and aspira-
tion. The song is for the spirit of the dead; it is to cheer him as he
goes from his dear ones left behind on the earth; so, as he hears the
voices of his friends, their glad tones help him to go forward on his
inevitable journey.” The song was therefore addressed directly to
the spirit of the dead. Of the ceremonial it was further explained
that “the shedding of the blood was for the mourners; they were
to see in it an expression of sorrow and sympathy for the loss
that had come to them.’ The cutting of the flesh, as has been
already stated, was a common method of indicating grief. There
was a custom that obtained among the Omaha which also referred
to the belief that sound could reach the dead; hence wailing had to
cease after a time, for the reason that “the departing one must not
be distressed as he leaves his earthly home behind him, since he is
obliged to go forward on his journey.”’ This custom is consonant
with the. meaning of the music of the funeral song, which has no
words, only vocables.
FUNERAL SONG
(Sung in octaves) | Harmonized by J. C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano
Smoothly, with feeling
— os

—— = Fp a ee / (aos =e yee
6i2 |= = | a | ae |
ES == == a = a
E a a a tha he ha a he a 1
3
eft (Mey Eee : Is o Ir
rs e | a
ee ee ee
as = E = E ==
pp Taps of willow sticks
a 2 aed a az + +
o 22 eS . PaO:
oe E — t | ————— |
4 | | = =s : ————
(Se eae
—— eee Se. Se
a e tha a he a ha a ef thay a tba
= | a Py —— |
(ee a Se a ee
= = ease
; or a en ers
( baal RRA
oe _ Seaman ee =_—s ead
CSS = S22
= i 4A ao iE = —— ==

83993°—27 mrH—11 38

594 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH ANN. 27

== = = =:
—— —s
a. -eeen, wha e. hao eé .tha he he tho-e ho
-_— ar
IE —_ e —~ a= 5 = = = —2- a ; Pe = |
SS it
|

=o 2 oo = = oy ET J = ar ea ey a
64 —— =o = e=E# ——+—|
: to) (a) e tha tha heya aun ah e tha a

‘ifeoey = =| =
= ee = = St ==
| 2 Se ee ee
r 5 ie 7 i @ ° o-
Ns | | | |
ft oa be eae ee es o - ate
(lena e 2 e a = ° E=so——- a
= [: Sati a Ses i
7 Ie iF i
eo SSS Fee ——— ——
6 Zz pol eet Cera iB ee oe | 4 = ||
_ oe i =—_— =a
tha a Che Pr ha e ha o e tha he tho
4 = =} = = ah ———= =I sabe
Ce ee ee ee

Fareed == 2 = Se 6a Oe ame oo ules

Ss i | | | |
| |
eee Gxt Oh ots et

: 2 @ ~ 4 —3- ° o — —— =
Cy | = = = — ee

he - iz in aioe

At the close of the song a near relative of the dead advanced
toward the singers and, raising a hand in the attitude of thanks, with-
drew the willow twigs from their arms and threw them on the ground.
This ceremony, with its bleeding singers and its song of blythe, happy
strains, at first glance might appear as a savage rite, devoid of human
feeling; but when studied it is found to be an unselfish expression
and to emphasize the Omaha belief in the continuity of life and of
human relationships.

Among men relief from the stress of grief was generally sought in
some stirring occupation, as a war party would afford. Consequently
a bereaved father was apt to join the first party that proposed to “‘go
upon the warpath;” if he had lost a little child he would tuck its
small moccasins in his belt. On slaying an enemy he laid the moc-
casins beside the slain in the belief that the dead man would recog-
nize and befriend the little child as it slowly made its way toward
its relatives in the other world.

XIV
RELIGION AND ETHICS

There was no class or group among the Omaha whose distinctive
duty was to teach either religion or ethics. Religious and ethical
teachings were embedded in the rites of the gentes and of the tribe,
but there were no succinct, practical commandments as to beliefs
or actions expressed in them. The duty of explanation and instruc-
tion to the laity, concerning the meaning and teaching of these rites,
devolved on the thoughtful elders of the tribe, who generally be-
longed to those eligible to the office of keeper, and formed a kind of
hereditary priesthood.

Tue KEEPER

In every gens or subgens there was a particular family to which
belonged the hereditary right to furnish the keeper, who had charge
of the sacred object of the gens together with its rituals and rites.
This man held no title apart from the name of the object or rite of
which he had charge; he was the keeper (athi”, ‘‘to possess” or
“‘keep’’) of the White Buffalo Hide or of the Sacred Pole, or of the
rite of Turning the Child, etc. He alone possessed the authority to
perform the ceremony, recite the rituals, and conduct the rites com-
mitted to his care; it was also his duty to instruct his son and suc-
cessor, and to transmit this knowledge and right to him. In the
event of the death of all the male members of the family of a keeper,
the Seven Chiefs were required to select another family in the same
subgens to take up the duties of keeper. The compensation given
to the keepers for their services has been spoken of (p. 212). A
keeper’s mode of life did not differ from that of other men; he did
not ordinarily wear any part of his ceremonial dress or adopt a pecul-
iar garb to distinguish his calling, nor did the keepers dwell apart
from other members of the tribe. They were held in respect and
generally conformed their lives to the sacredness of their official
duties. Keepers sometimes became chiefs; this was true of the last
keeper of the Sacred Pole, he who transferred this ancient object to
the writers for safe-keeping (p. 223) and narrated the Sacred Legend
of the tribe.

on
Sa

596 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27
WeE’/WACPE

This name was applied to tribal religious rites ani is significant
of their object. The definition of this term can not be given in a
word; we’wagpe means ‘‘something to bring the people into order
and into a thoughtful composure.’’ The term bears testimony to
une thoughtful character of the people, for while the institution of
some of the rites of this class was credited to ‘‘old men,”’ this should
not be taken too literally, for several of the ceremonies show evidence
of a growth that may have extended through a long period. The
word indicates, however, a discriminating observation of the social
value of religious rites not only as a power to hold the people together
by the bond of a common belief and the enjoyment of its ceremonial
expression, but as a means to augment in the popular mind the
importance of self-control, of composure, and of submission to
authority.

The rites termed We/wacpe partook of the nature of prayer and
were believed to open a way between the people and the mysterious
Wako®’da (p. 597); therefore they had to be accurately given in order
that the path might be straight for the return of the desired benefit.
A mistake in rendering a ritual had to be atoned in some cases by a
ceremony of contrition in order to avert trouble from the entire
people, as the interruption of the prescribed order in a religious cere-
mony was believed to be a subject for supernatural punishment.

We’wagpe rites were institutional in character and were so regarded
by the tribe. They were distinct from individual rites, as, for
example, the rite wherein the youth sought to come into relation with
the supernatural. The latter experience was strictly personal nor
was its character changed if the peculiar type of the vision or dream
gave the youth the right of entrance into one of the secret societies.

The rites and ceremonies, both public and private, of the secret
societies, except those of the Ho™’hewachi, do not belong to the
We'wagpe class. This society partook somewhat of the character
of an order of chieftainship; its ceremonies related to the cosmic
forces and therefore touched on religious conceptions.

The following rites belonged to the We’wag¢pe class:

Those connected with the maize.

Those pertaining to the annual buffalo hunt and the White Buffalo
Hide; these rites were closely related to the securing of the food
supply.

The rites and rituals belonging to the two Sacred Tribal Pipes and
those of the Sacred Pole; both of these pertained to the governing
power of the tribe and the authority vested in the chiefs. While
dependence on Wako?’da was recognized in all of these rites, they
were so directly concerned with the temporal welfare of the people

FLETCH®R-LA FLESCHE ] RELIGION AND ETHICS 597

that the religious element was somewhat overlaid by the material
benefits sought through the ceremonials.

The introduction of the child to the cosmos.

Turning the Child.

The consecration of the boy to Thunder.

The He’dewachi, the only ceremony in which all the people—men,
women, and children—took part and were led by the two Sacred
Pipes, borne by their hereditary keepers, in the rhythmic advance
by gentes toward the symbolically decorated pole standing in the
center of the large circle made by the assembled tribe. The teaching
of this joyous and picturesque ceremony, it may be recalled, was
that the tribe must be a living unit, even as the tree and its branches
are one (p. 251).

The Wa’‘wa™ ceremony; this was classed with the We’wacpe
because it was a means of bringing about peaceful relations within
and without the tribe.

Waxko’’pa

Wakor’da is not a modern term and does not lend itself to verbal
analysis. The word wano”’xe means ‘‘spirit.”” The ideas expressed
in the words wako"’da and wano”’xe are distinct and have nothing in
common. There is therefore no propriety in speaking of Wako?’da
as ‘‘the great spirit.” Equally improper would it be to regard the
term as a synonym of nature, or of an objective god, a being apart
from nature. It is difficult to formulate the native idea expressed
in this word. The European mind demands a kind of intellectual
erystalization of conceptions, which is not essential to the Omaha,
and which when attempted is apt to modify the original meaning.
Wako"’da stands for the mysterious life power permeating all natural
forms and forces and all phases of man’s conscious life. The idea
of Wako"’da is therefore fundamental to the Omaha in his relations:
to nature, including man and all other living forms. As has been
said by a thoughtful member of the tribe, ‘‘No matter how far an
Omaha may wander in his superstitious beliefs and attribute godlike
power to natural objects, he invariably returns to Wako®’da, the
source of all things, when he falls into deep and sober thought on
religious conceptions.”’

Visible nature seems to have mirrored to the Omaha mind the
ever-present ‘activities of the invisible and mysterious Wako"’da and
to have been an instructor both in religion and in ethics. The rites
pertaining to the individual (p. 115) reveal clearly the teaching of
the integrity of the universe, of which man is a part; the various
We’wag¢pe rites emphasize man’s dependence on a power greater
than himself and the idea that supernatural punishments will
follow disobedience to constituted authority. Natural phenomena

598 THE OMAHA TRIBE [pTH. ANN. 27

served to enforce ethics. Old men have said: ‘‘Wako™’da causes
day to follow night without variation and summer to follow winter;
we can depend on these regular changes and can order our lives by
them. In this way Wako®’da teaches us that our words and our
acts must be truthful, so that we may live in peace and happiness
with one another. Our fathers thought about these things and
observed the acts of Wako?’/da and their words have come down to
us.” Truthfulness in word and in action was fundamental to the
scheme of ethics taught among the Omaha. As applied to action,
it involved the idea of honesty and of faithfulness to a duty laid upon
a person, whatever its nature, whether of a scout (p. 425), a runner
in search of a herd of buffalo (p. 279), or the performance of a rite by
its proper custodian. No untruthful report or evasion of responsi-
bility was permitted to go unpunished, the penalty it was believed
being inflicted supernaturally. The instances related concerning
the fate of the keepers of the Sacred Tent of War who shirked their
responsibilty and met their death by the lightning stroke were cited
as proof of the watchfulness of Wako"’da over truthfulness as
applied to acts. For like reason, all vows had to be kept. Some-
times a man when praying for suecess in hunting vowed to give
the first deer or other game secured to Wako®’da, and no man having
made such a vow would break it, even though he and his family had
to go hungry. (Such offerings were always handed to a keeper.)

While the conception of Wako®’da may appear somewhat vague
certain anthropomorphic attributes were ascribed to it, approxi-
mating to a kind of personality. Besides the insistence on truthful-
ness in word and deed already mentioned, there were other qualities
involving pity and compassion, as shown in the account given in the
Sacred Legend concerning the institution of the rite of No®’zhitzho®
(p. 128) and in the rite itself and its accompanying prayer (p. 130).
All experiences in life were believed to be directed by Wako ’da,
a belief that gave rise to a kind of fatalism. In the face of calamity,
the thought, ‘“‘This is ordered by Wako®’da,” put a stop to any form
of rebellion against the trouble and often to any effort to overcome it.

Not only were the events in a person’s life decreed and controlled
by Wako?’da, but man’s emotions were attributed to the same source.
An old man said: ‘“‘Tears were made by Wako?’da as a relief to our
human nature; Wako®’/da made joy and he also made tears!’’ An
aged man, standing in the presence of death. said: ‘‘ From my earliest
years I remember the sound of weeping; I-have heard it all my long
life and shall hear it until I die. There will be partings as long as
man lives on the earth; Wako®’da has willed it to be so!”’

The use of the term Wako’da in the songs of the Washis’ka athi",
or Shell society, and the I"’gthu", or Thunder society, needs a word of
explanation, as it has led to misunderstandings of Omaha belief.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] RELIGION AND ETHICS 599

This use has been frequently explained to the writers, who have been
urged not to fall into error as to what is meant by Wakov'da.
These explanations have come from members of the societies to which
the songs belonged wherein the word occurs, as well as from men who
did not belong to these secret societies, so that the writers feel sure
that there is a distinction in the Omaha mind between varying mean-
ings of the word wako”da. The Wako"’da addressed in the tribal
prayer and in the tribal religious ceremonies which pertain to the
welfare of all the people is the Wako"’da that is the permeating life of
visible nature—an invisible life and power that reaches everywhere
and everything, and can be appealed to by man to send him help.
From this central idea of a permeating life comes, on the one hand,
the application of the word wako’da to anything mysterious or
inexplicable, be it an object or an occurrence; and on the other hand,
the belief that the peculiar gifts of an animate or inanimate form can
be transferred to man. The means by which this transference takes
place is mysterious and pertains to Wako"’da but is not Wakoda.
So the media—the shell, the pebble, the thunder, the animal, the
mythic monster—may be spoken of as wako"’das, but they are not
regarded as the Wako"’da.

Personal prayers were addressed directly to Wako?®’/da. A man
would take a pipe and go alone to the hills; there he would silently
offer smoke and utter the call, Wakon’da ho!, while the moving cause,
the purport of his prayer, would remain unexpressed in words. If his
stress of feeling was great, he would leave the pipe on the ground
where his appeal had been made. This form of prayer (made only
by men) was called Niniba-ha (nimba, “pipe’’), ‘addressing with the
pipe.”

Women did not use the pipe when praying; their appeals were
made directly, without any intermediary. Few, if any, words were
used; generally the sorrowful or burdened woman simply called on
the mysterious power she believed to have control of all things, to
know all desires, all needs, and able to send the required help.

INTERRELATION OF MEN AND ANIMALS

The relation of animals to the various rites of the gentes is difficult
to explain for the reason that the outlook on nature and all living
creatures, of the white race is so different from that of the Indian.
Accustomed as we are to classify animals as domesticated or wild
and to regard them as beneath man and subservient to him, it requires
an effort to bring the mind to the position in which, when contemplat-
ing nature, man is viewed as no longer the master but as one of many
manifestations of life, all of which are endowed with kindred powers,
physical and psychical, and animated by a life force emanating
from the mysterious Wako"’da.

600 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

An old Indian explained: ‘‘All forms mark where Wako"’da has
stopped and brought them into existence.”” The belief that the
power of Wako®’da is akin to the directive force of which man is con-
scious within himself is implied in the old man’s remark; each ‘‘form”’
was the result of a ‘‘stop,”’ where there had been a distinct exercise
of the will power, an act of the creative force of Wako"’da performed.
Looking on nature from this standpoint, men, animals, the earth, the
sky, and all natural phenomena are not only animated, but they beara
relation to one another different from that which we are accustomed to
consider as existing among them; man does not stand apart from, he
becomes literally a part of nature, connected with it physically and
related to it psychically. As has been said by the old men, ‘‘Man
lives on the fruits of the earth; this is true when he feeds on the
animals, for all draw their nourishment from mother earth: our
bodies are strengthened by animal food and our powers can be
strengthened by the animals giving us of their peculiar gifts, for each
animal has received from Wako?’da some special gift. Jf a man
asks help of Wako’da, Wako®’da will send the asker the animal that
has the gift that will help the man in his need.”” This view of the
interrelation of men and animals, whereby in some mysterious man-
ner, similar to the assimilation of food, man’s faculties and powers
can be reinforced from the animals, may assist in explaining why
animals play so large a part in Omaha rites.

This belief concerning the interrelation of men and animals may
furnish the key to a better understanding of the myths of the Omaha
and their cognates, some of which appear to be survivals of a time
when this belief was in an active and formative stage, a time when
man was trying to explain to himself the mystery of his conscious life
and of his environment. Many thoughts arising from this mental
effort, while intrinsically abstract, became concrete through an imagi-
native, dramatic story, serious in character, with a burden that could
not be shifted from symbolic to matter-of-fact speech. In some
such way and at a period far back in the history of the people the
myth may have had its rise. Viewed by the light of Omaha tribal
rites and rituals, 1t seems probable that some of the myths may be sur-
vivals of very ancient ceremonies, skeletons, so to speak, from which
the original ceremonial covering has disappeared.

Many of the mythic stories found among this group of cognate
tribes are in some of their details obscene, a characteristic for which
no adequate explanation is to be found in the daily life and customs
of the people or in the rites as practised during recent centuries.
Offensive as some of these stories are, they often exhibit a titanic
audacity that gives to them a kind of grotesque dignity. Even mythic
stories of this class may also be survivals, which have suffered not
only from the wear and tear of ages but from accretions of minds

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] RELIGION AND ETHICS 601

not of the highest type. Natural functions have demanded explana-
tion, and in the absence of teaching based on knowledge of physical
laws, man’s fancy here as in the world around has run riot. Among
all peoples there is an undercurrent of indecent stories that show a
strange kinship and that may have a common psychical origin.
Although, according to the Omaha view, man is so closely connected
with the animals, he was not born of them; no trace has been found
showing any confusion or mixture of forms; no Omaha believes that
his ancestors ever were elk, or buffalo, or deer, or turtle, any more than
that they were the wind, the thunder, or the sky. Myths which speak
of the union of the earth and the sky appear to be an attempt to
express in concrete form the idea that a dual force represented in the
masculine and feminine forms is fundamental to all creative pro-
cesses and was ordained by Wako?’da. The recognition of this dual
force in nature seems to have been common to all races, but it has been
variously emphasized by different peoples. The idea was a vital one
to the Omaha, as has been shown in their tribal organization (p. 134),
but it did not assume the strongly anthropomorphic aspect into
which it crystalized among Eastern races. The Omaha did not pro-
ject this dual force into gods and goddesses, their imagination did not
so incline to express itself; it was occupied in seeking psychical
counterparts to man among birds and animals, in drawing ethical
teachings from the natural phenomena of night and day, and in
finding lessons in tribal unity and strength from the branching tree.

VENERATION FOR THE ANCIENTS

The belief in the continuity of life made natural the thought that
the venerable men who had been instrumental in establishing the
ceremonies of the tribe did not abandon interest in the affairs of the
people because of their death. (See Ponca Feast of Soldiers, p. 309.)
While the worship of ancestors did not exist among the Omaha, rever-
ence was paid to the memory of the Ancient Ones whose thoughts on.
the relation of man to Wako"’da embodied in rituals and ceremonies
became the medium of religious teaching for the people. The sym-
bolic figure uzhi™eti (p. 241) represented this belief and reverent
feeling toward the Ancients.

PosITION OF CHIEFS

Chiefs were respected not only because of their authority, but as
having been favored by the unseen powers, who had granted them
help and had strengthened their ability to be steadfast in purpose
during the years wherein they struggled to perform the acts required
(p. 202) to enter the rank of chief. Because of this relation to the
unseen powers, a chief had to be deliberate in speech and in move-
ment, for all his words and acts were more or less connected with the

602 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

welfare of the people, and by the authority vested in his office the
chief was allied to the all-ruling and mysterious Wako?’da. As the
rites connected with the Sacred Tribal Pipes were the medium between
the chiefs and Wako®’da, there was no means by which to atone for,
or condone, any mistake or mishap occurring during the ceremonial
filling and smoking of these Pipes. Instances have been related in
which such an act of sacrilege was followed by death.

TorTEeMs

The so-called ‘‘personal totem’’ was not an object of worship, and
only in a very limited sense could it properly be termed a fetish. It
was a token or kind of credential of the vision granted the youth
during his fast; he did not appeal to the thing itself, but to that which
it represented, the form sent by Wako®’da, which could reach him
personally, ‘‘have compassion”’ on him, and therefore bring to him the
help he required in his hour of need. A reverent attitude was main-
tained toward all rites and ceremonies that dealt with man’s relation
to the unseen and tolerance was shown to usages that differed from

their own.
Maceie

Magic formed no part of the Omaha religion in either faith or prac-
tice. All the rites and ceremonies classed as We’wagpe were religious
in character and singularly free from anything that could properly be
called magical. The supernatural punishments that have been
referred to can hardly be considered as connected with magic. Cer-
tain other beliefs and acts, as that help or punishment could be brought
about through the exercise of will power, in the wazhi"’thethe (p. 583)
or the wazhi"’agthe (p. 497), were not regarded as magical practices,
nor were the means employed by the Ghost and Thunder societies to
look into the future; these were thought to be different from the
usages of the Shell and Pebble societies. Only the members of the
two societies last named claimed to be endowed with the ability
to exercise powerful magic, and their operations were confined in the
main to their own membership.

Witchcraft, such as is said to have existed in other tribes, was not
found among the Omaha. There was general fear and dread of
magic, but no one who practised it was persecuted or punished for
his acts; he might be avoided, but he would remain unmolested.

WARFARE AND Eruics

The influence on warfare of the higher ethics has never been pro-
nounced in the history of any race or people and the Omaha were no
exception to the rule. As has been stated, when in battle an Omaha

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] RELIGION AND ETHICS 603

found escape impossible he fought until he died. He aimed to kill his
enemy, not to take him captive, for there was no custom of adoption
among the Omaha as with the Osage; therefore neither men, women,
nor children were made prisoners. War meant devastation and
probable death to those who engaged in it. While it was not waged
along humane lines, sometimes women were allowed to escape. The
story is told of a war captain who, when a woman was fleeing, said to
his men, “Let your sister go!’’ The term for aggressive warfare
(p. 403) implies that such warfare meant fighting with men, a contest
between warriors. In view of what has just been said, it was natural
that the Omaha should have regarded capture as equivalent to death.
With reference to the treatment accorded their enemies it may be
added that no authentic account has been obtained of the torture of
anyone by the Omaha during the last century or more.*

TerMS FOR Goop TRAITS AND Goop ConpwuctT

It may assist toward making clearer Omaha ethics as applied to
social life to give some of the terms that denote excellence of char-
acter and desirable social qualities.

U' picka, a very old term, meaning that a person is unselfish.

Wazhi" cabe, applied to one who holds himself in control, who
avoids all words and deeds that might lead to unpleasantness.

Wa'gacu, one who is straightforward, whose word can be de-
pended on.

Wawe'no"hi”, one who is willing to help and to serve others.

Wahoe shto", one who never forgets to acknowledge a favor, no
matter how small; a courteous person.

Watha’ ethatha, a sympathetic person.

Wazhi” cabe, hospitable (¢abe, cautious, prudent).

Debi go"tha, one who can be persuaded, who will yield; also, a gen-
erous and hospitable person.

Wapiw”, applied to a bright child who said clever things. Such
a child, it was generally thought, would die young.

Wa'bagthagtha, diffidence.

a The term wa’nagthe implies ownership and the right of the owner to exercise his pleasure with impunity.
This word was applied to the birds or animals captured by the Omaha and kept near their lodges, as rac-
coons and crows. Later the term was transferred to the domestic animals introduced by the white race,
since these animals were owned and used as their owners pleased. Na’gthe, as a verb, signified ‘‘to abuse,”
“to torment,”’ and could be used to characterize conduct; asa noun, it meant “captive.” The song sung
by a warrior when going to face death in battle (p. 427) was called na’gthe waan, ‘‘ captive song;”’ the name
probably referred to the custom in other tribes of torturing captives, and indicated, as above explained,
the Omaha view of the fate of the captive in war.

604 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27
TrerRMs FoR Bap TRAITS AND Bap ConpucT

Almost equally helpful in understanding a people is to note the
phases of character and conduct for which they have terms implying
disapproval or contempt. The following belong to this class:

T’ugi shto”, a liar.

Wamo tho” shto”, a thieving person.

Nio™ shto” and nage’ shto", applied to a quarrelsome person.

U'sh’athivga, an impudent, forward person.

U’shige, one who seeks opportunities to take liberties with women.

Wano bthe turga, a glutton.

Wathito"to", a meddler in other people’s things or affairs.

Wathv hideshto", one who interferes with, or meddles with, another’s
affairs or business.

Moca, a boastful person.

I'uthatha, a tale bearer.

Ie'gove shto" describes one who invents speeches and declares that
others have made them.

De'geuthishi, an obstinate person.

Wani'te, a stingy person.

We'githe shto", one who “‘sponges”’ on others.

Wana’ shto”, a beggar.

U'zhi” shto", one who begs with the eyes.

Wado” becnede, one who stares.

Wazhethi"ge, an impolite person who forgets to mention terms of

relationship in order to thank and be courteous.

Mishke'da, lewd woman.

PROVERBS

The following are a few Omaha sayings or proverbs:

“Stolen food never satisfies hunger.”

“A poor man is a hard rider.”

‘All persons dislike a borrower.”

““No one mourns the thriftless.”’

“The path of the lazy leads to disgrace.”

“A man must make his own arrows.”

“A handsome face does not make a good husband.”

Religion and ethics, closely interwoven, pervaded the life of the
tribe, and in judging the evidences of constructive thought on these

tepics one should not consider them apart from the natural and.
social environment of the people.

XV
LANGUAGE

An analysis of the Omaha language or a presentation of its vocab-
wary, grammar, and syntax would demand a fullness of treatment
that is not possible at this time. A few words, however, as to the
medium by which the people expressed their thoughts are fitting in
order to make more complete the present account of the tribe.

The Omaha belong to the large linguistic group known as the
Siouan.? The numerous tribes which form this group may be classi-
fied in subgroups by placing together those whose speech shows com-
paratively slight dialectic differences. This classification has been
accomplished by the United States Bureau of American Ethnology,
the Siouan family being divided into seven groups.’ Group II, desig-
nated by the arbitrary term Dhe’giha or The’giha (see p. 37) is com-
posed of five cognate tribes: The Omaha, Ponca, Quapaw, Osage,
and Kansa.

Omaha grammar is complex rather than simple, the complexity
being increased by the use of particles as prefixes and suflixes and by
the incorporation of pronouns. By these means a word is modified
in form and its meaning is enhanced, made more definite, more
circumstantial, im a manner impossible in any European language.
Such a modified word may require a sentence for translation into
English.

Naturally verbs are the most susceptible to modification, but nouns
are not exempt; the particles joined to the latter are generally adjec-
tival in character so that the listener always learns something of the
character, appearance, or location of the object spoken of. <A few
simple examples may make clearer the above statement:

Shi’nuda to® Shivnuda ke Xthabe’ te Xthabe’ ke

Dog (the) standing dog (the) lying tree (the) standing tree (the) lying

Zho®’hide tho®
stump (the) round

a This term bears evidence As to the early method by which the names of Indian tribes were generally
obtained. The question, “Who lives beyond you?” put to a tribe was apt to elicit the answer, “Our
enemies!’’ In this fashion the Chippewa replied through their French interpreter, who corrupted the
native word into Nadowissiour, “snake-like,’’ metaphorically meaning “enemies.’’ The final syllable,
siour, caught the ear of the French and became fastened as a common name on the neighboring Dakota
tribes. It was finally transferred to the great linguistic group to which the Dakota belong by Albert
Gallatin in his monumental work, A Synopsis ofthe Indian Tribes in North America ( Trans. Am. Antig.
Soc., Archzxologia Americana, 11, Worcester, Mass., 1836).

6 See Handbook of American Indians, Bull. 30, Bur. Am. Ethnol., pt. 2, 579.

605

606 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Mor'ke bthi'xo™ ha, ‘1 broke the arrow with my hands” (man
speaking): mo”, arrow (the); ke, long; 6, I; thi, action with the
hand or hands; xo”, broke; ha, masculine termination of a sentence.

Moke ano” xo” ha, ‘1 broke the arrow with my feet”? (man speak-
ing)—no", action by or with the feet.

Moke bpixo” ha, ‘1 broke the arrow by the weight of my body”
(man speaking): bpi, action by the weight of the body, lying or
sitting; here the pronoun ‘‘I”’ is implied; ga implies action by
striking; tha, action by biting; ba, action by pushing or thrusting.

While there are definite meanings for the particles attached to
nouns, idiomatic usage changes the meanings and applications. For
example: Pa’heke tu ithe ha may be literally rendered thus—

Pahe’ ke tu ithe ha

Hills (the) long blue came masc. termination of sentence
But in this case the literal translation fails to give the meaning of the
sentence, namely: ‘‘The sight of the long range of hills that lay far in
the distance came to our vision as merged in blue.” Such an example
(many similar ones could be given) indicates how much of the real
meaning of a myth, astory, or a native conversation can easily elude
the foreigner, or one who obtains these only from a literal translation.

Tn an unwritten language like the Omaha it is difficult for one of
another race to master all the verbal details and grammatical com-
plexities of form and usage, a difficulty augumented by the care that
must be exercised in training the ear and the vocal organs in the
phonetics of the speech and the observation of the accents. A mistake
in either sometimes changes the direct or the implied meaning of a
word.

There seem to be five sounds each of the vowels a and wu; four of e;
three of i; and two of 0. The vowels 7 and 0 are frequently followed
by the nasal x. All vowels are sometimes ‘‘exploded”’ as are also at
times the consonants k, p, and t. The following consonant sounds
correspond to those of English: 6, d, g, m, n, p, s, t, y, 2. There is a
consonant kindred to d and ¢, but distinct from either, and another
similarly related to b and p. Other sounds, particularly the few
gutturals of the language, must be indicated by combinations of two
or more letters. Zh has two sounds, one as in ‘‘the,” the other as in
“thin;”? fand 1 sounds do not occur. The phonetics of the language
has never yet been scientifically investigated.

While Omaha speech is not unmusical it is forceful and virile rather
than liquid and flowing.

Accents are important; there are cases in which the shifting of an
accent completely changes the meaning of a word. In certain forms
of address the position of the accent denotes the sex of the person
speaking. The determinative particle at the end of a sentence changes
according to the sex of the speaker.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] LANGUAGE 607

The Omaha language lends itself to picturesque and graphic
detail more than to generalized statements of facts and experiences,
yet it would be a mistake to regard it as not adapted to the expres-
sion of abstract thought.

In the preceding chapters there is evidence going to show that the
Omaha were inclined to depend on the powers of thought and reflec-
tion for ability to bring about beneficial changes in governmental
forms, tribal rites, and ceremonies. A notable instance of this trait
is the coinage of the word we’wagpe (see p. 596) to denote those cere-
monials instituted ‘‘to bring the people into order and thoughtful
composure,’’ a condition favorable to the reception of an appeal to
reason and to securing the recognition of authority. The idea
embodied in this word must have been the outcome of long and care-
ful observation of social actions and of thoughtful reflection on such
observation. The word affords also evidence of the adaptability of
the language to the expression of abstract ideas. Ancther example
of the expression in a single word of a complex idea derived from
social observation and experience is found in the term ni’kie (see
p- 136). Many similar examples could be given.

Although the tribe was without written records, it was not without
a traditional wealth of thought expressed in rituals and rites that
corresponded, in a sense, to literature. These exercised an educative
influence and left an impress on the mind of the people that never was
wholly obliterated. Those whose position gave them free access to
these storehouses of the thoughts and aspirations of the sages of the
tribe, came under a masterful control. Not only .the thoughts
embodied in the rituals and rites, but the language with which they
were clothed dwelt in the minds of these men and acted as a refining
and uplifting power that was reflected in their choice of words and
their manner of expression, and resulted in a quality of attainment
somewhat equivalent to our term “scholarly.” When discoursing
on serious subjects, such men did not express themselves in collo-
quial terms used in every day pursuits, but selected their words and
constructed their sentences appropriately to convey the thoughts
that transcended the ordinary affairs of life. Dignified converse of
this character was beyond the full comprehension of those not versed
in the sources whence these thoughtful ‘old men” drew their inspi-
ration.

Correlation of the influences bred of environment, avocations,
customs, traditions, beliefs, and ideals is essential to the understand-
ing of the life and of the speech of an American Indian tribe.

BP)

XVI
CONCLUSIONS

Looking back over thirty years of acquaintance with and study of
the Omaha tribe, certain characteristics of the people become apparent.

The traditions of the Omaha indicate that the physiographic con-
ditions of their environment have always been marked by the absence
of extremes, as of climate—long seasons of heat and dryness or pro-
tracted periods of benumbing cold; nor do they appear to have
experienced the shocks and calamities that are met with in a volcanic
region; nor have they dwelt amid strikingly impressive features of
the landscape, as lofty mountains and deep canyons. On the con-
trary, they seem to have lived in an hospitable country, where
summer and winter without unusual intensity have followed each
other in orderly progression. So, too, the days and nights were with-
out the sharp contrastsfoundinmanyregions. Thisequablemovement
of the seasons and of the days seems profoundly to have impressed the
Omaha mind and to have led to a conception of stability and the
attribution to it of a high ethical quality,.one which came to be
regarded as desirable for man, which he should strive to reproduce in
his own life and in his relations to others. This quality he allied to
the idea of truthfulness. The orderly progression of the seasons and of
day and night he regarded as one method by which Wako"’da taught
man to be truthful, so that his words and acts could be depended on.
From the emphasis put on truthfulness and the relegation of the
punishment of falsehood to Wako®’da, through such natural agencies
as the storm and the lightning, which broke the ordinary calm and
stable order of the heavens, we discern how fundamental had become
the idea of the necessity of truth to the stability of all forms of life,
natural and social.

It may be that because of this manner of yiewing nature the
Omaha mythologies are less complicated and ornate (if that term may
be allowed) than are those of some other tribes. The Omaha seem
to have been given more to a practical than a fanciful view of nature
and of human life. While this peculiarity may have tended to make
them somewhat prosaic along given lines, it led to a certain sturdiness
of character that caused them to place a higher value on faculties of
the mind than on emotional attributes.

The Omaha estimate of the value of thought is strongly brought out
in their Sacred Legend, which briefly recounts their experiences from
the time when they “‘ opened their eyes and beheld the day” down tothe

608

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] CONCLUSIONS 609

adoption of the Sacred Pole as an emblem of governmental authority.
Every acquisition that bettered the condition of the people was the
result of the exercise of the mind. ‘‘ And the people thought” is the
preamble to every change; every new acquirement, every arrange-
ment devised to foster tribal unity and to promote tribal strength,
was the outcome of thought. The regulation of the annual tribal
hunt, wherein the individual was forced to give way for the good of
the whole people; the punishment of murder as a social offense; the
efforts to curb the disintegrating war spirit, to bring it under control,
to make it conserve rather than disrupt the unity of the tribe—all
were the result of “‘thought.” So, too, was the tribal organization
itself, which was based on certain ideas evolved from thinking over
natural processes that were ever before their observation. The Sacred
Legend speaks truly when it says ‘‘And the people thought.”’

While the Omaha were a thoughtful and a practical people, they
were not without poetic feeling, as their ceremonies and rituals
indicate—those, for instance, which heralded to the universe the
birth of a child, which introduced the child to its place and duties
as a member of the tribe, and which in the presence of death gave
sympathy to the mourners and at the same time cheered the depart-
ing one as he entered on his journey to the realm of spirits.

Like all other tribes, the Omaha was strongly anthropomorphic
in its outlook on nature. Everything lived and partook of man’s
qualities. This is clearly shown in the ritual of the corn (p. 261), in the
address to the stone in the sweat-lodge ritual (p. 577), and in other rites
and rituals given in the preceding pages. The idea of personality
is dominant in the language and in the religious beliefs and practices.
The force within this personality was recognized as that of the will,
that power which directs one’s actions so as to bring about desired
results.” By its iteration of the phrase ‘‘and the people thought,”

a This moving force, or will, is called wazhin’, a word used in compounding many words which indicate
the use of this dominant forcein man. Thus, wie’wazhin means to do something of one’s own free will
unbiased by another (wi, ‘‘I;’’ e, sign of the objective; wazhin, ‘‘ will power’). When the Omaha first
saw araiiroad train moving along without visible aid from man or animal, a name was given it derived
from the foregoing word: H’wazhin nonge (nonge, ‘to run’’), “it runs of its own will.” Anger is called
wazhin piazhi (piazhi, ‘*bad,’’ ‘‘evil’’?). Wazhin piazhi therefore signifies that in anger the will power is
charged with evil and the man becomes dangerous to himself and to others. Kindness is termed wazhin’
gabe (cabe, “to be guarded, circumspect in word or behavior’). The word indicates the Omaha eoncep-
tion of what constitutes kindness—it is to use one’s will to guard one’s speech and conduct so as not to
injure anyone. The word for “‘patience’”’ (wazhin’ gnede) presents another aspect of self-control: cnede
means ‘*long;’’ to be patient demands that a man’s will be kept for a considerable length of time tua
given course.

One more example, because it bears directly on this power to think, to discriminate, to draw conclu-
sions,and so influence action: wazhin’ cka means “intelligence,” “discernment,” “wisdom” (cka,‘‘ white”
or “‘clear’’). Wazhin’ ¢kais the application to mental processes of the natural experience of seeing. When
the atmosphere is clear, objects can be distinetly discerned, their peculiarities noted, and also their rela-
tion to one another; so, when the mind is clear, discrimination is possible as are reasonable conclusions—
itis the white, unclouded mind that can perceive what is conducive to the best in words and in deeds,
to the attainment of wisdom. These compounded words, which could be multiplied, all go to confirm
the statement that the people thought on conduct and ils consequences when framing words to describe
lines of behavior.

83993°—27 prH—11 39

610 THE OMAHA TRIBE [wri ANN, 27

the Sacred Legend, which preserved the experiences of the years,
emphasized the vital fact that better conditions are always attained
by the exercise of thought, not by magical interferences.

Thus it would appear that the Omaha tribe was a group of native
Americans sturdy in mind and in body; more given to industrial
than to artistic expression, gifted with an elemental statesmanship
and the ability to discover the power of a religious motive for the
preservation of social order and the maintenance of peace. While
the people were good fighters, they came to recognize that fighting
is not the only arena for achievement, and (as their name for tribe
indicates) that it is best employed in the defense of the home and
the integrity of the tribe.

Jy Teper heh fa BM B94
RECENT HISTORY OF THE OMAHA TRIBE

CONTACT WITH THE WHITE RACE

The time when the Omaha tribe first came into contact with the
white race can not be fixed with exactness but it is probable that
the meeting did not take place until about the middle of the seven-
teenth century, when the French were encountered. Intercourse
between the Omaha and the French was never close or prolonged,
nor marked by any attempt on the part of Frenchmen to disturb
Indian customs or to become possessed of Indian lands. The
spirit of adventure or desire to enter into trade actuated those
who first strayed into the Indian country. During their stay they
mixed with the people on friendly terms and were chiefly con-
cerned in an endeavor to introduce articles of white manufacture
among the natives and to establish permanent trading relations.
The English, on the contrary, were colonists from the first and aimed
to become possessed of land. This they sought to obtain through
some form of purchase, always expecting the Indians to vacate the
territory acquired and find homes elsewhere, an expectation which
frequently gave rise to trouble and involved hardship on the natives.
The difference in the relations between the Omaha and the French
and the Omaha and the English is reflected in the names given to
these two nations. The French were called Wa’xe ukethi®; the prob-
able derivation of wa’ze has already been given (p. 82); wkethir,
“usual,” “not strange’ or ‘“‘uncommon’’—the term implying that
these white men mingled with the people and did not consider them-
selves strangers. The English were called Mothi® to ga (mo"hin,
“Kknife;” tonga, “‘big’’); the name Big Knife, given the English, old
Omaha men said, did not originate in the tribe but was borrowed by
the Omaha from some other tribe. The English were known by this
name to the Winnebago, the Iowa, the Oto, the Osage, and the
Ponea, all members of the same linguistic family as the Omaha.
It is not improbable that the Dakota name for American, Long
Knife, is a modified form of the old term for Englishman. The

611

612 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETEH. ANN. 27

name Big Knife is said to have come into use because of the swords
worn by the English. The present Omaha word for sword, mo”¢e
weti" (morce, ‘‘metal;”’ weti", “war club’’), was given to the sword
when the Omaha learned its special use.

The French and the English were the only white nationalities with
which the Omaha had direct relations. They learned of the Span-
iards also, whom they called by a corruption of that name, Hespayu’na.
The Omaha classed the Germans, Swedes, Italians, and Irish as one
people, calling them Ie’thashathu (ie’, “‘speech;” thashathu, ‘‘rattled”
or ‘‘confused’’)—‘‘they of the rattled or confused speech.” The
Negro is called Wa’xegabe (waze, ‘‘white man;”’ gabe, ‘‘black’’)—
“the black white man.”

BHARLY TRADERS

By the middle of the seventeenth century Frenchmen had pushed
westward beyond the Great Lakes and trading posts had sprung up
along the adventurers’ trails. The French held the trade of the
Omaha and were not supplanted by the English and Americans
until the latter part of the eighteenth century. Old men of the last
century remembered the stories their fathers told of going on a long
journey to trade at a post ‘‘on a great lake far to the north.” This
was probably the post spoken of by Carver as ‘‘Fort La Reine”’ on
Lake Winnipeg. ‘‘To this place,”’ he writes, ‘‘the Mahahs who
inhabit a country two hundred and fifty miles southwest come to
trade." It is not improbable that the Omaha knew of the first
trading post on the Missouri river, about 250 miles above its mouth,
erected in 1722, and known as Fort Orleans; this fort presaged the
coming of the white trader into the Omaha country. During the
contention between the French and the English in the middle of the
eighteenth century, into which so many Indian tribes were drawn as
partisans, the Omaha were fortunate in being sufficiently removed
from the sphere of activities to escape entanglement. In fact not
only during the wars between the French and English but during
those between the English and the Colonists the Omaha took no part,
so that the tribe has never taken up arms against any of the white
race. While the Omaha kept clear of these difficulties, they were
not able to elude the evil influences incident to white contact, many
of which were accentuated through the rivalries that sprang up
between the fur-trading companies.

At the close of the French and Indian War, in 1763, the English were
left in control of all the country to the east of the Mississippi and
English traders gradually made their way westward into the territory

a Three Years’ Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, etc., by Jonathan Carver, 69,
Philadelphia, 1796.

FLETCHER-LA PLESCHE] RECENT HISTORY 613

previously occupied exclusively by the French. This nearer approach
of the English to the Omaha country soon began to make itself felt
along lines that developed rapidly after the Louisiana Purchase had
brought their country under the control of the United States—a change
that had the effect of relieving American traders from international
embarrassments—and as a result, trading posts quickly spread along
the Mississippi and Missouri rivers, with St. Louis as headquarters.

No important post was built in the immediate vicinity of the
Omaha villages but during the last decade of the eighteenth cen-
tury men in the employ of the fur companies visited the people
and instituted trading relations with them. The story of Black-
bird, mentioned on page 82, is a memorial of this contact. During
the first quarter of the nineteenth century a small post was estab-
lished near the Omaha village and maintained there for a time. The
usual custom among the traders before the establishment of a
United States Indian agency among a tribe was to erect a small log
cabin and to time the trader’s visit so that he would be present
with his goods when the tribe returned from its annual hunt, or
when special hunting parties which went out exclusively for pelts
came back with the product of the chase. At no other time was
anyone connected with the trading company present among the
Omaha. The trader’s arrival was signaled by the firmg of guns to
draw the people together for business.

INrrRopUCTION OF METAL IMPLEMENTS

From the first the native industries were affected by the advent of
the traders, who introduced articles of white manufacture. It was
not long before the metal knife replaced the native implement of
chipped stone. It is said that when metal knives were first brought
by the early traders they cost the Omaha the value of one dollar
apiece. An interesting example of the conservation, in ceremonies,
of early types of useful articles is found in the requirement that one
of the gifts essential in the rite of tattooing (p. 503) was a number of
the strong, red-handled knives of the kind first known to the tribe.
The metal knife soon became the constant companion of men and
women, serving all domestic purposes, but it never supplanted the
ancient flint knife in tribal rites. The lock of hair taken from the
head of the male child when he was consecrated to Thunder (p. 122
was cut by a flint knife; only a flint knife could be used when bleed-
ing for curative purposes. The ancient name (mo”hi”) was trans-
ferred without change from the flint to the metal knife. The name
for the stone ax, mo"’¢epe, was similarly transferred to the metal ax;
that for ‘‘hoe,” we’e, was afterward given to the plow. Sooner or
later all stone implements yielded to those of iron and the chipping

614 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

of stone became a lost art. One survival held well into the last
century, namely, the making and the use of stone disks, (#”’thapa),
between which the kernels of corn were pounded to make meal for
porridge. These disks were portable and served as a ‘‘hand mill”
when the people were traveling. Bone awls gave way to awls of
iron, which the Indians always fitted into handles of bone; the old
name, wa’ku, was retained. An iron blade was bound to the edge
of the elk-horn scraper to facilitate its use in preparing hides for
tanning. Iron hoes supplanted the ancient implement made from
the shoulder blade of the elk. The stone implements connected with
the daily needs of the people were the first to be displaced by iron
ones.

DECLINE OF OLD AVOCATIONS AND THE EFFECT ON THE PEOPLE

With the coming of the trader and the introduction of iron imple-
ments and other articles for daily use new conditions confronted the
Indians; they were no longer obliged to make all the articles required
for use and the time formerly occupied by the long and wearisome
process of chipping and rubbing stone was now left free. Further-
more, the stimulus for acquiring skill in the old-time industries
was withdrawn. The new iron implements which had brought
about this change in conditions had been acquired by bartering pelts.
Barter was not new to the people. It had long been practised between
various tribes; minerals, seeds, shells, and other articles had found
their way by this means into regions remote from their natural
environment, but it is safe to say that up to the time of the coming
of the white trader no Omaha had slain animals for merely commer-
cial purposes. The barter in pelts established by the traders was
therefore different in character from any barter that had been prac-
tised between tribes and was destined to give rise to a new industry
among the Indians—that of hunting for gain. Heretofore hunting
had been carried on in order to secure food and other necessities—
clothing, shelter, and bone with which to make implements; more-
over it had been conducted with more or less religious ceremony, which
had directed the Omaha thought toward Wako"’da, as the giver of
the means by which to sustain life, as shown in the rites connected
with the annual buffalo hunt (see p. 275) and planting the maize
(see p. 262). The quest of game for profit introduced new motives
for hunting and also of cultivating the soil, motives not consonant
with the old religious ideas and customs; consequently under their
influence such customs slowly but inevitably fell into disuse. The
effect on the Omaha mind of their obliteration was to weaken the
power of ancient beliefs and to introduce new standards, commercial
in character; as a result the Omaha became less strong to resist the

PLETCUER-LA PLESCHE] RECENT HISTORY 615

inroads of new and adverse influences which came with his closer
contact with the white race.

The new character given to hunting produced permanent effects
not only on the thought of the people but on their ancient mode
of life. The stimulation of hunting as an avocation weakened the
influence of the old village life, created different standards of wealth,
enhanced the importance of the hunter, and greatly increased the
labors of the women in preparing pelts and skins for the market.
There is good reason to ascribe to the last-named condition an
impetus to the practice of polygamy among the Omaha. There was
no special working class in the tribe nor could labor be hired. In
the old time one woman could scarcely give proper attention to all
the skins secured by a good hunter; still less could she do the addi-
tional work occasioned by the pressure of trade.

CHANGES IN ORNAMENTS AND DECORATION

The traders’ wares were not confined to tools. Many novelties
were brought which appealed to the people and soon created new
wants. Glass beads of gay colors lent themselves to decoration as
the more cumbersome shell beads could not, but bead decoration
did not replace at once porcupine quill work. The latter demanded
training, skill, and patience, whereas beads were easily used and made
with little effort a garment effective in ornament and coloring, so that
in time their use became popular. The old name for the shell bead
(hivc¢ka’) was transferred to the new glass bead. Silver or brass
bangles and finger rings were never as much liked by the Omaha
as by some other tribes. The silver ‘‘ear bob”’’ introduced by the
traders was called pe’ugashke (pe, modified for euphony from pa,
meaning ‘‘nose;” wgashke, “‘to attach”). This name may refer
to the ceremonial piercing of the nose during the tattooing cere-
mony (see p. 503) for there is no tradition that the Omaha ever wore
nose rings. The name for “‘earring”’ is u/wi”, an old term that
strange to say was never applied to the silver ‘“‘ear bob” brought by
the traders. These ‘“‘ear bobs” were much liked as earrings; some-
times they adorned the entire lobe of the ear.

Another saving of labor in comparison with old methods was
involved in buying paints from the traders. The paint was sold
in small packages not much larger than a paper of darning needles
and the price of one of these packages in the last century was the value
of twenty-five cents. The old term for ‘‘red paint,” wagezhide (wage,
““clay;” zhide, ‘“‘red’’) was applied to the trader’s article as was
the old name for ‘‘green paint” (wage’tu). Blue paint was called
mo"thitkatu (mo"thitka, ‘“‘earth;” tu, “blue”’); yellow paint, mo”thir-
ka gi, ‘‘yellow earth” —both old names. Great quantities of paint
were sold, this article alone yielding a large profit to the trader.

616 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH, ANN. 27
INTRODUCTION OF CLOTH

The heavy woolen cloth called strouding was probably introduced
by the English traders during the latter part of the eighteenth cen-
tury. In the middle of the last century it cost the Omaha from
four to six dollars per yard. Broadcloth cost from eight to twelve
dollars per yard. When the Omaha first saw strouding he had no
idea of cloth, so when it was spread before him he gave to it the
name of the largest stretch of a given surface for clothing with
which he was acquainted, the skin robe, calling this cloth wai”,
‘“robe.’’? When, however, he wished to speak of cloth he added the
word denoting the color; thus, wai”’tu, “blue cloth,” or wai’ zhide,
“red cloth,’ while the simple word wai” still designated the skin
robe. Broadcloth was called wai”’shnaha (wai, “‘robe;” shnaha,
‘“smooth,’’) because of the difference between its surface and that of
strouding.

Strouding was used by the men for leggings, breechcloths, and
sometimes for robes. Women made of it skirts, sacks, and leggings
extending only to the knees. Broadcloth was not employed by
the men; this material was bought by the richer members of the tribe
for women’s skirts and leggings. Sometimes a woman possessed a
robe made of broadcloth. With the introduction of strouding and
broadcloth needles and thread became known. Needles were called
wa! kuzhivgau’ude (waku, “awl;” zhi"’ga, ‘‘little;” w’de, ‘witha hole”).
Thread was named waho”’, meaning ‘“‘something spun.” Pins were
not known until well into the last century. It was about the middle
of the nineteenth century when calico was introduced by American
traders; owing to its cheapness, it speedily became the material
commonly used by the people. It was called wazi™ha, ‘‘thin skin.”
The commercial value attached to dressed skins made them too
valuable for common wear, a fact which aided in promoting the sub-
stitution of strouding for clothing; later, the high price of the stroud-
ing increased the sale of calico.

Steel traps, used to facilitate the catching of beavers, were early
introduced by the traders; these were called mo”’¢e, ‘‘metal.’”’ The
unqualified word mo”’ge came to signify ‘“‘trap,” and the act of trap-
ping was called mo”’ceuzht, ‘‘to put or place in metal.”” The principal
furs supplied by the Omaha were buffalo, bear, beaver, mink, rac-
coon, and deer skins. The people were good hunters and trappers
and were regarded as a desirable tribe to deal with. Canvas as a
substitute for the buffalo-skin tent cover became common about the
middle of the last century and took the old name of the tent cover,
ti’ha, “tent skin.”

FLETCHDR—-LA FLESCHD] RECENT HISTORY 617
INTRODUCTION OF GUNS

Guns were introduced toward the close of the first quarter of the
nineteenth century, receiving the name wahu’to"the, “to make a
noise with.” The bullet was called mo”’cemo", ‘metal arrow;”
gunpowder was called mo"xu'de, ““ashes.”’ The first guns received by
the Omaha were flintlocks; rifles did not reach them until the third or
fourth decade of the last century. The use of guns destroyed another
native industry, arrow making, and made pointless some of the old
teachings to the young (see p. 331). Copper kettles and tin and iron
utensils took the place of the native pottery, consequently the pot-
tery industry was abandoned. Wooden bowls and cups gradually
disappeared from family use but the former were retained in the
sacred tribal ceremonies and other rites of a serious character.

IntTRODUCTION OF Monery; PELT VALUES
?

Before the Omaha had dealings with the United States Govern-
ment little, if any, coin had been seen by the tribe. The smallest unit
of value among the skins used in barter with the traders was the
raccoon skin, rated at twenty-five cents. Mika’ha ithawa (mika‘ha,
“raccoon skin;”’ ithawa, “to count with’) became the established
name of a quarter of a dollar. A dollar was called wi’’bthuga (wi,
“one; bthu’ga, “whole” or ‘“unit’’); a fifty-cent piece, mo"¢o”’thitha,
“half;” a dime, shuga’zhivga (shuga, “thick;” zhirga, ‘‘little’’—‘‘little
thick”). Asilver half dime was called bthe’kazhinga (bthe’ka,
“thin;” zhi”’ga, “little’’—‘‘little thin’’); a nickel (5 cents), we’tha-
waca'to” (wethawa, ‘‘counters;” ¢a’to", “five’”’); a copper cent,
we'thawazhide, ‘‘red counter;’’ seventy-five cents, mika’haithawa
tha’bthi” (tha’bthi", “three’’), the value of three raccoon skins. A
thousand dollars was called ku’ge wi" (ku’ge, “box;”’ wi", “one’’),
the name originating from the custom of packing this number of
silver dollars in a small box for convenience of transportation. In
the case of payments to Indian tribes by government agents the
term for the number 1,000 was gthe’bo"hiwi™to"ga (gthe’bo", “ten;”
hiwi", ‘progressing toward one;”’ wi"to"ga, ‘“big’’).

The following prices were obtained for the skins named, in the
middle of the last century: Buffalo, $15 to $20; otter, $12 to $15;
mink, $2 to $5; beaver, $4 to $6. As beavers were plentiful and the
use of traps facilitated catching them good trappers sometimes gave
up the more laborious pursuit of large game and confined their
efforts to securing beavers, in this way being able to secure good
pay for their skins and at the same time to keep their families sup-
plied with meat. Comparatively little trading in furs was done for
cash. Trading on a barter basis continued until the destruction of
the fur-bearing animals brought the old-time trader’s career to an end.

618 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH, ANN. 27
INTRODUCTION OF INTOXICANTS

The competition among the rival fur companies led to the intro-
duction of intoxicating liquors among the tribes for the purpose of
securing skins and trade. So great was the trouble experienced by the
tribes, and so earnest were the appeals from the old chiefs and other
leading men, that as early as 1802 President Jefferson made this traffic
the subject of a message to Congress, which resulted in the passage
of an act forbidding the sale of liquor to Indians, under penalty.
Knowledge of congressional action traveled slowly in those days and
laws were difficult to enforce in the sparsely settled country; conse-
quently the fur trade continued to be stimulated and the natives
demoralized by intoxicants offered by the trader. The harm done
by this unlawful procedure has not yet passed away from the tribes
in the United States. It is smgular that ‘fire water’’ should be a
common term for intoxicants in widely different languages. The
Omaha word is pede’ni, literally “fire water’’ (pede, ‘‘fire;”’ ni,
““water’’).

The Omaha tribe did not escape the baneful influence of liquor.
The traders plied the people with rum; it was cheaper than goods to
use in barter and although the traffic was illegal, the gain to the
companies was so great that their agents were instructed to take the
chances of detection; they did so and unfortunately generally suc-
ceeded in eluding discovery.

DRUNKENNESS AND ITS PUNISHMENT

In the third decade of the last century an incident occurred in the
Omaha tribe which is still spoken of; this took place in the hut erected
to accommodate the visiting trader and his wares.

The agent of a trading company had arrived with his half-breed son, then a lad
about seventeen years old, who acted asclerk. The Indians had gathered with their
pelts and had received goods and liquor in payment. Late one afternoon, when the
clerk was alone in the hut, two men, more or less intoxicated, came in and began to
quarrel. A third with his little son entered the hut to trade but, being afraid of the
quarreling men, he kept back from them. A fourth man entered who had had liquor
and was disposed to be troublesome and the quarreling men seemed to excite him
still more, when, catching sight of the quiet man and his boy, he drew his knife,
rushed at him and buried the weapon in his throat. As his victim fell dead the
drunken man realized his deed and beeame suddenly sober. The two men ceased to
quarrel and stole away, leaving the murderer alone with the dead man and the young
half-breed clerk. Meanwhile the boy had run off to spread the news of his father’s
death. The clerk counseled the guilty man to remain in the hut, as it was his only
place of safety, and for a time he heeded this advice; but at last he exclaimed: ‘‘I
have forfeited my life. I may as well meet my death now!” and went out into the
night. He had gone only a few steps when he was shot with an arrow and shortly died.

The horror of this murder and the realization it brought to the
young clerk that liquor was robbing the people of their manhood

FLETCHNR—-LA PLESCHE] RECENT HISTORY 619

and morality so impressed him that he then and there registered
a vow that if he ever rose to a position of power in the tribe he
would use his authority to break up the habit of drinking. Years
passed, and this young clerk, who was Joseph La Flesche, became
one of the principal chiefs of the tribe. True to his vow, he issued
an order that men who drank were to be flogged. During the
time that Chief La Flesche remained in power drunkenness was
practically checked in the tribe. Unfortunately cabals arose. The
right of the chief to inflict such severe penalties was questioned by
men who were not interested in the moral welfare of the people.
Other authorities were invoked and in the end liquor found its way
surreptitiously among the people. But the drastic measures of the
chief were not soon forgotten and years elapsed before their effect
was wholly lost.

GOVERNMENT CONTROL OF TRADERS

In accordance with the English policy, by which the Crown had the
right to regulate trade and to license traders, the Articles of Confed-
eration reserved that right to Congress. An act of 1786 required
Indian traders to be citizens of the United States. An act of 1790
vested the power to appoint traders in the President or an officer
appointed by him. When, by virtue of the Louisiana Purchase, the
Omaha country became part of the domain of the United States
trading with the tribe came under the restrictions of the laws mentioned.
After the tribe passed under the control of the ‘‘Agency system”
resident traders were licensed by the Indian Bureau. These traders
opened stores on the reservation and absorbed the trade of the tribe.
The destruction of the buffalo herds in the seventh decade of the last
century, the rapid increase of white settlements, and finally the open-
ing of the country by railroads, all produced marked and lasting
effects on the life and avocations of the people, bringing the industry
of hunting to a close and diminishing greatly the influence and the
business of the trader.

a It happened that a prominent man, whose reputation for bravery was second to none, yielded to temp-
tation and became drunk. He was a very close friend of the chief and everyone thought that the chief
would not order this friend, a man honored by the tribe, to be flogged like a common offender. But
the order was given and the ‘“‘soldiers’’ who were commanded to execute the punishment advanced to
the warrior’s tent, not without serious questionings as to whether they might not have to fight the
offender, who had never been defeated in battle. The warrior was in his tent; he heard the ‘‘soldiers”
approaching and knew theirerrand. Hesteppedouttomeet them. Asheappeared, the “soldiers”’ halted;
looking at them he said: “‘Do your duty. I broke the order of the chief and must take my punishment.”
He was duly flogged; no one of the ‘‘soldiers’’ dared to abate his strokes. Asa result of this warrior’s act,
he not only rose higher in the esteem of the tribe because of his manly recognition of his fault but his
action strengthened the chief in his effort to put a stop to drinking. Until his death, which took place
toward the close of the last century, this warrior was one of the most respected and influential men in the
Omaha tribe.

620 THE OMAHA TRIBE [pvit, ANN. 27
INTRODUCTION OF NEW FOODS, GAMES, AND DISEASES

Besides the numerous changes in tools, weapons, and clothing
brought about by the traders, new foods were introduced, which even-
tually became common among the people. Wheat became known in
the second decade of the last century, receiving the name wamu’cke.
This name was applied also to bread made from wheat. Coffee was
known earlier and was called mo"ko"¢abe, “‘black medicine.” Sugar
was termed zho"ni (zho", ‘‘wood;”’ nt, ‘‘water’’), evidently a transfer
of the name for ‘‘maple sugar.”” To the large white potato was given
the name of the native potato, nu. Beef and all other fresh meats
were called by the old term tanu’ka, ‘‘wet meat.”

Two new games were received from the white people—playing cards
and checkers. Cards were called wathi’baba, ‘‘something spread out
repeatedly with the hands,” the name referring to the act of shuffling
and dealing the cards. The suits were called as follows: Diamonds,
ke’pa (‘turtle head”’); hearts, ni’deawi" (“‘buttock’’); spades, mo”’-
higi (“‘arrow-head’’); clubs, t’a’zhi (literally, ‘‘never dies’’), referring,
it is said, to the flower immortelle. Checkers were spoken of as
wako™ pamorgthe (wako,*‘to gamble ;” pa, “head; morgthe “ bowed” —
“‘to play with bowed head’’).

New diseases found their way among the people. Smallpox (di’ze)
wrought great havoc just before 1800, reducing ‘‘the once powerful
tribe to a few hundreds.” Measles (di’xebthor¢e, ‘‘little smallpox’’)
was almost as fatal and is still dreaded. Malaria (wa’xewakega,
‘‘\White man’s sickness’’) would seem from the name to have come
from contact with the white race and changed environment.

INTRODUCTION OF NEW WORDS

Many new words were coined to meet the changed conditions. The
following are in common use:

Store, u’thiwi"ti, to trade in.

Window glass, we’ugo"ba, to make light with.
Chimney, tihuko" (ti, tent; hukon, old name of the smoke vent).
Table, wa’thate, to eat on.

Chair, a’gthi", to sit on.

Rocking-chair, a’gthikipiagaga, to rock one’s self in.
Seales, we’thiho", to lift with.

Stove, mo™¢eunethe, iron to make fire in.

Shovel, pe’deithice, to take fire with.

Bottle, pe’xeha, gourd skin.

Brick, i“e’nazhide, stone burned red.

Wagon, zho*mo"thi®, walking wood.

Horse, sho®ge.

Cattle, te’¢ka, white buffalo.

Chickens, wazhi"’gazhide, red birds.

Pigs, ku’kugi.

FLETCHER-LA PLESCHD] RECENT HISTORY 621

Shoes, zho"hi"be, wooden moccasins.

Stocking, hitbegawi"xe (hibe, moccasins; gawimxe, to wind around the foot).
Formerly matted grass was wound about the foot under the moccasin.

Button, mo"geithagashka (movge, breast; ithagashka, to fasten with).

Ring, nombeuthixtha (nombe, hand or finger; wthixtha, to tnrust in).

Spade, to™deino®¢e, to cut the ground with.

Pitchfork, xa/deithicge, to rake grass with.

Reaper, wamu’ckeino"¢e, to cut wheat with.

Mower, xa/deino"¢e, to cut grass with.

Saw, we’magixe, to cut with.

Grist mill, u’/no"tube, to grind in.

Silver, mo” ¢ecka, white metal (used also for ‘‘money’’).

Gold, mo"’¢e¢kagi, yellow white metal.

Sailboat, mo"de’gio", flying boat.

Watch, or clock, mi/ido"be, to look at the sun.

Rubber, hagi’¢ige, elastic skin.

Telegraph, mo"’ceiugishto", lying metal (referring to the incredulity with which
the telegraph was received).

Postage stamp, i"dewatha¢kabe (inde’, face; wathackabe, to stick on).

Railroad train, e’wazhi"no"ga, self runner.

Harness, sho®’gewei", for horses to carry.

Bridle, mo™¢ethahe, metal to bite.

President of the United States, Itigo"thaiuzhu (itigonthai, grandfather; uzhu,
principal).

Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Itigo*thaizhi®ga (thai, to whom; zhivga, little).

General, Nudo"ho"gauzhu (nudorhonga, war leader; uzhu, principal).

Colonel or Captain, Nudo™ho"gazhi"ga (zhinga, little).

Private, thei", kettle carrier.

Bayonet, mo*dehi, spear.

Flag, ha¢ka (ha, skin; ¢ka, white); the name arose from the use of the flag of truce.

Paper, waba/gthece, to make stripes on.

To read, we’thadi (we, the act; thade, to speak).

Teacher, waba’gthecewethade, one who reads paper.

To write, waba’xu, to make marks.

Pen or pencil, we’baxu, to write with.

School, waba’gtheceathaditi, paper, to read, house—the house where paper is read.

Minister or clergyman, wago™¢e, one who instructs.

Newspaper, waba’gthecegawa, paper open, opened paper.

Photograph, i"de’ugaxe, face picture.

Milk, te’¢ka mo%¢eni (te’¢ka, cow; monce, udder; ni, water).

Flapjack, wamu’cke btheka (wamu’cke, bread; btheka, thin).

Cake, wamu’cke ¢kithi (¢kithi, sweet).

Peaches, she hi® shkube (she, apple; hin, hair; shkube, deep or thick).

Chinaware, wa¢e’go"uxpe, clay dishes.

Tumbler (glass), ni/ithato"no’xeego", water, to drink, spirit-like—to drink water
from that which is like to a spirit, translucent.

Spoon, mo”¢etehe, metal buffalo horn (referring to the old spoons of buffalo
horn, lehe).

Fork, wa’/kuwethate (wa’ku, awl; wethate, to eat—awl to eat with).

Pin, wa‘kuzhi"ga, little awl.

Coal, no™xthe, charcoal.

Kerosene, no"xthe wegthi (wegthi, grease).

Marbles, itezhi"ga (ie, stones; zhinga, little).

622 THE OMAHA TRIBE \ [prE. ANN. 27

A few old terms survive and are applied to modern conditions, as the phrase, Tiwpe,
“T am going to make a visit,’’ (ti, tent; wpe, to creep into); the word refers to the
stooping posture necessary in entering the low opening of the tent. Even if going
into a laree dwelling the Omaha would say Tiwpe, as did his forefathers.

TREATIES WITH THE UNITED STATES

The first treaty between the United States and the Omaha was
made at Portage de Sioux in July, 1815 (U.S. Stat. at Large, vol.
vil, p. 129). Similar treaties were made at that time with a number
of tribes that during the War of 1812 had been more or less under the
influence of English traders. The purpose of this treaty was to
“place all things in every respect on the same footing as before the
late war between the United States and Great Britain.” Injuries
were to be ‘‘mutually forgiven,’ ‘‘peace maintained,’ and the
United States acknowledged by the tribe as its protecting power.

Tt was about the time of making this treaty that the Government
took the first measures against the smallpox. The Omaha were
persuaded to submit to vaccination and this treatment may have been
instrumental in saving the tribe from the inroads of the disease,
when, in 1837, some of the tribes to the northward were almost
exterminated by it.

The second treaty was made at Council Bluffs in 1825 (U.S. Stat.
at Large, vol. vi, p. 282); this related mainly to granting supremacy
to the United States in punishing those who committed offenses an.l
to the protection of traders. The Omaha agreed not to furnish
ammunition to hostile Indians. In both these treaties the Omaha
were dealt with under the name ‘‘Maha,” this form arising from
misunderstanding on the part of the whites of the native speaker,
who lightly sounded as w the initial letter of Omaha, at the same
time placing the emphasis on the second syllable.

In the treaty of July, 1830 (U.S. Stat. at Large, vol. vz, p. 328),
made at Prairie du Chien, the Omaha, together with the Sauk and
Foxes, Bands of the Sioux, the Iowa, Oto, and Missouri tribes, ceded
to the United States their claim to lands within the present State of
Towa. The Omaha, Iowa, Oto, Yankton, and Santee Sioux agreed
that a reservation in the present Nemaha county, Nebraska, should
be given their half-breed kindred, 640 acres to be allotted to each indi-
vidual. The half-breeds among the Omaha all received their quota
of lands on this reservation. Some of them left the tribe and went
to live on their newly acquired allotments; others accepted land the
but disposed of it and never left the tribe. Under this treaty the
Omaha received their first payment from the United States for ceded
land and were promised a blacksmith and farming implements—a
promise that was not fulfilled until several years later. The head-
quarters of the Western Superintendent of Indian tribes was at St.

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] RECENT HISTORY 623

Louis. To him reported subordinate officers, called Agents, who were
placed in charge of the several tribes that were being assigned about
this time to tracts reserved for their use, some of which covered the
region in which their villages were situated.

At the time of this treaty (1830) the Omaha had left their village
on Omaha creek, near the site of the present town of Homer,
Dakota county, Nebraska. They had been driven thence by the
continued warlike incursions of the Sioux and were living to the
southwest in the vicinity of the Elkhorn river.

In a treaty made at Bellevue during October, 1836 (U.S. Stat. at
Large, vol. vir, p. 524), the Omaha, together with the Oto, Missouri,
Yankton, and Santee Sioux, ceded to the United States their claim
to land lying between the State of Missouri and the Missouri river,
and received payment therefor. The Omaha agreed to build their
village near the agency that had been recently established at Belle-
vue, the Government promising to break and fence 100 acres for the
use of the tribe.

Between 1836 and 1854 the Omaha villages were not far from
Bellevue. This United States Indian agency had control over the
affairs of several tribes besides the Omaha, some of which had been
reduced in numbers by disease and other mishaps. During this
period the Omaha made two attempts to return and live on their
old village site near Homer but each was frustrated by Sioux war
parties threatening their families, crops, and ponies.

In 1854 the Omaha made a treaty with the Government at Wash-
ington (U. S. Stat. at Large, vol. x, p. 1043) by which they ceded
their hunting grounds in Nebraska, keeping for their own use a tract
of 300,000 acres bordering the Missouri river a few miles south of
the place where their old village, near Homer, had stood. <A pro-
vision was introduced into the treaty, which was repeated in most
of the treaties of that date made with Indian tribes, namely, to
survey a portion of the reservation and apportion a certain amount
of land to those individuals who desired to possess permanent homes
(sec. 6). A sawmill and a gristmill were to be erected and main-
tained out of tribal funds, on the new Omaha reservation; also a
blacksmith and a farmer were to be provided. The moneys received
for the land ceded by this treaty were to be held by the United States
and the payments were arranged to extend through forty years.

By a treaty of March, 1865, made at Washington (U. 8S. Stat. at
Large, vol. xtv, p. 667) the Omaha sold to the United States a strip
from the northern part of their reservation, for the occupancy of the
Winnebago tribe, which had been removed from their old home in
Minnesota. A portion of the payment for this land was to be ex-
pended for stock, implements, breaking of lands, ete. The pro-
vision for allotting the Omaha individual holdings, contained in

624 THE OMAHA TRIBE [pre. ANN. 27

section 6 of the treaty of 1854, was repeated and the stipulation
made that their half-breed relatives then residing with them should
be included in the promised allotment.

By an act of March 3, 1871, the mode of government negotiations
with Indian tribes was changed; treaties were no longer to be made
but legislation was to be enacted, the execution of any act to be
“with the consent of the tribe.”

By the act of June, 1872 (U.S. Stat. at Large, vol. xvm, p. 391),
the Omaha sold to the Government 50,000 acres from the western
part of their reservation. A portion of the proceeds of this sale was
to be expended for fencing farms, building houses, purchasing imple-
ments and live stock, and establishing and maintaining schools.

Under an act of June, 1874 (U. S. Stat. at Large, vol. xvut,
p. 170), 20 additional sections in the northern part of the reservation
were sold for the use of the Winnebago tribe.

By an act of August 7, 1882 (U. S. Stat. at Large, vol. xxm, p.
341), the Omaha were given their lands in severalty, each man,
woman, and child receiving a portion of the tribal land, which was
secured by a patent, the United States holding the patent in trust
for twenty-five years, during which time the land was not taxable
and could not be encumbered or sold; at the end of the trust period
patents in fee were to be given to the original allottees or their heirs,
according to the laws of the State of Nebraska. The act placed the
Omaha under the laws of the State, civil and criminal. The unallot-
ted land in the southwestern township of the reservation and west
of the railroad running between Sioux City, Iowa, and Omaha,
Nebraska, was thrown open to purchase by white settlers.

By a clause in the ‘“‘severalty act” of February 7, 1887, the Omaha
as allotted Indians became citizens of the Umted States.

A right of way was granted to a railroad through the reservation in
1894 (U. S. Stat. at Large, vol. xxvim, p. 95). The right was
extended and new rights were granted in 1896 (U.S. Stat. at Large,
vol. xxx, pp. 344, 912). The survey of the Sioux City and Western
Railroad was approved by the Secretary of the Interior May 2, 1905.
The road was completed and was running through the reservation in
April, 1907. Two towns were located on this railroad, the land
being negotiated for with Indians who had inherited the tracts and
were permitted by an act of Congress to sell the lands. The town
site of Rosalie was approved by the Secretary of the Interior January
18, 1906, and the first lot was sold in the summer of 1907; the town
was named for the late Rosalie La Flesche Farley, a daughter of
Joseph La Flesche. Its population in 1910 was 147. The town site
of Walthill was approved by the Secretary of the Interior at the same
time as that of Rosalie and the first lots were sold on May 22, 1907.
The town was named for Walter Hill (son of J. J. Hill), who had
had charge of the construction of a portion of the railroad on which

FLETCHER-LA FLESCH ] RECENT HISTORY 625

the town lies. The deeds for the lands sold by the Indians for these
town sites were withheld for a time through the influence of Susan
La Flesche Picotte, M. D., and other members of her family, until
the provision was made that—

No malt or spiritous or vinous liquors shall be kept or disposed of on the premises
conveyed, and that any violation of this condition, either by the grantee or any other
person claiming rights under said party of the second part, shall render the convey-
ance void and cause the premises to revert to the party of the first part, his heirs or
assigns.

With the sanction of the Secretary of the Interior this clause was
inserted in all town-site deeds on the Omaha and Winnebago reser-
vations. In the town of Walthill the Townsite Company restricted

Abii
‘if
Wi
hie

Fic. 126. Graded school at Walthill, Nebraska.

the material of buildings on the main street to brick and stone; while
this action temporarily retarded the erection of structures, it has
added greatly to the appearance and permanency of the town. The
population (1910) of Walthill is 810. In less than a year after its
organization the town expended $14,000 for a commodious brick
and stone building (fig. 126) for a graded school, in which both white
and Indian children receive instruction.

WORK OF MISSIONARIES

It would be difficult to trace the tribe or even the direction whence
the first missionary influence came to the Omaha. In the last decade
of the eighteenth century individuals of the tribe had descended the
Missouri to St. Louis to carry their pelts for barter. While there they

83993°—27 ETH—11——40

626 THE OMAHA TRIBE [erH, ANN, 27

saw something of civilized, modes of living and noted the religious
customs of the residents of the town. Through intercourse with
tribes among which missions had been established came a vague
knowledge concerning Christianity. In the early part of the nine-
teenth century a few Frenchmen employed with the trading companies
had taken Omaha women as wives but these men had not shown a
proselyting spirit nor had they made any change in the mode of native
life or in the native beliefs. Sometimes the sons of these men were
taken to St. Louis on their fathers’ trading trips; here they acquired
some knowledge of the French language and of business methods, the
possession of which enabled them to assist their fathers in the duties
connected with trading. In some instances these sons were sent to
school and learned to speak English and in two cases, those of Logan
Fontenelle and Louis Sansouci, they were able to serve as official inter-
preters. It was not until the third decade of the nineteenth century
that the Omaha came into direct contact with missionaries and then the
contact was occasional rather than constant. In 1845 the first perma-
nent mission was established by the Presbyterian denomination at
Bellevue, Nebraska. At that time the Omaha had been induced by
the Government to settle near Bellevue, partly for the sake of pro-
tection from their enemies, the Sioux, and partly to bring them under
the superyision of the newly established Indian agency. <A school
was built for the mission on land claimed by the Omaha tribe and
several Omaha children were brought under the influence of the
teachers. In the gardens and fields attached to this school the
Omaha had their first opportunity to observe the practical use of the
plow and other agricultural implements. When the iron hoe intro-
duced by the traders superseded the shoulder blade of the elk no
change was made in the old method of planting and cultivating
corn. Until the Omaha beheld the fields of the mission they had never
seen the earth turned over in furrows and corn planted in long
straight rows. At this mission school some of the Omaha children
received their first instruction, scanty as it was, in avocations that
were to help them to meet the changed conditions of living so soon
to come upon their people. Already Missouri was a State; homes
were being erected within sight of the Missouri river; the Mormons
had already crossed that stream and had passed on farther to the
westward. Nebraska was soon to become a territory and the new
settlers were casting hungry eyes on the Indians’ land. In 1853 a
United States commission arrived at Bellevue to take the preliminary
steps looking to the extinguishment of the Omaha right of occupancy
of the broad fertile lands lying on the Missouri north of the Platte
river. The following year a group of chiefs and other leading men
went to Washington, passing down the Missouri and up the Ohio
in boats, crossing the Alleghany mountains by slow stages, and so

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] RECENT HISTORY 627

making their way to the capital, where the treaty of 1854 was executed.
Within the next three years the Omaha left Bellevue and turned their
faces northward toward their reservation but before leaving they
donated a square mile of land to the Presbyterian Mission, on which
Bellevue College stands today.

THE Mission

In 1857 the Presbyterian Mission followed the tribe and the next
year a large stone structure erected for its use was completed. The
mission house (fig. 127) stood on a bench overlooking the Missouri river:
Behind it rose the bluffs; below it stretched a broad bottom heavily
timbered in some parts and opening out here and there into wide
savannahs. In this ample building a boarding and day school was

Fig. 127.. The old ‘‘ Mission,’”? now fallen to decay.

maintained. The assembly hall served as a chapel. The missiona-
ries and their families dwelt in the house, and the Omaha children
were thus brought under their immediate care. The children were
all given English names, most of which remain until the present time,
having become the accepted names of families and appearing on
the land patents. For nearly thirty years this mission school was
kept up, being in general faithfully and effectively managed. The
children were taught to speak, read, and write English. The boys
were instructed in farming and the care of stock, the girls (see fig.
128) m cooking and the making of garments. The work accom-
plished by these missionaries has been of lasting benefit to the
people and the teachers and workers who so assiduously labored to
prepare the Omaha to live among their rapidly increasing white

628 THE OMAHA TRIBE (ETH. ANN. 27

neighbors are today held in grateful and affectionate remembrance.?
The church, which held its meetings in the school assembly room,
numbered among its membership many native men and women.
The industrious and orderly lives of these Christian Omaha
reflected the earnestness with which they sought to apply to their
daily lives the Christian precepts taught them at the mission and its
school during the closing decades of the last century. In 1885-6
another mission building was erected by the. same denomination in
the southern part of the reservation, but after a few years it was
abandoned. About this time a church (fig. 129) was built near the
agency, not far from the blockhouse erected in 1864 to protect the
government employees from Sioux war parties, and services conducted
by the regular pastor are still held in this edifice.

Fig. 128, An Omaha girl, a “ Mission” scholar.

One great difficulty beset the efforts of the missionary teachers;
this was the influence exerted on the native mind by the contra-
diction between the principles taught as belonging to Christianity and
the conduct of most of the white people with whom the Indian came
into contact. Regarding all white persons as Christians, he natur-
ally looked to their lives for the exemplification of their beliefs.
The Indian’s old religion taught that the man who spoke or acted
falsely was in danger of supernatural punishment; instances were
known to the people in which the lightning stroke had cut short the
life of the unfaithful person. The Indian was now brought into con-

@ For the names and record of the men and women who devoted themselves to missionary work among

the Omaha tribe, the reader is referred to the Annual Reports on the Foreign and Home Missions of the
Presbyterian Church, which alone has ministered to this tribe.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCH] RECENT HISTORY 629

tact with persons who could speak untruthfully and yet seemingly
suffer no evil consequences and it is not surprising that the Omaha
found it difficult to reconcile the precepts taught by the missionaries
with the conduct of many of the white people whom he met. As a
result, he could not give hearty acceptance to a religion which seemed
to have so little power over the lives of those who professed it. The
teaching of his fathers he still reverenced and he was slow to change
his native point of view of justice and of truth. Yet there were here
and there men and women to whom the life of Jesus Christ appealed,

Fia. 129. The Omaha church.

The ‘“‘blockhouse’’ which formerly stood on the right has been removed. The church has now (1911)
been enlarged at an expense of more than a thousand dollars, raised by the Indians.

who recognized in it a high ideal difficult of attamment, and perceived
that failure to realize it in the life of a person is to be attributed to the
weakness of the individual rather than to the ideal itself.

NEW RESERVATION AND AGENCY

The agency buildings on the new reservation were placed about
three miles west of the Missouri river on the only road in that region
which ran from the trading posts on the south to those that were
near the Missouri farther to the north; this was known as “the mili-
tary road.” In the course of a year or two the Omaha divided
and settled in three villages: one in the southeastern part of the

630 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

reservation; another (the largest) near the agency; the third to
the northeast not far from the banks of the Missouri. This division
of the people had no tribal significance. When the tribe moved out
on its annual buffalo hunt, the people camped as one body, forming
the hu'thuga (see p. 138); the old tribal organization was not affected
in any way. The Middle village, as the one near the agency was
called, was on the stream now known as Blackbird creek. The pic-
ture of the earth lodge shown in plate 19, taken more than twenty-
seven years ago, represents the last of these lodges, erected at the
time the Middle village was built.

AGENCY BUILDINGS

At the time when the Omaha reservation was established the
Missouri river was the highway of travel. The steamers from St.
Louis brought the supplies needed for the agency and the mission.
The landing place was on the bottomland below the mission build-
ings. Here the agency shops were first erected and in these the boys
from the mission school were permitted to work and learn something
of the carpenter’s and the blacksmith’s trade. Later a boarding school
was established at the agency, to which the shops were removed,
and a saw mill and a grist mill were built. All these were given up
before the close of the last century. Public day schools were estab-
lished and the agency shops were supplanted by private enterprises
of the native population.

In 1878 Congress provided for the establishment of Indian police,
who were to be directly under the authority of the United States
Indian agent: they were to maintain order; to arrest offenders, includ-
ing those engaged in the illegal liquor traffic; to return truant children
to school; to protect government property; and to perform various
other services. A few years subsequent to this a number of ‘‘police”’
were appointed at the Omaha agency; some of the best men of
the tribe were included in the force. Their duties gave them and
through them the people practical lessons in some of the methods
employed in white communities to promote social welfare and
order—a lesson that was timely, as settlements were rapidly springing
up around the reservation and contact with the white race was
increasing daily.?

PRESSURE OF TRADERS ON TRIBAL AFFAIRS

The changes in the avocations and life of the Omaha brought about
through the influence of the traders have been spoken of; but there
were other ways in which the traders had made themselves felt.
Trading companies made gifts to chiefs and other leading men whom

2 For the details of the United States Indian Service and of the efforts made by the Government to assist
the tribe to a knowledge of civilized life, see the Annual Reports of the Commissioners of Indian Affairs.

FLETCHER-LA PLESCHE] RECENT HISTORY 631

they found pliant and government officials through the influence of
traders sometimes made ‘‘paper chiefs” by giving certificates to such
men. Medals were hung about their necks, flags were presented to
them, and efforts were made to keep them loyal to the trading com-
panies. English traders succeeded the French and the American the
English, consequently the medals, flags, and certificates of one
nation had to be relinquished when another nation came into power;
finally the United States authorities had to see that American badges
were substituted for foreign gifts. This outside pressure on tribal
affairs complicated the life and thought of the people and disturbed
the ancient forms and authority of the chiefs. The people could no
longer pursue the path their fathers had trod—changes were on every
hand. The steady stream of immigrants brought added trouble and
perplexity. Indian garden patches were often treated as though
maize grew wild and few rights of the natives were respected in the
onward rush of white men. All this was more or less bewildering to
the mass of the tribe. Sometimes, however, a man was able to lift
himself above the turmoil and discern the trend of events. Such a
man was Big Elk, the last chief of his name; his apprehension of
coming events and his counsel, embodied in a sort of allegory, have been
given on page 84. Big Elk impressed his own outlook on the change-
ful future on a half-breed youth toward whom he was drawn in friend-
ship and whom he afterward adopted. This young man, Joseph La
Flesche, later became so powerful a factor in the welfare of the tribe
that it is proper to give a few details of his career. The facts here
presented were obtained from Waje’pa (Wa’thishnade, pl. 29) during
his last visit to the writers in Washington, shortly before his death.

JOSEPH LA FLESCHE

In the early part of the last century an Omaha boy was taken
captive by the Sioux. He grew up among his captors and became
a man of influence among that people. One of his sisters became
the wife of Joseph La Flesche, a French trader in the employ of
one of the fur companies. A son was born of this union, probably
about 1818, in the old village To"’wo"to®ga, on Omaha creek.
The long absences of her husband, made necessary by trading
business,. were irksome to the young Omaha wife and she finally
left her French husband and married one of her own tribe. Little
Joseph was about six years old when his mother married again.
He was taken by his aunt to visit her brother, who was living with
the Sioux, and remained three years or more. While there he
learned to speak the Dakota language, which he never forgot. At
the time he returned to the Omaha with his aunt his father was
there trading with the tribe. He pleaded with the aunt to give him

632 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

his son but she refused. A few years later she consented and La
Flesche took his son to St. Louis, where the lad learned to speak
French; later he accompanied his father on trading expeditions.
Young Joseph was a favorite with the old Omaha chiefs, especially
with Big Elk, and used to talk with them and learn from them the
qualifications requisite for chieftainship. The tribe was then living
in the vicinity of Bellevue. La Flesche became impatient with
his son and reproved him for lingering with the chiefs but the
youth was becoming versed in tribal customs and lore and already
had determined in his mind to become a chief. Joseph continued,
however, to accompany his father on trips and learned to speak the
Iowa, Pawnee, and Oto languages. He was a good hunter and
planned to enter into trade on his own account; this he did later
on and was quite successful. It was while living in the vicinity of
Bellevue that he finally concluded to settle down and cast his lot
with his mother’s people and he soon became identified with them.
He had seen enough of the world to recognize that the white race
were in the country to stay and that the Indian would have to
conform more or less to white ways and customs. The problem
how to meet the new conditions that were already looming on the
horizon of tribal life occupied much of his thought as well as the
mind of Big Elk. One summer about this time (probably between
1845 and 1850), when the tribe were preparing to go on the annual
buffalo hunt, Big Elk asked Joseph to join the preliminary council
(see p. 276). No objection was raised and he was given a seat
next to Big Elk. This was a marked step forward in the young
man’s proposed career. He had already begun to make the gifts
necessary toward chieftainship (see p. 202) as well as to count his
hundred (see p. 495). At this time Big Elk’s son was living and it was
the wish of the chief that this son should sueceed him. But the young
man died and after that event Joseph became recognized as the son
of Big Elk and was counted as belonging to the We’zhi®shte gens;
this was contrary to usage, for, as his mother belonged to the I"ke’¢abe
gens and as his father was white, he should have been considered as
belonging to her gens. Meanwhile the tide of settlers increased
and while Joseph La Flesche (fig. 49) was carrying forward plans to
rise to the place occupied by Big Elk he was also engaged in thoughts
and projects for helpmg the people forward to the best advantage
in the new path he saw opening before them, which they must take.
He watched the mission school established at Bellevue and talked with
the missionaries. He was active in the negotiations which resulted in
the selection of the present reservation when the Omaha disposed of
their hunting lands to the United States. On the death of Big Elk
in 1853 Joseph La Flesche had fully complied with the old require-
ments for chieftainship; he took Big Elk’s place and became one of

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB ] RECENT HISTORY 633

the two Ni’kagahi u’zhu, or principal chiefs. He was with the
Omaha delegation that went to Washington to complete the treaty
of 1854. La Flesche argued with the officials against payments
being made in goods. He demanded that the tribe receive money
for their land, declaring that with money the people could buy what
they needed—tools, food, clothing. The silver dime he used to
illustrate his contention was long cherished in memory of the victory
which gave to the Omaha cash payments instead of merchandise
but which won for him the enmity of certain trader factions. He
had gathered about him at Bellevue the young, active men of pro-
gressive spirit, who formed the nucleus of what afterward became
known in the tribe as the ‘‘young men’s party.’’ When the tribe
occupied their new reservation and were settling in villages Joseph
La Flesche selected a site slightly south of that on which “The Mis-
sion’ was about to be built and there he formed a village which he
planned should be somewhat similar to a white settlement.

“THE VILLAGE OF THE ‘MAKE-BELIEVE’ WuITE Mren”’

For this new enterprise the followers of Joseph La Flesche cut logs
and hauled them to a sawmill, where they were prepared for use.
Joseph hired white carpenters to construct his own house and under
the direction of these mechanics the men of the village erected
smal] frame houses for themselves out of the lumber secured from the
logs. Theshingles had to be purchased. Joseph’s house was a large
building two stories high with rooms on both sides of the hall;
here he had a store and for several years carried on considerable
trade. He laid out roads, one leading to the agency, one to the
steamboat landing and Mission, and one through the center of the
village. On this last road and branch roads stood some of the
houses. He fenced a tract of 100 acres or more in the bottom
and furnished the oxen and plow to break this land. It was
divided into separate fields so that each man in the village could
have a tract of his own for cultivation. A few families started
other little fields not far from the village. It was on this bottom
that the first wheat raised on the reservation was planted. Sorghum
and large crops of corn were also harvested and in the winter the
men hauled their produce on the ice to Sioux City, then a newly
formed settlement on the Iowa side of the river to the north. All
the children of this village were sent by their parents to the Mission
School. The conservatives of the tribe called this village by the
derisive name, ‘the village of the ‘make-believe’ white men.”

The enterprise shown by the people of this village had a marked
influence on the tribe in general. La Flesche’s action in reference
to drunkenness has been told (p. 621). Of course this man did not

634 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

escape criticism and he had to endure persecution because of his
championship of what he thought were the rights of the people.
Through all the changes that came about he remained until his
death, in 1888, aleader of the tribe. Throughout his eventful life
he bore well his part in all the rites and requirements of chieftain-
ship and lived to cast his vote as a citizen of the United States. The
following incident is characteristic of the man: Although he could
“count”? more than needed to entitle him to place the “‘mark of
honor” (see p. 505) on his daughters, he would not have them
tattooed nor would he permit the ears of his sons to be pierced.
When questioned why he, who had fulfilled so many of the ancient
requirements, should have refused so to distinguish himself and his
children, he replied: “I was always sure that my sons and daughters
would live to see the time when they would have to mingle with
the white people, and I determined that they should not have any
mark put upon them that might be detrimental in their future
surroundings.”

SURVEY OF THE RESERVATION

The promise made in the treaty of 1854 and repeated in 1865, that
the land should be surveyed in order that the people might enter on
tracts and possess their individual homes was not fulfilled until 1872.
Tt was the influence of the village of ‘‘the ‘make-believe’ white men’”’
that stimulated the people of the other villages and finally secured
the delayed governmental action. The eastern portion of the reserva-
tion, from the Missouri to the Omaha Creek region, was surveyed into
townships and the usual subdivisions. Oxen and breaking plows
were bought with tribal money and prairie was broken on the selec-
tions that were made by many of the people, their right to the land se-
lected being secured to them by certificates issued by the Government.
The people spent all the winter after the survey was made in cut-
ting timber and hauling it to the agency mill. Only a few reaped
benefit of their labor by having their logs made into lumber and
the houses built. The bulk of the material gathered was never
used; like many other promises, the fulfillment was deferred until
the people lost hope and ambition.

EXTERMINATION OF THE BUFFALO

About this time the slaughter of the buffalo herds had seriously
affected the supply of the game, so that after 1876 there were no more
annual buffalo hunts and a new dilemma confronted the people.
Unused to depend solely on a diet of grain and not accustomed to
the taste of beef, they suffered from the change. It was during
this distress that the tribe sought to make their appeal to Wako™da

FLETCHDR—LA FLESCHD] RECENT HISTORY 635

through the old ceremonies connected with the anointing of the
Sacred Pole (see p. 230) by purchasing beef as a substitute for
buffalo meat (see p. 244). <A few of these costly experiments
brought a new sorrow—the realization that the food on which their
fathers had depended and which through past centuries had never
failed, had been destroyed although they had been taught that the
buffalo had been sent “from every quarter’ for man’s use, by
Wakor’da (see ritual, p. 294). Distress of mind accompanied their
distress of body. The maize remained to them and its cultivation
increased, as did the raising of wheat. These articles they sold to
the white settlements and with the proceeds bought food. Pigs,
chickens, and cattle were raised in moderate numbers. The once
thrifty Omaha had become poor; they never received rations from
the Government, however, but struggled on by themselves, the older
people supported by the hopefulness and efforts of the younger
generation.

During the period of the Civil War the Omaha were loyal to the
United States Government and served as scouts and guards during
the construction of the Union Pacific Railroad.

ESTABLISHMENT OF ‘“‘THE COUNCIL”

The enforced abandonment of the annual hunt and the changes
taking place in the life and habits of the tribe led to a modification in
tribal government, one favored by the United States agency officials.
Questions frequently arose the determination of which required coop-
eration between the tribe and the Agent. Tribal meetings were cum-
bersome and difficult to manage, so it came about that a ‘‘council”’
was formed of a small number of chiefs and other leading men, who
could be easily called together by the Agent. Chieftainship in the old
meaning of the term thereby lapsed. The council represented the
people but all governing power had become centered in the United
States Indian Agent.

Nothing belonging to the past now seemed stable to the Omaha;
only the familiar landscape remained to remind them that they were
still in the land of their fathers.

THE PONCA TRAGEDY

Suddenly, in 1877, like a bolt out of the blue sky, came the distress-
ing removal of their kindred, the Ponca, from their home on the
Niobrara river to the Indian Territory. The pathetic return in the
spring of 1879 of Standing Bear and-his followers, bearing the bones
of that chief’s dearly loved son for burial, and the coming of United
States soldiers to carry them back to the dreaded ‘‘hot country,”’
brought terror to every Omaha family. Thinking that their own

636 THE OMAHA TRIBE rH. ANN. 27

homes might be in danger, some of the men took the certificates for
their individual lands and houses to the larger white settlements
and consulted lawyers in order to find out the legal value of these
papers. When they were told that the certificates carried no patent
rights to the land the fear and sorrow this knowledge brought passed
description. It seemed that the very ground was cut from under
their feet, that they were forsaken by all in whom they had ever put
trust, and that even the Government which they had always respected
had betrayed them.

APPEAL FOR LAND PATENTS

Such were the practical conditions when one of the writers entered
the tribe for ethnological study. She knew little of political affairs
but firmly believed that were the truth known to the United States
Government its officials would give the Omaha a legal right to their
homes and to the land hallowed by the graves of their fathers.
Actuated by this belief, much time was spent in gathering data con-
cerning the efforts of those among the people who had striven to gain
their livelihood on the lands for which they held certificates or on
tracts selected since the issuance. These men were invited to join
in a petition to Congress, here given as an historical document® that
proved of importance to the Omaha tribe and was the forerunner
of the Severalty Act of 1887, which marked a change in the policy
of the Government toward the Indian tribes of the United States.

MEMORIAL OF THE MEMBERS OF THE OMAHA TRIBE OF INDIANS
FOR A GRANT OF LAND IN SEVERALTY

To the Senate of the United States:

We, the undersigned, members of the Omaha tribe of Indians, have taken our
certificates of allotment of land or entered upon claims within the limits of the Omaha
reserve. We have worked upon our respective lands from three to ten years; each
farm has from five to fifty acres under cultivation; many of us have built houses on
these lands and all have endeavored to make permanent homes for ourselves and our
children,

We therefore petition your honorable body to grant to each one a clear and full title
to the land on which he has worked.

We earnestly pray that this petition may receive your favorable consideration, for
we now labor with discouragement of heart, knowing that our farms are not our own
and that any day we may be forced to leave the lands on which we have worked. We
desire to live and work on these farms where we have made homes that our children
may advance in the life we have adopted. To this end and that we may go forward
with hope and confidence in a better future for our tribe, we ask of you titles to our
lands.

Respectfully submitted.

a Sen. Mise. Doc. No. 31, 47th Cong., Ist sess.

FLETCHER—-LA FLESCHE] RECENT HISTORY 637

Then follow the signatures of 55 men. The statistics for each
signer, as to the amount of land he cultivated, the stock he owned,
and the number of persons dependent on him for support, were
appended, together with such remarks as he desired to make in his
behalf.

The following ‘‘remarks” quoted from this petition are typical of
the burden that was voiced by each man.

Xitha’gaxe said:

I have worked hard on my land so that I should not go round begging. I thought
the land was my own, so I went to work and cultivated it. Now I have found out
it is not my own, and this makes me stop. I am afraid if I should build a house and
spend money on it I would lose it if the Government should move the Indians from
this land. Three times I have cut wood to build a house. Each time the agent told
me the Government wished to build me a house. Every time my wood has lain and
rotted, and now I feel ashamed when I hear an agent telling me such things. * * *
I want a title to my land; I want a house that is my own.

Ho®’dotmo* thi":

When I was a boy I saw much game and buffalo and the animals my forefathers
used to live upon, but now all are gone. Where I once saw the animals I now see
houses and white men cultivating the land. * * * I want a title formy land. I

am troubled about it. * * #: In the morning I get up and look at my fields, and
I wish that God may help meto do better with my land and let it be my own.

Mawa/do"thi":

I have taken hold of the plow. I did not know how, but I put in my ponies and
my wife held the reins. * * * There isa party among us in favor of titles. When
it first started I was one of them. * * * J wanta title tomy land. I may never
know all the good it will bring but my children will know. * * * If I were a
young man I would say more; but I am too ola to speak much. The reason I have
worked so hard is that I wished to set an example to others that they might see how
an old man could work because he wanted to.

Wa’thishnade:

Before I began to farm I was just a wild Indian doing as I pleased, going round
the country looking for death. * * * We have no government on the reserve.
We have trouble which we would not have if we had government and law. We want
these. We are right among the white people, and as we have no law we can’t get
along very well. There are persons living on the reserve who have certificates of
allotment; they believe that the land is theirs and that they can always keep it.
I know differently. * * * JT went on my farm with my certificate. I believed
the land was mine. I have found out the land is not mine; that the Government
can take it away. We are going to ask for our titles. As long as the Government
does not give them, we will ask until the Government gets tired. We won’t stop
asking until we get our titles.

Du’bamo*thi":

* * * The road our fathers walked in is gone, the game is gone, the white people
are all about us. There is no use in any Indian thinking of the old ways; he must
now go to work as the white man does. We want titles to our lands that the land
may be secure to our children. When we die we shall feel easy in our minds if we

638 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BrH. ANN. 27

know the land will belong to our children and that they will have the benefit of our
work. There are some Omahas who do not yet care for titles. We desire the Goy-
ernment to give titles to those who ask for them. * * * Weare willing the others
should do as they please but we are not willing that they should keep us from getting
titles to our lands. Our children would suffer even a greater wrong than would
befall us. Give us who ask titles to our lands. * * * Do not let us be held back
and our children be sufferers because of the inaction of those who do not seem to
care for the future.

U .
Om ’pato"ga:

When we look at a person we are apt to know what that person is thinking of. All
who look at me must know I am thinking of a title to my land. * * * JI wish I
could speak English, then I could tell you directly from my heart of the way in which
I wish togo. * * * We want titles to our lands. We are thinking of little else.
We shall think of little else until we get our titles. We are afraid of losing our lands.
When we receive titles to our farms then we shall be treated as men.

Joseph La Flesche:

* * * JT was born in this country, in Nebraska, and I have always lived among

the Indians. There was a time when I used to look only at the Indians and think
they were the only people. The Indians must have been long in this country before
the white man came here. * * * In the spring they would take their seed and
farm their 1 or 2 acres. There were no idlers, all worked in the spring. Those
who had no hoes worked with pieces of sticks. When they had their seed in, they
went on the hunt. They had nothing to worry them; all they thought of was their
little garden they had left behind. In the middle of the summer they came back
with the skins for their tent cloths, the meat for their food, and the skins for their
clothing. They made use of all animals. When they got home they gathered their
corn, dried it, buried a part of it, and taking enough to serve them started out on
the winter hunt to get furs. Then it was I used to see white men, those who were
going around buying furs. Sometimes for two or three years I would not see any
white men. At that time the country was empty, only animals were to be seen.
Then after a while the white men came, just as the blackbirds do, and spread over
the country. Some settled down, others scattered on the land. The Indians
never thought that any such thing could be, but it matters not where one looks
now one sees white people. These things I have been speaking about are in the
past and are all gone. We Indians see you now and want to take our steps your
way. * * * It seems as though the Government pushes us back. It makes us
think that the Government regards us as unfit to be as white men. The white man
looks into the future and sees what is good. That is what the Indian is doing. He
looks into the future and sees his only chance is to become as the white man. When
a person lives in a place a long time he loves the place. We love our lands and want.
titles for them. When one has anything he likes to feel it is his own and belongs to
no one else, so we want titles; then we can leave our land to our children. You
know, and so do we, that some of us will not live very long; we will soon be gone
into the other world. We ask for titles for our children’s sakes. For some years
‘ve have been trying to.get titles but we have never heard from the Government.
* * * We are not strong enough to help ourselves in this matter, so we ask you
to help us. In the past we only lived on the animals. We see that it is from the
ground that you get all that you possess. The reason you do not look upon us as
men is because we have not law, because we are not citizens. We are strangers in
the land where we were born. We want the law that we may be regarded as men.
When we are in trouble we want to have courts to appeal to. The law will teach
wrongdoers. It will prevent trouble as well as punish those who commit offenses.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] RECENT HISTORY 639

We know that in asking for titles we are asking for that which will bring responsibility.
We are ready to accept it and to strive to fulfill its requirements. It seemsas though
in the past the Government had not listened to the words of the Indians. We know
our own needs, and now we speak to you directly.

The petition was presented by the Hon. John T. Morgan, of
Alabama, in the United States Senate, was ordered printed—and there
the matter rested. All that winter the writer and the Indians waited
for a response. Almost every day some Indian would ride over the
snowy hills and ask: ‘Any news from Washington?” and every day
the same answer had to be given: ‘‘None.”’ It was a heartrending
wait for all who knew of the little missive that had gone to the

Fic. 130. A modern Indian home, not far from site of the old ‘‘ Mission.”

country’s capital, but particularly for the sender. On her one hand
stood the trusting Indians, feeling that their homes were in danger
from forces they could not face, could not even speak to and be under-
stood by, and, on her other hand, stood the Government, great and
strange, almost unapproachable, but which alone held the power to
avert the feared disaster.

With the spring came a firm resolve to follow that petition and
make it heard by those who had the power to act on it. A long, and
for a time a single-handed, campaign followed. Addresses were made
by Miss Fletcher in Washington before congressional committees,
before churches, in the parlors of leading citizens, until the story
of the Omaha people bore results in the passage of the act of Au-
gust 7, 1882 (see p. 624). The following year the provisions of the

640 THE OMAHA TRIBE [rH, ANN. 27

act were carried out by the writers, and every man, woman, and child
of the tribe received a share of the land inherited from their ancestors.

On March 3, 1893 (27 Stat., 612), Congress amended the act of
August 7, 1882, and granted to wives 80 acres of land in their own
right and the same amount to children. The provisions of this act
were carried out in 1900.

The twenty-five-year ‘‘ period of trust”’ has been fraught with many
experiences, not all of which have been happy. The untaxable char-
acter of the land has made improvements in roads and bridges slow
and the increasing value of farms in that vicinity has brought pressure
on the Omaha to lease their allotments. Many have done so; the

Fic. 131. An Omaha farmer’s home.

act has not been altogether evil nor has it been wholly good for the
people. It has brought the Indian into closer contact with white
neighbors and established business relations between them. While the
Omaha have learned much from this relationship, in some instances,
as was natural, they have come to depend on the income derived
from leasing their property rather than on their own labors, to secure
the full product and profit from their lands, a condition not altogether
favorable to a healthful social growth. When one of the writers
was last among the tribe (during the summer of 1910) and recalled
the conditions that obtained thirty years ago, the present state
showed how much, during the intervening years, had been thought
out and accomplished by the people. (See figs. 130-132.) Although
she missed the presence of the old men who were formerly the leaders

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] RECENT HISTORY 641

in progress, she saw the results of their leadership manifested in the
comfortable homes on farms tilled by the Indians, in the increasing
ability of the people to manage their own affairs, in the attendance
of the children at school, in the growing appreciation of the value
of temperate habits, and in the capacity the Omaha are showing for
maintaining themselves under the new conditions imposed on them by
the white race.

Here and there quaint survivals of old customs under a new guise
could be noted, as in reference to marriage. Men and women still
observe the old rule of exogamy and when a man dies, his widow feels
that she honors her husband’s memory by remaining in the family, a

Fig. 132. A well-to-do Omaha farmer and his family.

feeling shared by any unmarried brother of the deceased, who, even
if much younger than the widow, promptly becomes her husband.

During the recent years of stress there have been noble men and
women in the tribe who have stood steadily for virtuous, industrious
living, and their example has exerted an influence all the stronger
because coming from within, not from without, the tribe, and this
influence is a vital and a growing power.

PRESENT CONDITION

The ‘‘period of trust” technically expired during the year 1910.
Realizing the unwisdom of throwing at once indiscriminately on the
people so large a property burden and the necessity of protecting

83993°—27 ETH—11——41

642 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

the interests of the old and the backward, the Indian Bureau has
appointed a commission to determine what individuals among the
Omaha are prepared to be released absolutely from the care of the
Government.

The following is the latest official statement * concerning the tribe:

The population according to the last census was 1,270. Ninety per cent of those
under forty years speak English to some extent; many of them speak quite well.
All except a few of the very old understand English and most of the men between
forty and sixty can speak it a little.

AJl live in houses, none in tents except as a change in the summer time. With
the exception of about twenty, the men dress in citizens’ clothes. Most of the
women dress after a fashion of their own, which is partly like that of a white woman.
Several of the younger women dress in all respects as white women do. None of the
very old women and very few of the old men ride horseback. The young men often
ride. A few of the young»women'ride but they. always dress for the purpose with
divided skirts, using men’s saddles. About 95 per cent of the people own carriages
and buggies and most of them have good teams and take fairly good care of them.

About 90 per cent of the children of school age and in proper health are in school
a reasonable portion of the year. I do not recall but one healthy child between the
ages of ten and twenty who has never attended school and he speaks English quite
well. There are fourteen public schools on the reservation besides the graded school
at Walthill. There have been 110 or 115 Omaha children in the public schools the
past year. They are given the same recognition as the white children and show
about the same ability.

Two members of the tribe are merchants, two are attorneys, one is manager of the
athletic teams of Wabash College, one is a physician, three or four are extensively
engaged in real estate and stock business, a few are in the government service, and
a great number are making good homes for themselves as farmers.

Fourteen Omaha families live’in the town of Walthill and more
than sixty lots are owned by Omaha. Several families reside in the
town of Rosalie. The Title Map (pl. 65) of the Omaha reservation
here presented, with the following list of the original owners of the
allotments indicated thereon,’ forms an historic record of the tribal
lands.

a Extract from a letter by Supt. John M. Commons, dated September 10, 1909.
© For permission to use these data the writers are indebted to H_ L Keefe, esq., attorney-at-law, of
Walthill, Nebraska.

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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 65

W119 \ 120 § 9BO

FPLETCHPR-LA FLESCHE ] RECENT HISTORY 6438

- ORIGINAL OWNERS OF ALLOTMENTS ON OMAHA RESERVATION

(NorEe.—The numbers which appear below correspond to those on the Title Map, plate 65.)

O. C, Anderson 1406
J. R. Ashley 123, 130, 132, 133
Louise Paul Atkin 1430

Kate Ballou 1455

I. B. Barber 674, 1451, 1454
J. L. Barber 386, 1267
Josaphine Barnaby 1618
Amos Baxter 939, 1348
Bertie Baxter 936, 987
Chas. Baxter 1349

Chris Baxter 1343

David Baxter 937

Fannie P. Baxter 1273
Harry Baxter 934, 1078
John Baxter 134, 944
Lenora 8. Baxter 1360
Louisa White Baxter 563
Richard Baxter 3

Samuel Baxter 1367
Thomas Baxter 1375
Ta-in-ne Baxter 1368
Ash-na-me-ha Baxter 137
Washington Baxter 1695
Elizabeth Paul Baylis 1431
Harrison D. Baylis 673
Henry Baylor 1160

Chas. Beckenhauer 120

T. G. Benedict 636, 648
Ponca-we Big Elk 1061
John Big Elk 1391

Aleorn Black 852, 966
Alexander Black 396, 730
Lucy 8. Black 749

Harry Black 698

James Black 1408

Maggie Black 1649
Me-ma-she-ha-the Black 851
Min-gra-da-we Black 732, 1628
Min-gra-tae Black 1493
No-zae-in-zae Black 395
Sarah Black 727

Stewart Black 728

Alfred Blackbird 868, 882
Alice Blackbird 1703

Cyrus Blackbird 1648

Ellis Blackbird 21

Caroline Blackbird 606
Frank Blackbird 1632, 1748
George Blackbird 1355
Harry Blackbird 569
Henry Blackbird 81
Henrick Blackbird 1052, 1157
Hiram Blackbird 1711
James Blackbird 441, 1746
John Blackbird 856, 881
Mary Blackbird 853, 958, 115
Mary L. Blackbird 869

Me-me-ta-ga Blackbird 559
Me-da-sho-ne Blackbird 1447
Me-gra-ta-in Blackbird 827
Me-me-sha-he Blackbird 1553
Me-gra-tae Blackbird 1589
Me-ah-con-da Blackbird 1280
Na-zae-in-zae Blackbird 1635
Ou-ga-zhoo Blackbird 899
Ou-go-shan Blackbird 561
Philip Blackbird 1218
Ponca-we Blackbird 900
Peter Blackbird 415, 1167
Ponca-sa Blackbird 1336
Sarah Blackbird 1168
Solomon Blackbird 43
Sophia Blackbird 80

Sarah Thomas Blackbird 417
Ta-gra-na Blackbird 1744
Te-gre-num-pa-be Blackbird 560
Ta-in-gra-gra Blackbird 1225
Walter Blackbird 23

William Blackbird 607
Wa-ta-we Blackbird 1121

J. E. Blenkiron 505, 1313, 1746
John Brown 69, 988

John Ku-ku Brown 70

Jacob Brown 1751

Ma-zha-we Brown 1740
Me-hu-sa McCauley Brown 1024
Zhon-ic-wa Brown 71, 989
Arthur Brownrigg 1317

Etta Pilcher Brownrigg 1021
Ah-ga-ha-mon Buffalo 921
Jennie Buffalo 385

Me-tae-za Buffalo 920
Me-te-he-ga Buffalo 404
Sleeping Buffalo 67
Heen-hu-dane Burn 260

Julia Burt 298

Mary Burt 299

Wah-me Burt 1720

Wa-ta-wa Burt 1583

Mary Butler 439, 642

H. D. Byram 127, 128

Antoine Cabana 1413, 1414
Annie Cabney 1561
Francis Cabney 1415
Henry Cabney 1538

Mary Cabney 1411

Maggie Woodhull Cabney 814
Maurice Cabney 1537
Reuben Cabney 974, 1012
Thomas Cabney 1412
Agnes Callon 516
Tae-gra-ha Callon 195
William P. Callon 1708
Emily Campbell 1151
Florence Campbell 1196
Ida Campbell 1042, 1172

644

Louisa Campbell 1220
Pearlly Campbell 1148

William H. Campbell 1044, 1149

Aes-na-du-ba-the Canby 1208
Horace Canby 770
Kae-the-he Canby 1510
» Me-ah-con-da Canby 1249
Me-um-ba-the Canby 1209
Tae-gra-ha Canby 1046
Thomas Canby 63
William Canby 1782
Francis M. Cayou 87, 217
Lee Cayou 131
Louise A. Cayou 86
Me-um-ba-the Cayou 1155
William W. Cayou 172
Cy Chase 978
Cynthia Chase 1108
Ethelyn Chase 1111
Gertrude Chase 1109
Hiram Chase 411, 1105
Isabell Chase 1106
Paulina Chase 157
Thurman Chase 1110
John Clark 598, 638
Ponca-we Clark 640
Roland Clark 118
E-hun-ge-ne Clay 1519
Francis Clay 1522
Hannah Clay 1474
Henry Clay 33
John Wa-nua Clay 399
Not-a-afraid Clay 276
Me-me-she Clay 666
Me-me-she-hon-ne Clay 796
Me-gthe-ta-in Clay 401
The-wa-nuz-ze Clay 709
Wa-baska Clay 400
Albert Cline 1694
E. C. Cline 1153, 1154
Edith Drum Cline 365
Edward Cline 335
Henry Cline 1191
Horace Cline 1607
Josaphine Cline 1704
Julia Leaming Cline 1103
Lucy Cline 994
Me-da-be Cline 186
Me-ma-sha-ha-the Cline 76
Me-ga-sho-ne Cline 1487
Me-hu Cline 330
Me-na Cline 331
Ta-in-ga-ne Cline 334, 1068
‘Ta-gra-ha Cline 285
Edith Cook 838
John Cook 406
Little Cook 1612
Lizzie Cook 407
Mabel Cook 778
Maggie Cook 1569
Ta-sa-bae Cook 839
Te-gah-hah Cook 408
To-in-ge-na Cook 1623

To-in-ge-nah (Mabel) Cook 902

Michael Cooney 1260
Adeta Cox 1244
Alvin Cox 201

THE OMAHA TRIBE

Clover Cox 319

Dora Cox 1272

Edna Cox 991, 992

Eva Cox 371

Frank Cox 1359

Grace Cox 1003

Grace Insta-son-we Cox 529
Henry Cox 655, 890

’ Harriet Cox 993

Jesse Cox 1285

Joseph Cox 1613

Lucy Cox 1243

Luke Cox 1469

Luther Cox 14
Me-tae-na Cox 202
Ou-ba-ne Cox 894
William P. Cox 655, 890

John Daggert 498
Arthur Dale 1497
Eliza Dale 1526
Me-grae-da-we Dale 1690
A.M. Daniels 1386
Lester Davis 1402
Warren Davis 11, 257
Albert Dick 278
Charlie Dick 36
Elizabeth Dick 1314
Emily Dick 797

Ida W. Dick 764
James Dick 49
Joseph Dick 46, 765
Lewis Dick 1767
Lizzie W. Dick 562
Logan Dick 84

Lucy Dick 57, 526
Marguerita Dick 101, 1232
Mary Dick 1235
Me-pe Dick 710, 769
Me-ta-he-u Dick 26
Mitchell Dick 1518
Na-zo-in-za Dick 56
Susette Dick 1517
Tecumseh Dick 1122
Marguerite Diddock 1584
Charles Dixon 1560
Harry Dixon 318
Jerry Dixon 55

Jesse Dixon 32
Phillip Dixon 40
Robert Dole 119
Edith Drum 597
Eliza Drum 1043
Joseph Drum 554
Lydia Drum 438, 553
Paul Drum 556, 1045
Peter Drum 62
Burns Duvall 1733
Herbert Duvall 510, 708

E
Anna Edwards 97

Cada-we Edwards 1443
Charles Edwards 98

[ ETH. ANN. 27

FLETCHHR-LA FLESCHE] RECENT

Dora Edwards 138, 523, 601
Gustavius Edwards 73
John Edwards 528, 596
Jonathan Edwards 1771
Maria Edwards 527, 602
Me-ah-ste-sta Edwards 1323
Me-tae-na Edwards 13
Min-gra-sha-ne Edwards 1322
Roland Edwards 82

Sarah Edwards 1252
Tae-gra-ha Edwards 60, 94
Walter Edwards 29

J. J. Elkin 27, 1551

Albert Esau 135

Daisy Esau 107, 680
Edward Esau 1565

Joseph Esau 102, 105
Lettie Esau 960

Mary Esau 106, 679
Me-ah-sha-ta Esau 691
Me-tah-he Esau 141

Nora Esau 1575

EF
Caryl E. Farley 833, 968, 973, 976, 1018,
1724

Fletcher Farley 1319

John Farley 1020

John Francis Farley 883
La Flesche Farley 1321
Louis La Flesche Farley 1318
Mary R. Farley 1017
Marguerite Farley 1320
Mary Farley 975

Rosalie La Flesche Farley 1416, 1417
George Fields 1164, 1166
Joseph Fields 1163, 1178
Josiah Fields 1171
Me-gthe-ta-in Fields 409
Nellie Fields 1143

Nettie Fields 1144

Birdie J. Filson 905
Florence Filson 1170
Josephine P. Filson 1617
E.S. Flor 126, 964, 1365
Emily Fontenelle 1139
Eugene Fontenelle 1138
Henry Fontenelle 89, 1132
Leon Fontenelle 142,1114
Lucienne A. Fontenelle 1150
Raymond Fontenelle 1129
Ae-the-wa-he Fox 1241
Cau-za-we Fox 1247
George Fox 324

George H. Fox 1520
Grace C. Fox 1358

Hattie Fox 1479

Helen Fox 818

Henry Fox 731

Howard Fox 1677

Joel Fox 820

Nettie Fox 321

Ponca-we Fox 320
Shu-in-na Fox 1564
Ponca-son Fox 1718

Silas M. Fox 1511

HISTORY

Ta-e-na Fox 1248

Walter Fox 369

A. Freemont 1356

Agnes Freemont 575

Allan Freemont 68

Alice Freemont 96

Alice McCauley Freemont 477
Allison Freemont 1653
Bertram Freemont 1364
Caroline Freemont 151
Charlotte Freemont 1671
Eagle Freemont 582

Emily Freemont 364, 522, 1048
Ezra Freemont 1399

Francis Freemont 1028, 1400
George Freemont 356
Harriet Freemont 576
Hiram Freemont 437
Howard Freemont 986
Jackson Freemont 664, 950
James Khe-tha Freemont 1681
Jesse Freemont 12, 78, 366
Joel Freemont 10

John Freemont 593

Laura McCauley Freemont 643
Little Eagle Freemont 1327
Logan Freemont 268, 1698
Lottie Wolf Freemont 545
Mabel Freemont 970

Maud Freemont 332
Marguerite Freemont 336, 1027
Ma-ha-zin Freemont 158
Me-me-ta Freemont 1325
Me-um-ba-the Freemont 335
Minnie Freemont 359
Miriam Freemont 1357
Naomi Freemont 952

Nettie Freemont 954, 1070
Oscar Freemont 1729

Paul Freemont 928, 1073
Rufus Freemont 1732
Samuel Freemont 360
Tae-gra-ha Freemont 368
Ta-da-we Freemont 304
Thos. Freemont 697, 700
Virginia Freemont 355
White-bird Freemont 1326
Charles Frost 922

Elizabeth Frost 884, 926, 1784
Fanny Frost 221

Howard Frost 99, 305

Jack Frost 83

Mary Frost 309, 919
Me-me-she-oh-ne Frost 1127
Susan Frost 220

Wa-ta-we Frost 815

William Frost 1783

Anna L. Fuller 845

Charles E. Fuller 843

Elsie M. Fuller 850

George T. Fuller 844
Isabelle Fuller 1581

Louise L. Fuller 849

Susan Fuller 846

Therese Fuller 1595

645

646

Aes-ma-ma-hoe Furnas 1507
Henry Furnas 579, 623
Me-me-ta Furnas 1419
Oliver Furnas 1509
Poneca-son Furnas 152
Rachel Furnas 572

Da-da-thin-gae Gilpin 880
Kaw-sae-da-the Gilpin 108
Louisa Gilpin 168
Ma-sa-de-the Gilpin 50
Me-gra-tae Gilpin 164
Na-ho-dra Gilpin 165
Nancy Gilpin 163
Nah-ra-dae-mon-ne Gilpin 873
Sampson Gilpin 1599
Samuel Gilpin 222

Sarah Gilpin 166
Ta-dae-on-mon-ne Gilpin 879
Ta-da-we-ha Gilpin 124
To-in-the Gilpin 872

Anna Grant 434
As-sa-hoo-ba Grant 672
Charlie Grant 4, 911
Charles Grant 619, 719, 1084
David Grant 590

Daniel Grant 1781

Edna Grant 433

Ernest Grant 860

Eva Grant 436

Faith Grant 218

Frank Grant 1262

Grace Grant 187

Grae-da Grant 624
Grae-da-we-tae-he Grant 910
George Grant 1392

Henry Grant 1777

Helen Olive Grant 699
Irene Grant 1307

Jane Grant 1332

James Grant 435, 892

John Grant 786, 951, 1083, 1085
Jobn U. Grant 589

Maggie McCauley Grant 639
Martha T. Grant 716
Me-me-tae Grant 176
Me-gra-tah Grant 1357
Morgan Grant 5, 109
Ne-ka-hoe-ga Grant 612
Ponca-sa Grant 1268

Rice E. Grant 1602

Rosa Grant 897, 1030
Samuel Grant 626, 893
Soloman Grant 246
Tae-hae-ga Grant 588
Ulysses Grant 1702

Walter Grant 1586
Washington Grant 216
Willie Grant 489, 491
Me-sha-de-the Gray 1578
Millie Grier 580

Charles Guitar 1215

Emily Guitar 1123

‘Frank Guitar 1213

Henry Guitar 1135

THE OMAHA TRIBE

Lucy Guitar 1130 _
Stephen Guitar 1780
Susette Guitar 1211]

[ETH. ANN. 27.

Alfred Nebraska Hallowell 16, 1101

Arthur Hallowell 1636
Benjamin Hallowell 1633
Clara Hallowell 711
Clyde Hallowell 20
David Hallowell 977

Hu-ta-ta Hallowell 931, 1069
Insta-son-we Hallowell 530

Jacob Hallowell 455
Joseph Hallowell 18
Me-tae-gra Hallowell 793

Me-ma-she-ha-me Hallowell 1116

Ne-da-we Hallowell 933
Nice-day Hallowell 1118
Sarah Hallowell 1727
Silas Hallowell 1140
Simeon Hallowell 1476

Stella Hallowell 493, 1362

Susette Hallowell 1637

Thomas Hallowell 456, 712

Willie Hallowell 19

William B. Hallowell 1141

James Hamilton 315
John Hamilton 316

Joseph Hamilton 297, 735

Julia Hamilton 313
Me-ta-za Hamilton 1481
Walter Hamilton 1229
William Hamilton 291
Adolph Hanika 1097
Alice Hanika 1337
Mary Hanika 1338
William H. Hanika 1346
A-de-ta Harlan 1716
Charlie Harlan 488
Edgar Harlan 855

Edward Harlan 1193, 1289, 1571

Emma Wolf Harlan 486
Grover Harlan 1290, 1588
Helen Harlan 854, 1570
Jesse Harlan 1735

Jobn Harlan 1721

Joseph Harlan 1714
Me-ge-na Harlan 1601
Me-gra-tae Harlan 1572
Me-tae-ma Harlan 214

Me-um-ba-the Harlan 1278

Reuben Harlan 832
Robert Harlan 296, 481
Samuel Harlan 1682

Snake [Henry] Harlan 1600

Ta-in-ne Harlan 463

Ta-sum-da-be Harlan 1597

Walter Harlan 848
Wa-ta-we Harlan 402
Willie Harlan 1598
William Harlan 1686
Elizabeth Harvey 92
Mary Harvey 91
Richard Hastings 1401

Charles Henderson 226, 867

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] RECENT HISTORY 647

Henry Henderson 1535 Joseph La Flesche 1403
Jane Henderson 1606 Lucy La Flesche 1035, 1066
Me-wah-sah Henderson 223 Mary La Flesche 859, 1071
Mollie Henderson 1536 Noah La Flesche 1395
Sarah Henderson 224, 874 Phoeb C. La Flesche 876
Upton Henderson 1647 Susan La Flesche 1404
Anna Hewitt 440 Alta Lamson 1477
Daniel Hewitt 1684 Amos Lamson 1486
Emily Hewitt 442, 826 Grace Ann Lamson 1478
Too-ta-we Hewitt 1552 Herbert R. Lamson 1312
Na-ju-ge-ta Hewitt 1557 Zoe Lamson 1484
Zha-e-wa-tha Hewitt 1513 Eileen Lawless 1216
J. E. Hinkle 1758 As-sa-hoo-ba Leaming 1495
Clara Springer Hogan 1345 Ga-hez-zin-ga Leaming 1104, 1620
Tra A. Hogan 1055 Graff Leaming 1505
Larry James Hogan 1257 Tae-hae Leaming 773
John R. House 140, 941, 1093, 1095 Julia Leaming 886
Herman House 955 Little Kaw I. Leaming 1119
Phillis Hull 1112 Silas Leaming 114
Victoria Fontenelle Hull 1154 Wun-ga Leaming 1081
F. B. Hutchens 155, 733, 945, 1058, 1102, Thu-ta-we Leaming 1173

1145, 1161 Hans Leudert 946

I Angeline Levering 346

Baptiste Y. Levering 347

Jackson Levering 1379

Julia Levering 215

Levi Levering 1369
J Louis Levering 1370
Mary Jane Levering 344
Milton Levering 1778
Me-da-sha-ne Levering 184, 343
Polly Levering 245
Antoine Lewis 1353
Frederick Lewis 1515
Robert Lewis 1516

George Irwin 199
Me-me-ta Irwin 194
Samuel Irwin 160

Andrew Jackson 1456

James Jewett 255, 468

John Jewett 1697

Ponca-se Jevvett 254

Andrew Johnson 1473

Caroline Wolf Johnson 490, L014

Nils Johnson 943 ‘Alice Lieb 1037
K Andrew Lieb 1036, 1180

Arthur Lieb 1039, 1188

Gustavus Keech 462 George Lieb 1041, 1184

James Keech 1715 John Lieb 1324

Julia Keech 509 Lizzie Lieb 93

Me-hae-we Keech 478 Mary Lieb 1182 Ms

Patty Keech 461, 1004 Mary Tyndall Lieb 1185

Tha-ta-da-we Keech 177 Silas Lieb 1040, 1181

William Keech 1727 Alice Lovejoy 766

H. L. Keefe 88, 454 Amelia Lovejoy 1007

Gustavius Keen 1001 Amos Lovejoy 1124

Edward Kemp 121, 696 Asa Lovejoy 1381

Fanny Kemp 1757 Davis Lovejoy 303

Fred Kemp 306, 688 Elizabeth Lovejoy 302

Horace Kemp ‘1756 Emma Lovejoy 405 _

Joseph Kemp 113 Henry Lovejoy 1627

John Kemp 117 In-sta-pae-da Lovejoy 924

Mary Kemp 116 Louisa Lovejoy 1657

Ma-zae-da Kemp 1468 Me-gthe-ta-in Lovejoy 1603

Me-ta-na Kemp 1658 Me-me-tae Lovejoy 925, 1629

Sarah Kemp 571, 689 Noah Lovejoy 635, 668

Samuel Edward Kemp 1656 Paul Lovejoy 959, 1008

Thomas Kemp 1763 Richard Lovejoy 1330

Washe-ah-ne Kemp 1462 Samuel Lovejoy 1759

A. L. Krause 219, 633, 1424 Susan Lovejoy 144, 1051

Celestine B. Kuhn 1227 Ah-sa-hoo-ba Lyon 1494
Andrew Lyon 112, 270

Uy, As-sa-hae-ba Lyon 213, 284

Clema Lyon 536, 707

Carey La Flesche 875, 957 Don Lyon 85, 1292

Frank La Flesche 1398 Harriet Lyon 541

648 THE OMAHA TRIBE

Harry Lyon 1388

Horace Lyon 1768
Joseph Lyon 611

John Lyon 279, 534, 1436
Laura Lyon 197

Mary Lyon 110, 542, 1025
Metain Lyon 75
Me-tae-na Lyon 277
Me-me-sho-ne Lyon 1428
Nathan Lyon 1750
Ne-da-we Lyon 555, 663
Nicholas Lyon 1331

Old Omaha Lyon 1501
Oliver Lyon 592

Oscar Lyon 1761
Ponca-son Lyon 1217
Thomas Lyon 263

Albert Martin 383, 750
Charles Martin 1645
Emily Martin 724
George Martin 1592
Maggie Martin 1541
Minnie Martin 1542
Ralph Martin 751
Thomas J. Martin 953

C. C. Maryott54, 447, 1169, 1298, 1530, 1679

Ah-hae-wae-te Matthews 420
Henry Matthews 1664

Joseph Matthews 74
Me-ga-sho-ne Matthews 1540
Me-ma-she-ha-the Matthews 421
Peter Matthews 373

Alfred McCauley 1640

Albert McCauley 653

Abbott McCauley 650

Anna McCauley 1266

Alice McCauley 1120

Arthur McCauley 1099

Clark McCauley 1723
Columbus McCauley 1641
De-sou-we McCauley 479, 1002
Ella McCaulley 1098

Eva G. McCauley 985
Harrison McCauley 329
Heen-hae-ga McCauley 376, 382
Jennie McCauley 183
Jennette McCauley 1316
Jeremiah McCauley 171

John McCauley 1291
Josephine McCauley 1315
Julia McCauley 1372

Mary Ann McCauley 1205
Mau-ma-oo-ga McCauley 182
Me-ma-she-ha-the McCauley 169
Me-hu-sa McCauley 1158
Me-hoo-sa McCauley 1256
Silas McCauley 1165
Ta-in-gra-hae McCauley 377
Theodore McCauley 681
Thomas McCauley 1762
Wa-ta-ne McCauley 942

L. A. Mercum 196

Adeline Merrick 678

Albert Merrick 227

Alfred Merrick 695
Benjamin Merrick 1626
Charles Merrick 242, 389
Daniel Merrick 748

Daniel B. Merrick 1134
David Merrick 694

Ernest Merrick 1253
Frederick Merrick 1445, 1660
Jane Merrick 239

John Merrick 228

Joseph Merrick 1457

Mary Merrick 1434
Me-gthe-to-in Merrick 558
Me-tech-a Merrick 1659
Me-um-ba-the Merrick 557
Ollie Mary Merrick 1255
Peter Merrick 243, 387
Samuel Merrick 241
Ta-sa-da-ba Merrick 273
Ta-in-gra-ha Merrick 1754
Uriah Merrick 1306

Wa Merrick 722

Garry P. Meyers 1261, 1265
Alice Miller 767, 1499
Caroline Miller 1204
Edward Miller 211, 290, 983
George Miller 1202

John Miller 652

John G. Miller 1203

Mary Miller 651

N. Alice Miller 736
Thomas Miller 251

Wallace Miller 210, 982
Charles Milton 236
Cleveland Milton 552
Daniel Milton 1687

Fanny Milton 551

Henry Milton 1741

James Milton 550
Me-gre-ta-in Milton 545, 763
Ponco-sa Milton 546
Pomcosah Milton 232
Wa-tan-na Milton 543
Wae-ton-na Milton 762
Ah-so-hu-boo Mitchell 501
Amos Mitchell 753, 755
Annie Mitchell 703, 758
Arthur Mitchell 1576
Bertram Mitchell 1496
Charles Mitchell 51
Dan-ma Mitchell 608
Edward Mitchell 670, 702
Edith Webster Mitchell 752
Gladys Mitchell 1333
Gtha-de-gthe Mitchell 495, 809
Hae-bae Mitchell 1128
Ha-ba-zha Mitchell 810
Hoe-bue-ne-ha Mitchell 229
Helen Mitchell 720

Hiram Mitchell 721

Ida Mitchell 301

Jennie Mitchell 179

Julia Jennie Mitchell 310
Ke-tha-pa-he Mitchell 499
Lucy Mitchell 754, 962, 1452
Mabel Mitchell 757

Mary Mitchell 1334

[ETH. ANN. 27

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

Mary T. L. Mitchell 918
Me-gthe-toin Mitchell 234
Me-mon-ne Mitchell 573
Me-me-tae Mitchell 502
Me-era-da-we Mitchell 1672
Me-ta-in Mitchell 759, 1126
Musk-ha-the Mitchell 367
Nancy Mitchell 1737
Na-ka Mitchell 1125
Nathan Mitchell 961

Neal Mitchell 1056

Oliver Mitchell 1405

Orrin Mitchell 90

Oscar Thomas Mitchell 311
Robert Mitchell 361

Stella Mitchell 1057

Susie Mitchell 256

Samuel Mitchell 370
Ta-sin-ga Mitchell 500

Tae-nuah-ha-nuz-ze Mitchell 1674

Ta-in-gre-hae Mitchell 1006
Ta-in-gae Mitchell 1131
Te-ma-toe-he Mitchell 496
Thomas Mitchell 1466
Thoe-oe-the Mitchell 357
Wa-ton-ne Mitchell 225
William Mitchell 1642
Charles A. Moncravie 657
Fred E. Moncravie 654
Henry E. Moncravie 656
John B. Moncravie 1465
Andrew Moore 1387
Benjamin Moore 15
He-ho-da-me Moore 173
To-in-ge-na Moore 443
Albert Morgan 200, 908
Eliza Morgan 909
Ae-thu-thum-be Morris 1228
Ageie Morris 230, 392
Ah-an-win Morris 1665
Arthur Morris 1088, 956
Ca-ga-we Morris 1448
Charles Morris 39, 238, 1094
David Morris 1706
Deborah Morris 178
Edward Morris 52, 352, 1023
Emma Morris 1441

Frank Morris 1712

George Morris 175, 1680
Gilbert Morris 1644
Gra-da-we Morris 1450

Guy Morris 1269

Harriet Morris 181

Harriet Merrick Morris 609
Henry Morris 4

James Morris 1713

Jesse Morris 1701

John Morris 185, 1347
Josephine Morris 1363
Julia Morris 145

Lewis Morris 198

Lucy Morris 388, 669
Lydia Morris 235

Martha Morris 1393
Me-gre-ta-in Morris 426, 671
Me-ethe-to-in Morris 393
Me-me-tae Morris 354

RECENT HISTORY

Me-wa-tha Morris 425
Me-ga-shon-ne Morris 394
Me-ma-she-ne Morris 1288
Me-um-ba-the Morris 208
Me-we-tha Morris 1080

Naomi Morris 1245
Ne-ka-ge-thum-bae Morris 390
One-ha-zin-ga Morris 1350
Rebecca Morris 676, 1089, 1246
Robert Morris 701, 1661
Simon Morris 578
Ta-son-da-be Morris 325
Walter Morris 1394
Woe-toe-we Morris 574

Alice Murphy 889

Amy M. Murphy 1609
Gertrude Murphy 885

Louis Neals 1422

John A. Nelson 1079

F. C. Nielson 1219, 1339, 1549

Julia Olson 1063
Hershell Olson 1354

lis

Albert Pappan 265, 659
Dora Pappan 249, 687
Eugene Pappan 271

Julia Pappan 1439

Lettie Pappan 658

Lucy Pappan 39, 1461
Margaret Pappan 1453
Susan Pappan 264

F. H. Park 143, 1752
Abraham Parker 295

Ada Parker 269

Benjamin Parker 262, 348
Charity Parker 1775
Charles Parker 1301, 1341
Daniel Parker 1492
Da-oh-mah Parker 261
Eli 8. Parker 350

Ellen Parker 514

George Parker 1192
Henry Parker 47, 512, 677
Hubert Parker 604

Jane Parker 519

James Parker 515, 717
Jacob Parker 349
Jonathan Parker 584

Lee Parker 923

Maria Parker 422, 1015
Me-tae-he Parker 280
Me-ta-na Parker, 122, 586, 1437
Me-da-shu-ne Parker 585
Me-ah-zhe-ga Parker 1206
Minnie Parker 1302
Mon-¢thae-ta-ska Parker 337
Ne-da-we Parker 1342

649

650

Num-gthae-zae Parker 1503
O-wa-ra-ta Parker 1429
Peter Parker 779

Samuel Parker 45, 605, 662
Susan Parker 480, 518
Ta-in-gra-ha Parker 125, 587
Theodore Parker 1676
Wa-ta-in Parker 286
Wa-ta-we Parker 1329
White-eye Parker 1310
White-wing Parker 266
William Parker 1760

Mary Jane Paul 1458, 1468
Allan Peabody 1223
Charles Peabody 629, 927
George Peabody 1696

Jane Mitchell Peabody 1421
Lucy Peabody 627
Ma-be-na Peabody 446
Mary Peabody 631

Martin Peabody 1369
Mea-tho-da-we Peabody 938
Me-hu-ga-sah Peabody 1279
Serenie Peabody 628
Um-ba-tha-gthe Peabody 1376
Walter Peabody 1276

Jacob Penn 6, 1543

John Penn 594
Me-da-sha-ne Penn 148
Me-ha (Lucy) Penn 150
Me-egra-da-we Penn 9
Minnie Woodhull Penn 812
Thin-da-the-sun Penn 8, 149
Wa-nun-pa-ze Penn 7
William Penn 1539

Edward Phelan 544

Alfred G. Phillips 487
Anna Phillips 1691
Aes-na-na-ha Phillips 1011
Charles Phillips 1221

Cyrus Phillips 1736

Elsie Aes-na Phillips 1049
Etta Phillips 1254

Grant Phillips 1743
Hae-ha-ga Phillips 492
Lucy Phillips 154

Mary V. Phillips 1032

O. B. Phillips 734, 756, 1498
Ta-da-we-ha-ga Phillips 31, 159
Victoria W. Phillips 1765
William Phillips 591
Minnie B. Pilcher 1366
Edward Pilcher 683, 684
Elsie G. Pilcher 935

Etta A. Pilcher 792
Harriett Pilcher 1335

John Pilcher 1475

Mary VY. Pilcher 790

Mary Rush Pilcher 1459
Millie Pilcher 795, 1019
Charles W. Pilcher 1374
William Henry Pilcher 789
William H. H. Pilcher 1031
J. C. Pinker 272

Bertha Porter 595

Charles Porter 24

Daniel Porter 30

THE OMAHA TRIBE

Hoo-ta-we Porter 1624
James Porter 599, 761
Levi Porter 1646

Mary Porter 600, 760
Me-ma-she-ho-ne Porter 1631
Philip Porter 1625, 1630
Ponca-son Porter 891
Phoebe Porter 1722

Simon Porter 25
To-in-ge-na Porter 887
Anna Preston 413, 1062
Bryan Shootstraight Preston 1654
David Preston 1610

Emily Preston 341, 641, 1532, 1634
Hattie Preston 419

Issac Preston 907

Jacob Preston 1534

Lucy Preston 414

Nellie Preston 416

Patty Preston 1060
Ponca-we Preston 1533
Ralph Preston 342, 808
Ta-ha-be-ha Preston 1655
Thomas Preston 345
Joseph J. Provo 771, 773
Juliet Barnaby Provo 1502
Mary Louise Provo 1259
Marguerite F. Provo 1258
William B. Provo 1559
Arthur A. Provost 1545
Gertrude B. Provost 1287
Howard W. Provost 1544

Arthur Ramsey 1397
George Ramsey 287

Julia Ramsey 948

Peter Ramsey 289
Ta-sa-ba-we Ramsey 250
Alvin Reese 822

Anna Reese 449, 825
Anna W. Reese 682
Charles Reese 1528
Emily Reese 450, 819
Fanny Reese 452, 1075
Gilbert Reese 1546
Harvey Reese 823
Homer Reese 824

James Reese 803

Mabel Reese 451, 829
Mary Reese 1460
Me-ta-e-ga Reese 821, 1072
Me-um-ba-the Reese 1527
Nellie Reese 817, 1076
Thomas Reese 802, 816
William Reese 1373

E. T. Rice 532

Charles Robinson 1377
Duncan Robinson 427
Edward Robinson 799, 801
Ella Robinson 428

Elsie Robinson 513
Frank Robinson 1525
Gra-da-we Robinson 715, 1034
Kate Robinson 798
Lewis Robinson 61

[BTH. ANN, 27

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

Luke Robinson 1726
Mary Robinson 1666
Me-one-we Robinson 1309
Porter Robinson 800
Richard Robinson 1667
Sarah Robinson 525
Susette Robinson 1523
Ta-e-na W. Robinson 190
Te-gra-ha Robinson 430
Thomas Robinson 53, 811
Wha-thae-oh-mae-ne Robinson 1463
A.M. Rose 1638

Alfred Rush 1504

Eva Rush 37, 704
Gilbert Rush 293
Jonathan Rush 328
Richard Rush 1410

Ruth Rush 1352

Susan Rush 685
Susannah Rush 977
Willie Rush 38, 705, 763
Herman Russman 1371

SS)

Lot Sailor 1524

Harriet Sarpy 1585
Bennie Saunsoci 1142
Betsy Saunsoci 1238
Edward Saunsoci 896
Frank Saunsoci 79

Helen Saunsoci 1271
Louis Saunsoct 1250,1300,1669
Lucy Saunsoci 898, 1500
Lucy Mitchell Saunsoci 248
Mary Saunsoci 914
Minnie Saunsoci 621
Mitchell Saunsoci 1299
Parish Saunsoci 895, 1029
Susan Saunsoci 915
George T. Scott 1242
Madeline Paul Scott 1432
Wesley Scott 997

Me-ma she-ha-ne 1133
Annie Sheridan, 725
Blackbird Sheridan 326
Clyde Sheridan 1464

Eli Sheridan 1480

Emma Sheridan 1115
Grace Sheridan 726
Henry Sheridan 690,718
John Sheridan 1485

Lida Sheridan 740

Louis Sheridan 693,744
Mary H. Sheridan 714
Minnie Sheridan 741
Nellie Sheridan 1427
Norma Sheridan 1470
Pon-she-ha Sheridan 1471
Rachel Sheridan 675,745
Rosa Sheridan 692

Sarah Sheridan 1472
William Sheridan 327
Dwight Sherman 1491
Edmund Sherman 972, 1033
Issac Sherman 1234

John Sherman 632,644

RECENT HISTORY

Lucy Sherman 1650
Minnie Sherman 634
Mucha-e-tha Sherman 294
Mus-shea-tha Sherman 48
William Sherman 1117

L. Shumway 567

T. L. Sloan 1183,1186,1197,1547,1605
Aes-na-sa-he Smith 912
Charles 8. Smith 916
Charles Smith 998
Gideon Smith 1710
Gthae-da Smith 913
Mary B. Smith 129
Ma-sha-na-ne Smith 147
Milton Smith 22
Min-dra-dun-we Smith 1296
Mon-ka Smith 917
Newlin Smith 1730
Ta-ha-ga Smith 1297
To-da-wa-ha-ga Smith 378
Wa-zu-es Smith 1295
Alice La Flesche Solomon 1286
Andrew Solomon 1512
Arthur Solomon 768,834
Clyde Solomon 115
David Solomon 1284
Harry Solomon 835,984
Jennie Solomon 111

M. M. Solomon 1090
Margaret Solomon 1283
Mary H. Solomon 391
Sioux Solomon 1566

C. L. Spencer 429,888, 1675,1707
Agnes Springer 1201
Charlie Springer 1344
Elsie G. Springer 1010
Elsie Springer 1226
Evaline L. Springer 1222
Fanny Springer 1303
Tlenry Springer 1054
John Springer 1433

Julia Springer 1361
Lottie Springer 95,1077
Louis Springer 1059, 1086
Mabel L. Springer 1224
Mamie Springer 1200
Mattie Springer 979
Sarah Springer 1282
Susan Springer 1199
Wallace Springer 1281
William Springer 1263
Benjamin Stabler 351
Charles Stabler 1594
Daniel Stabler 423
Da-nah-be Stabler 774
Dan-ah-ma Stabler 775
Edward Stabler 776,969
George Stabler 1426

Guy Stabler 772,949
Issac Stabler 424

James Stabler 161

Jordan Stabler 1389
Ka-chae Stabler 353
Laura Stabler 1237

Lucy Stabler 374

Mary H. Stabler 1622
Maria Stabler 861

652 THE

Maria May Stabler 1673
Maud Stabler 947
Me-ta-in-gre Stabler 780
Minnie Stabler 379
Nok-to-soe-we Stabler 44
Philip Stabler 1390
Reuben Stabler 1514
Roy O. D. Stabler 1590
Simeon Stabler 1652
Simpson Stabler 1396
Tou-e-ora-nau Stabler 1621
Virginia Stabler 1619
Willie Stabler 162,901

Charlie Thomas 476

Charles Thomas 625

Eliza M. Thomas 784
Fannie Thomas 475

Helen Thomas 620

Henry Thomas 471

Lottie Thomas 794,929
Lydia Thomas 1485
Me-ah-kun-da Thomas 42,791
Me-gre-tae Thomas 139

Paul Thomas 412,781
Theodore Thomas 618,930
William Thomas 28

Susette La Flesche Tibbles 1407
J. W. Tipton 1531

Helen Wolf Torney 1233
Isabel Torney 517,686

John Torney 58

Lizzie Torney 174,511
Martha Torney 508

Oliver Torney 59

Theresa Torney 507

J. E. Turner 506,570,828, 1449
Ah-thae-na-ba Tyndall 1194
Amelia Tyndall 613

Bertha Tyndall 1000,1195
Caroline Tyndall 1214
Christopher Tyndall 616,980
David U. Tyndall 209

Eda Tyndall 1087

Emily Tyndall 1207

Etta Tyndall 1776

Frank Tyndall 1190,1198
Frederick Tyndall 252
Isabell Tyndall 205

Joel Tyndall 207

Louis Tyndall 494,533
Madeline Tyndall 524,615
Marguerite Tyndall 1212
Mary Tyndall 660,981
Matthew Tyndall 1670
Nettie Tyndall 258

Sarah Tyndall 739

Therese Tyndall 614, 1009
Victoria Tyndall 1113
Virginia Tyndall 1210
Walter Tyndall 206,738
William Tyndall 1742

Vv
Guy B. Von Felden 1521

OMAHA TRIBE

John A. Wachter 1187
Ah-sa-hoo-ba Walker 1483
Ah-sa-ton-ga Walker 1482
Anna Mary Walker 841
Allen Walker 1615

Amos Walker 1611

Annie Mary Walker 877
Ansley Walker 1770

Bear Walker 1067
Benjamin Walker 1764
Caleb Walker 1688

Clyde Walker 737

Daisy Mitchell Walker 372
Daniel Walker 870, 967, 1709
Edwin Walker 1579
Eha-za-gra Walker 1563
Elizabeth Walker 940

Elva Walker 1293

Fanny W. Walker 904, 1065
Ga-ha-ta-nuz-ze Walker 1772
Grace Walker 521
Gra-de-gre Walker 617
Hannah Walker 906
Hannah Carrie Walker 375
Harry Walker 1294

Henry Walker 1773

Homer Walker 1567

Horace Walker 1580
In-sta-sha-be Walker 540
Jack Walker 1769

Little Girl Walker 1305
Lizzie Walker 1577

Lucy Stabler Walker 866
Man-ah-kla-ba-ga Walker 537
Marie Walker 1340

Mary Walker 581, 1425
Mary L. Walker 840
Ma-she-ba-the Walker 1651
Ma-za-pa-we Walker 549
Me-ma-she-ah-thae Walker 1480
Me-ah-can-ba-Walker 836
Me-ma-ta Walker 577
Me-he Walker 1304
Me-me-tae Walker 34
Mo-zan-ga-bra Walker 603
Ne-da-we White Walker 1005
Noah Walker 1734
Ou-the-ah-man-ne Walker 1568
Philip Walker 1608
Ponca-we Walker 1591
Sarah Walker 1614

Stewart Walker 1047
Stephen Walker 1774

Susan Walker 1423
Ta-san-win Walker 830, 837
The-kla-ba-za Walker 538
To-ma-ha Walker 539
We-pa-ghe Walker 35
Willie Walker 568

Albert Warner 259

Etta Webster Warner 1013
Harvey Warner 1380

Helen Stabler Warner 1384
Henry Warner 1385

[ETH. ANN. 27

FLETCHER—LA FLESCHE ] RECENT

In-sta-na-za-we Warner 237, 244
Joseph Warner 1231
Me-hu-sa Warner 706
Robert Warner 247
Ta-i-the Warner 240
Philip Watson 1753
Tae-wa-on Watson 1739
Alice Webster 1438

Anna Webster 398

Bessie Webster 1440
Daniel Webster 1662
David Webster 1442, 1685
Dora Webster 1550

Edith Webster 871

Emma Webster 274, 1593
Esther Webster 1264

Etta Webster 275

Fannie Webster 466

Frank Webster 1668
Ge-da-ah-be Webster 1695
Ge-pa-ha-ga Webster 65, 431
George Webster 282, 323
Helen Webster 66

James Webster 72

Jane Webster 1240

John Webster 1383

Lucy Walker Webster 1587
Me-ta-ga-e Webster 1239
Me-um-ba-the Webster 1548
Me-sha-ba Webster 1435
Noah N. Webster 64, 180
Olive Webster 448

Peter Webster 465, 661
Sarah Webster 193, 397
Samuel Webster 1717
Susan Webster 847
Ta-in-ge-na Webster 432
Thomas Webster 283, 322, 878, 1064, 1074
To-e-na Webster 1604
William Webster 996, 999
Agnes Wells 281

Bessie Wells 645
Be-za-tae-grae Wells 1277
Charles Wells 317

David Wells 203, 649, 1175
Edward Wells 188

Eliza Wells 212

Horace Wells 189

Louis Wells 1274

Mad Elk Wells 646

Mary Walker Wells 380
Mary Lyon Wells 381
Ma-za-pa-we Wells 192
Ne-da-we Wells 253

Nellie Wells 204

Sa-da-we Wells 1275
Samuel Wells 292
Schuyler Wells 1156
Stephen Wells 288
Thin-da-we Wells 637, 1179
Zho-oe-wa-the-a Wells 136
Anna Wheeler 1146

Eliza Paul Wheeler 1444
Elmer Wheeler 1137
Lavina Wheeler 1147

Paul Wheeler 1136

Ansley White 1779

HISTORY

653

Asshe-choo-ba White 1785
As-she-cho-be White 231
Charles White 384
Clementine White 100
Cyrus White 1378
Edward White 1100
Fannie White 103

Frank White 339
Howard White 267
James Frank White 1749
James White 1176
Joseph White 230
Kae-tum-ga White 858
Lizzie White 566

Luke White 1643

Maria White 314

Mary White 564, 1446
Mattie White 115
Me-ah-con-da White 302
Ne-da-we White 857
Nun-ga-the-ah White 308
Ou-sha-ga-he White 233
Richard White 1467
Rufus White 723, 1639
Samuel White 77
Sin-da-ze White 1747
Susan White 1311
Ta-in-ga-na White 340
Thomas White 1745
Wa-ha-ga White 1174
Arthur Wickersham 1308
Lizzie Wickersham 547
S. L. Wilson 136

Albert Wolf 831

Amy Wolf 444, 469
Anna Wolf 1574, 1731
Arthur Wolf 17

Bertha Porter Wolf 548
Charlie Wolf 1506
Charles Wolf 864

Daniel Wolf 1700

David Wolf 863

Edith Wolf 1016

Edward Wolf 865, 1053
Emma Wolf 862

Emma Parker Wolf 520, 713
Esther Stabler Wolf 1663
Eugene Wolf 531, 783
Fannie Wolf 1582
George Wolf 453
Grae-dus-ta Wolf 459
Helen Wolf 467

Henry Wolf 257

Howard Wolf 445, 464
Ida Wolf 788

Ida Me-ma Wolf 479
Jackson Wolf 1719
James Wolf 156, 497, 1596, 1705
Jefferson Wolf 153, 457
John Wolf 1692

Johnnie Wolf 503

Julia Wright Wolf 483
Luther Wolf 470, 1022
Madaline Wolf 1409
Mary Wolf 191, 300
Mattie Wolf 1582
Me-gra-da-we Wolf 458, 484

654 THE OMAHA TRIBE

Me-sha-da-ne Wolf 1699
Me-ta-e Wolf 504
Me-me-the Wolf 1251
Na-zae-e-za Wolf 485
Oliver Wolf 1508
Ponca-son Wolf 473
Ponca-we Wolf 460

Ray Wolf 1236

Reuben Wolf 410, 965
Ska-ska-ta-tha Wolf 787
Thin-da-sun-ta-grae Wolf 482, 785
Thomas Wolf 1738
Ah-the-hu-bae Wood 805, 806
Charles Wood 804, 807
Dah-ma-ne Wood 1529
Eunice Wood 403

Henry Wood 1689

James Wood 167

John Wood 1270
Me-cau-ha-ta Wood 1555
Me-da-shu-ne Wood 1050
Nellie Wood 1678
Richard Wood 665, 729

Silas Wood 583

Victoria Wood 932

William Wood 1096, 1683
Alice Woodhull 746
Charles Woodhull 747
Charles 8S. Woodhull 1038
Edward Woodhull 1091
Eunice Woodhull 1562
Ge-de-ah-ba Woodhull 362
George Woodhull 813
George M. Woodhull 903
Jennie Woodhull 1556
Little Lightning Woodhull 1489
Lucy Woodhull 1558
Maggie Woodhull 742
Me-gra-toe Woodhull 363
Minnie Woodhull 743
Minnie Sheridan Woodhull 782
Robert Woodhull 777, 1092
Solomon Woodhull 1490
Spatford Woodhull 1616
Timothy Wright 1728

[ETH. ANN. 27

INDEX

Nore.—Throughout this index references are to the Omaha tribe unless otherwise
indicated.
Page | ARRows—Continued. Page
AcoRUS CALAMUS S§., medicinal use......... 584 manufacture 449-452
ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT........--.....--.-- 7-14 marking of-. 42, 43, 452
ADOPTION, custom of— OLIPINMe ee ee ee eae orice das Poe oe 70
Omaha. . Usedbiy; MagOuCas.s-e= sso cence ee 7
OSArU Menace maar ec winiw noe cc ATHAPASCAN STOCK, unknown to Omaha.... 102
ADORNMENT, PERSONAL Avocations. See Occupations.
A’/GAHAMO"THI", story Of....-..---..-------- 480
AGENCY, OMAHA, description............- 629-630 | BAD VILLAGE, accountof................ 85-86, 99
AGRICULTURE— BALL GAME, description .............. 169, 197-198
general account.......-----. 95, 269, 275, 339,635 | BANNocK, Omaha name for................. 102
White aniuence One eesnsa--- 6 o-- << 614,626 | BARTEL, WILLIAM P., service of............. 13
ALBION COUNTY, NEBR., reference.......-..- 99) | P BATHING moferente ss scat acto teat mnt cets oe 585
ALLOTMENT. See Lands. See also Sweat baths.
AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES, preservation ........ 10 | Bear—
AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL History, association with Tha’tada gens....-....- 42
permit granted.....-.-..-..-------+-+---++ 11 connection with Moschuw’ ithaethe -.__. 486-487
AMUSEMENTS, account of.....:.-........- 363-370 Ian bin gees ae eee eee a cee 275
See also Games. See also Black bear.
ANCESTORS, Omaha attitude toward. ....... 601 | BEAVER CREEK, references............-.-- 100,101
ANCIENTS. See Ancestors. BELLEVUE COLLEGE, reference...........-.. 627
ANIMALS— BELLEVUE, NEBR., references...... 100, 626, 632, 633
chief Toodhemim a Sec cele ete alate eter) nls 271 BELLEVUE TREATY) OWS omc mnccmecic <5 lene wre 623
ir OSapeilepend oe canta ececiseer- eines <= 63 | Bicr/wAAn. See Love songs.
known to Omaha... ........-.--.... 103-104 | Bre Cook. See U’hostonga.
place in nature . . - ------ 857-358, | Big ELK, name of three Omaha chiefs....... 83-84
511-416, 518, 533, 588-589, 599-601 | Bra ELK, Omaha chief—
Sce also names of animals. BOCOUMTOLE Dee oe Re 83-84, 631, 632
ANNUAL BUFFALO HUNT. See Buffalo hunt, keeper of pack................. 554-555, 558-559
annual. references......- see ea. See 205, 405, 518, 562
i 971. 97:
Cherete” Sas ilctate gy | Be
es ; Aer Tak ERE acknowledgment to: _..--.--..:--:.+-s- 58
ANTIQUITY of human remains, Florida eee 10-11 on groups of Osage........-.------2--0+5 62
APPALACHIAN MOUNTAINS, ancient home of Bic Kyire, name applied to En 611-612
DI GEAD ce aec ates etene sas cheesna oes 35 Bic SIoUX RIVER, references............. 73, 74,80
ARAPAHO, Omaha name for.....-.-.......-. 102 | -Siaps—
ARCHEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA, associated with powers ofair............. 404
Teference. ..---------+-----+++++-++- alae u associated with Thunder.............. 415-416,
ARCHEOLOGICAL COLLECTIONS, character... == 12 426, 434, 437, 441
ARCHEOLOGICAL EXPLORATIONS, permits for. 11 TISRCrEG RW RTs Pac ae an 411, 412
ARCHEOLOGICAL SITES, catalogue............ 10
LEN Oa 8 Ane nce OR OS nIC p OCU CER COOUES 104-105
ARIKARA— 5
early contact with Omaha... 74, 75-78 SEARS toe 5 geo
influence on Omaha..... Da ‘ ; Re ae 7 102, 112 Stee Gane Bia aer kak.
(SORA AIT oT oes pepersccrarcec tone 102 BIRTH CUSTOMS (Omaha cognates)... ... 115, 116
party to peace conference........... 74, 218,376 | BLACK BEAR—
source of Wa’war pipes............-...-- 47 special connection with man........... 512,518
ARIZONA, reference. ........----+------2-2-2- 8 symbolized in Shell society 559
ARKANSAS RIVER, references ...............- 57,67 | BLACKBIRD CREEKS, references. ............ 91, 630
ARKANSAS (STATE), references............... 57,74 | BLACKBIRD HILLs, reference. - - 83
Armor, used by Padouca..............-.----- 79 | BLACKBIRD, Indian chief, account of......... 82
ARROWS— Brack Doc—
connected with Sacred Pole....... 228, 242, 247 on visions among Osage ............... 132-133
in Shell Society ceremony............. 562, 564 Osage legends| told by ---+...--...-..... 62

656 INDEX
BLACKFEET— Page | CEREMONIES. See Rites and Rituals. Page
Omahamameforseess-ee ese ce ee eee eee 102 | CHARACTER of Omaha, summary.......... 112-114
White Buffalo Hide among......-.-.-..- 284 | CHEROKEE—
Buiack Hits, S. Dak., reference.......-.---- 102 lands purchased from.........------=--- 57
BLUE EARTH RIVER, references........------ 73,80 Ponca/name for-j.25-cs.20-ceseeaaeneseee 103
Boas, Dr. FRANZ, work of....-.---.-------- 9 | CHEYENNE—
Boat. See Bull-boat. hunting ground....................-..-. 89
BOONE COUNTY, NEBR., references... -.--- 100, 101 Omaha attack on. . 87
BOURGMONT, DE, reference... .-..- 81 Omaha contact with 2 73
Bow CREEK, NEBR., reference 85 Omaha name for... .-. Sf 02,
Bows— party to peace treaty............-.. 74, 218, 376
in Ponealegendi .-: j--<+--- 23-5 <2 = acre 49 See also Southern Cheyenne.
in Shell Society ceremony......-...--. 562,564 | CHTEFS—
MaNtae hire ee 5 soe ase nee ee 448-451 ClotHin ps < oes aaeae os eieeaee 355, 356
OMipin eee «22 nek ee. eee oaaee eee 70 effect of traders’ influence on........-. 630-631
used by, Padoves .2: =. 2..<88 22 seeseenens 79 one for each grand division...........--. 135
BUFFALO— part in ritual of White Buffalo Hide..._. 289
albinosaered. A. 2-=n)aor ose we apeiae eer 284 position. ... 601-602
as tabu animal 47 See also Chieftainship, Council of Seven
connection with origin of maize.._......- 76-78 Chiefs.
connection with Te’ ithaethe........-- 487-488 | CHIEFTAINSHIP—
disappearance ..- 29,33, 244, 619, 634-635 eanlyihistonyecss.ss.cc- cena aces eee 202
()yalelesoeas coe ceer wer seeea sass see 71, 147, 239 emoluments of chiefs and keepers..... 212-213
represented in Shell Society figure....... 559 Sk OS 10 Boe raateloa rat ere ariel oe eae 635
special connection with man............. 512 offenses and punishments........-.... 213-216
BUFFALO HUNT, ANNUAL— orders of chiefs Roe ee eal)
control of Council of Seven..........-- 209-210 See also Chiefs, Council of Seven Chiefs.
dispatch of scouts z CHILDBIRTH, references. ...... Saeee saan 584, 585
general account .......---- 137, 270-271, 275-283 | CHILDREN—
leadership in Inke’gabe gens............ 146-147 amusements. ..............-... 362-366, 369-370
preservation of order........---..------- 215 baby names abandoned. 17
references..........-.- . 45, 46, 357-358 care and training............... . 327-333
religious element in... 309 consecration of boy to Thunder. .. - 122-128
rites connected with.................-- 200, 596 exempt from sweat baths. ....-- - 585
BUFFALO HUNT (Ponca), ritual connected introduction intoitribe:.-.---......-.-+es. 117
Wi test sete Me etiee co Neo ee a eee 442, 446 introduction to Cosmos..............-- 115-116
BUFFALO HUNT, WINTER, account of......... 271 in Wa’wa" ceremony..........---..--- 379-380
Buni-soanr; description’ ------..---as2nsesee 36, 37 property: ofee. <<. ewes nace renee 362
BURDEN STRAP, description................ 339-340 puberty: ceremony-~.-.............-.-.- 128-133
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, linguistic rites connected with..................... 597
classification of Siouan tribes.............. 605 Sacred Shell intrusted to.............. 455, 457
See also Administrative report. treatment in war..........-........ --- 403, 426
BURIAL CusTOMS. See Funeral customs. See also Etiquette.
BuRT COUNTY, NEBR., reference............. 100 | CHIPPEWA, relations with Omaha............ 102
CHRISTIANITY. See Missionaries.
Cacues, description................-.... 98-99, 275 | Cin’DEXo=xo2, group under, account of ..... 178,
CapDpo— 179-180
Omahaname for... 5. os. -.2s-ee- aces 102 | Crvi, Wak, Omaha in the................-.. 635
reference.....--....-- - 112' ||) (Cuda: references 220-22 sense eee 195
Wa’war ceremony among. . 74 | CLARK CREEK, reference..............---.--- 100
CALENDAR, terms used in 111 | CLarK, Miss May S., work of.............-.- 13
CALIFORNIA, SOUTHERN, explorations in... _. 11 | CLay on the head, significance 129
CALUMET PIPES, reference...............-..- 207) ||| (CLANTON? Ue Sn works Of- sees eee seen ees ae 13
CANOES Teleren Ces meee aerciciseeie see e eee 72,81 | CLotH. See Weaving.
CAPTIVE SONGS— CLoTHING—
sane affected by advent of trader............. 616
Captives, treatment at meetings of Hethu’shka Ta epacoeee a 461
general description.............-.-.-.. 354-356

CATLIN, on value of white buffalo hide... ___. 284
CAT-TAIL, medicinal use. ................2-.-- 584
CEDAR, associated with thunder rites. . 42
CEDAR COUNTY, NERR., reference........_.. 99
CEDAR CREEK, reference................-.-.- 99
CEDAR POLE—

SCCOMMMOL. See oss sane e eee ae 229, 457-458

TOlSrONCeS ae cen senna 194, 200, 217, 219, 494 |

materials

of members of Pebble society...........- 565
of members of Shell society .............- 519
of warriors 409-411
origin.....2=-2.2- 71
rites for obtaining. 195
TOSS = <2 eos . 354, 356-362
Storage in'caches*~. \.2.25--\-2:-csueseter 98-99
Crun;description®: .. .c. 2. sneneeeeeeaenenem = 448

INDEX 657

Page | DANcING— Page

CoLoRrabo, field work in..........:....-....- 7,10 at Hethu’shka meeting................ 466, 468
Coors, Omaha terms for.............-.--.-- lll grass (or Omaha) dance................. 461
CoLtumBus, Omaha name for............-.... 101 in He’dewachi ceremony . 259
COMANCHE— in Ho»’hewachi ceremony............. 502, 507

meeting with Ponca..........-.-..-..--- 79-80 in Mo»wa‘dathi» and Toka’lo societies... 486

Omaha name for ............-.-....----- 102 | Day—

Spanish influence transmitted through... 114 in Omaha conception................-- 128, 494

See also Padouca. in Ponca conception............--------- 507
COMMISSIONER OF INDIAN AFFAIRS, acknowl- Eymibolismot-e)- Sees eee 254,517

Gla Gi ibe 2 os oes ceeds ~ ce ece-Uee sooo 8 See also Sky.

See also Office of Indian Affairs. Tee
RUE OS SE SEES MOE Milo id satan, oa es foretallingioh vere see fe eee ee eee 489-490
Compass, Ports oF, references 111,113 poner COT a Nee ecre asco === 480300; 588-001.
falas Hethu’shka teaching as to............... 475

ree Se. in story of Shell society.............-.. 514-515

CUILIVRTIOMeE tances ae e eset ban odawd 252, 626 a F

: : Sacred Shell associated with. ............ 457

in LOncavependowssce ees can sae = <n 49

aes See also Funeral customs, Thunder.

place in Wa’wa" ceremony.......-..---.- 379

TaCATEN Gubeerns = Boras Oe ee ie eee 609 | DEER—

Sce also Maize. connection with Shell society.......... 518, 559
CouGaR, special connection with man... ....- 512 hunting of ................ 270, 271-272, 274-275
Counci. Biurrs, treaty of....-......------- 622 among Ponca...........-..+-----.--- 44
CoUNCIL GOVERNING TRIBAL— DEERSKIN, tabu to Ponca gens..-........... 44

modern form ......... aM _....... 635 | DEL'ISLE, map or, reference .... 80

on annual buffalo hunt DESCENT among the Omaha.... aoe 38

277-278, 280, 302-304 DeEs MOINES RIVER, references 36, 72, 88, 94
Councm oF SEVEN CHIEFs— DHE’GIHA, application of term... --- 605

SEU WVLEHAOYAD ae eee eee 5 oe 497-500 | DICTIONARIES, INDIAN, in preparation....... 9

authority as to keepers............--..-- 595 | DISEASE AND TREATMENT—

peneral accounts. ck se oeresen enn ssa 206-212 bathing... ...--..----2-0+-2+-2eee 22s 585-587

gens represented in. ............--..2-+-- 172 (NON Ul 52 a cigane Ase sneoecion sspears 487-488

origin eee Le ak: ARTE ochOrsi essen ieee e nce were enone 487-489

part in anointing Sacred Pole. 930-233 general account..............-.-+-.---- 582-584

part in authorizing war. ......- paleciao pain in head (Ponca cure)............... 43

part in buffalo hunt... 276, 280, 281, 288, 423, 425 treatment by Pebble society............. 567

punishment of offenders...........-..-- 213 See also Magic; Plants, curative; Wounds;

watareriGrete ete te ee Le, 196, 203, 236 and specific names of diseases.

use of kinship terms in...............-.-. 314 | DISMAL RIVER, references.................... 88,91
CourtsHr, account of..............--. 318-324,361 | DIVoRcE, status..............-.....-.+...+-- 326
CRADLE-BOARD, description .............-.-. 327 | Doctors, treatment by ..................- 487-489
CREATION MYTHS— DODGE counTY, NEBR., reference..........- 100

in Pebble Society ritual. 570-571 | Dogs—

ORR ER reset tee erase aoa 63 (na) afd St6)6 (ee oe become sermon e cee

ERENENICG See She ae an eta em ne, nic oom 171-172 discovery of....-...

rites connected with............... 177-178, 195 | DRAMA, absence of
Crow— DREAMS. See Visions.

as helper of man (Omaha, Ponea)...... 445-446 | DRUM—

connection with warfare............... 441,442 descriptionic=- 2 - eco een cee eee sae saan 371

in Omaha mythology............-..-..-. 175 in Feast of Hon’hewachi......--.- 500-501, 507

Omaha name for. s=\-ss55 222 S-o5=-=2ces = 102 in Nethu’shka Society ceremonies. .... 461, 466

Ponca name for. 103 in Pebble Society ceremonies. - 566

METER Cece ee el ete eee ie oe 204 in Shell Society ceremonies........ 520,523,533
“CROW, THE’’— in treatment of disease. .....- ... 582-583

(lESCLIPMOW swe 25 03. 25s wee - se -neee cs laces 441-446 | DRUNKENNESS, account of. -...... ... 618-619

meferences 42) ie ses SE eke 279,282 | Du’BAMO®THE, remarks of .-- 637-638
CUCURBITA PERENNIS, medicinal use ........ 585 | DuNby, JUDGE, on legal status of Indians... 51
Conn, STE Warr workiof-.-.--22s2-2-.-n6 5. 9 | DWELLINGS—

[Dan EH OMISCSE tomate ns reise wie =e ate st ele 74,78
DakoTA COUNTY, NEBR., references.... 99, 100,623 earth lodge. .......- -.- 75-76
DAKOTA (TRIBES)— genéral description... 02-42. acess secon 95-99

albino buffalo sacred among....... 2 284 interior arrangements 334, 337, 362

attacks on Iowa and Omaha... aS 86 OL GIn rate sae eet ee tednek meat 71

hunting ground....-....-.....-. = 89 property of the women................. 326

name applied by, to Americans. ........ 611 Uipis Sat sie ores eae ae aes ay as 76

societies introduced from. ............-.- 486 | DYEs, preparation......................... 346

83993°—27 ErH—1]1——42

658 INDEX
EAGLe— Page | FEAST OF THE 110°’HEWACHI— Page
associated with Tha’tada gens........... 42 general description
connection with pipe............-.-..-- 162 tattooing: 2. .25- 2.2. --.5s-sea ase eee
connection with Shell society ......... 512,559 | Fewkes, Dr. J. WALTER, researches....._. 8
in)Ponca traditions ma wee--s eae ee 47 | FreLp MuseUM OF NATURAL IlIsTory, re-
parb inirites es 2 a< 5 =a aa sae LO, SOQICROS W525. 2o,ch es Soe ee ee 8
me Chelle bans sees ea a gee ee > 204 | FILLMORE, PRoF. Jonn CoMFORT—
represented in Pebble society .......-..- 566 acknowledgments to.................... 31
EAGLE FEATHERS— on song in Wa’wa" ceremony............ 388
as war honor decorations. ......... 438-430, 441 | Fire, references. .-....---....----.-.----2- 70,117
POUCH ered. each occe eee eee 440 | FISHING, account of............-.....2.2-2-- 312
in Wa’was ceremony......---- 376-377, 397-398 | Fis known to Omaha, names of............ 106
on heads of heralds...........---..+----- 500 | FLAGEOLET. Sce Flute.
ourwaniouuel-- sss csee se -aeee ee 446-448 | FLETCHER, Miss ALIcE C.—
on washa‘be (staff): -..---.----secs-sa0 | 276 efforts in behalf of Omaha ............ 639-640
Monograph DY 225.222. -2-sceccee
an NOP ONG rete eee ae 570-571 Brees ete en Omahs
in Omahaconception..........-.-. 117, 134, 600 LORIDA, fleld work in----.-..----2-+--+----

symbolized in Shell society 513-514, 517, 559-560
EARTH LODGE—

adopted from Arikara.............-. 75-76, 112
uulGin poles. ao: ena cee eee ee 339
MESON iD HOE eee trie met en ee eet 95, 97-98
EARTH PEOPLE, place in Omaha organiza-
111) « Cea eet Ape ie, Sey yee ot a 135-139
See also Hov’gashenu.
East Bow CREEK, reference............-..- 99
EcKA, meaning of expression. ......... 445, 572, 578
TSDITORIAT WORK. =e sore sess enna ear eeear eee 12
ELK—
as man’s helper (Osage).....--.--.-.--- 63, 571
nnnbingiofs. «=. wasensoacenenis = aa es 271, 274
rites associated with war (Osage)........ 194
special connection with man............. 512
ELK GENS. See We'zhinshte gens.
ELKHORN RIVER, references..... 88, 89, 100, 408, 623
ELK PEOPLE (Osage), reference. .........-.. 63
ENGLISH, influence on Omaha......... 114, 611-612

See also Missionaries, Traders.
ENVIRONMENT, ceremonials affected by...... 261
ENVIRONMENT of Omaha. See Habitat.

ESKIMO LANGUAGE, sketch of.........-.-..-- 9
Ernics—
fundamental principles.........-.......- 134
influenced by environment.............. 608
influenced by natural phenomena..... 597-598
in Hethu’shka songs............... a2 470 |
in warfare. ...... - 602-603 |

moral equality of sexes...
See also Religion and ethics.
ETHNOLOGICAL COLLECTIONS, character...... 12
ETHNOLOGICAL RESEARCHES, permits for. ... ll
ETIQUETTE, description...---..----- 22s. 334-337
EXOGAMY, among Omaha and cognates..... 33,
38, 135, 140, 325, 641
EXPLORATIONS on public lands, permits for. . 11
EZHNO’/ZHUWAGTHE, Omaha warrior........ 100
EZHNO®’/ZHUWAGTHE SHKO®THAITHO®, battle
CES Epa ttcoae Soden scat oases no ance BESS 100
WAmmny, authority in.-...-- 2.2. .:2.-. 4.2. ., 825-926
FARLEY, ROSALIE LA FLESCHE, reference... 624
FAstInG, in puberty ceremony............ 129,131 |
Fauna known to Omaha. ...............-.. 103

FEAST OF SOLDIERS (Ponca), account of... 44,500
FEAST OF THE COUNT, account of. ----.--- 497-500

aa tea Ce 324 |

SGOT, Cescrp OU. eee ce nes ae ee
FONTENELLE, LOGAN—
death....

RelerOntH 5. hs 24. ote ate ot ee meee
Foop—
effect of extermination of buffalo. ..... 634-635
Mishin gee ese ee 312
new foods introduced.................... 620
offerings of—
at feast in Shell society............ 537-538
in I1o®’hewachi ceremony... .......-- 500
OBIRTAVOS 73-1. cue ee eee -. 592
Poreazens=. ---- 45,309-311
preparation. - . 70-71, 340-342
DIO PSLby Ate ce te eto ce ae 363
rites for obtaining... .... 195
Storage in caches.............-..... = 98
wildittumips: 263. 3.22 ct bc oda-penacse ee 277
See also Wunting, Maize, Wheat.
FOREST SERVICE, permits granted by........ 11
Fort LA REINE, references
Fort ORLEANS, references...............-.. 81,612
FOX, SILVER, special connection with woman 512
FREMONT, Omaha name for................. 101
FRENCH—
contact with Quapaw................... 67
influence on Omaha.....--. 81, 114, 611-612, 626
See also Traders.
FRIENDSHIP in Omaha life................. 318-319

FUNERAL CUSTOMS—
articles buried with dead
{oobracineS: 22 sseteae =
general description. ........-...-.....-
piltsito chiefs family = 2... see ee
in Shell socisty 25.02 en eae eee

moccasins on dead (Omaha, Osage,
WONCH)o cOscescecuas ena cssk aoe wate 144,358
painting fie desde 52. os. eee 397
strangling of horses... -<-- --. ca. -... esse 83
Sce also Mourning customs.
FUR TRADE—
account of... 614-615
references......-.---+- 613, 616, 617, 618, 625, 626
GAHI’GE TO"GA, Meaning of term.........-.. 559
GALLATIN, ALBERT, as an authority. ........ 605
GAMBLING, account of..........--- 366, 367-368, 451

INDPX 659

GAMES— Pege
Dali ra mnG ise. ow ot scene sox ceoeues 197-198
general description..................-- 363-369
legend of hoop-and-butfalo game. 148-149
new games introduced........... -- 620

GATI’DEMO"THI", a Ponca magician. ...... 491, 492

GENTES—
general discussion (Omaha and cog-

POS) eee en Sen eae 38, 135, 187, 195-196, 211
indicated by cut of hair................. 198
See also names of tribes and of gentes.

GERMANS, Omaha name for..............-.- 612

Guosts, in Omaha conception............ 215-216,

489-490, 590-591

GHOST SOCIETY, account of ............ 489-490, 602

GILA (UPPER) VALLEY, antiquities. .......... 1

GILL, DE LANcrY, work of...... 5 12

Grow nABT, War Pack of; .-..<2.-.cs.cs-cs8 406, 434

GOVERNMENT. See Tribal government.

GRAND MEDICINE (Chippewa), reference... . . 102

GRASS DANCE, application of term. .......... 461

GREAT Hor’Ga, gens of Kansa and Quapaw. 40
See also Wo"'gatonga.

GREAT LAKES, reference...........-2-..+---- 81

Gro’Ni", kinship group (Osage)... . 58, 60-61

GROUND CHERRY, large-bladder, medicinal

Guns, introduction of..---2-..--..scessseess6 617
GURLEY, JOSEPH G., work of...
GYMNOCLADUS CANADENSIS, medicinal use.. 584

HApitat of Omaha—
general description.......... 33, 70-72, 85-94, 608

influence on political unity. 199
summary as to 112-114
Hair, HUMAN—

ceremony of cutting... 122-128
connection with life of individual. . 123, 124
in thunder ceremony...:....-......----. 143
Ipokiivomiiboysheadk: © 35-236 sees 613
manner Of WEATINE.....-.----creceeeece 350, 352

Osage, Ponca, Sioux-...-....2.0....: 132
Symbolic cutting-22s2<sc0ckcccescens 42-46, 198
used with pipe of Sacred Pole............ 227

See also Sealp lock, Sealps.
Harry BEAR, on part of Wa’wa" ceremony... 401
HAko (PAWNEE) CEREMONY, reference .... 74,380
HANDBOOK OF LANGUAGES, work on. . <= 9
HANDBOOK OF THE INDIANS, progress of. 7,8, 9, 12,13
HE/DEWACHI CEREMONY—

classed! with We'wacpe-..---..--.5.-..2. 597
Geseription:-s.oee ee cseseeenscctee 251-260, 591
part taken by Wathi’gizhe subgens...... 149
references'..-...:-.-s.-s<s0s 148, 200, 217, 243, 496
He’DEWAcHI PoLE—
1) OU ne CO Rc OE OC OCOOR COS COED 148
part in He’dewachi ceremony. . 252, 253
relprences-~ 2 s-s—=ea- n> 218, 229
ECU 1 ie Se se memer BOER IOC HEE OL San OnE 251
SYII DONA Aatsedacinaidues secon eee ae 255
HERALD, TRIBAL—
in election of chief.....-....-...--.-+--.- 205
in Ho»’hewachiceremony............-- 498-500
in ‘‘mark of honor”’ ceremony......-.- 503, 506
office among Ponea......... -2 46

of Hetnu’shka society . . 2
scouts summoned by......... erccpesetcs 424

Page
HERBS, Medicinal use..........--...--.00- 582-583
See also Plants (curative).
HETHU’SHKA SOCIETY—
general description . --- 459-462
INGA UI Re ch oo cone e aca roue Soe 462-469
MOLCTON COB= ae a5. are se see ae = = 50, 169, 439, 481
BONPSS= ere: Seco caee 460, 465, 466, 469-480, 482
HEWETT, EpGAR L., work of..............-- 10, 12
ELE Wins Fete Ba WORK Of: coe decane we ce eee 9

Hi’ Gaba, subgens of Waga’be (Ponea). 42,48, 52-53
HIDES, uses...-.....- ---- 272,342,345

PG; Tent Alerences..- ~csinnteoacpieanee eds cs 324
HILL, WALTER, reference. - 624
LODGE uh W ies WON Olasee ns s\fang see eee 7,12
Houmes, W. H., Carer—
M8) bon See Sec ereotececiy ene a secen 7-14
SW OD Wiarerctartaracx acer eis cp pain tare oete = hewn 7
HOoMER, NEBR., reference.................-. 99, 623
LOD, pens Of Marsares. =o. vaces ses ne seeeeos 67
Ho®’po»MoTHI", remarks of .......:........ 637
ILon’GA, application of name ...... 40-41
Tloe’ea, gens (Omaha)—
Council of Seven convened by..........- 196
general account......... 40-41, 153-159, 194-195.
in anointing Sacred Pole.......... 231, 232, 237
Ameren e wr AC eh. ee chines tos ete 252, 259
DAMES ws pe dccite wae eaccaivieera meets 70
part in establishing Nini’bato» divisions. 201
references: 2525) i j= senecle oon 45, 147, 160, 203, 589
See also names of subgentes and of other
divisions.
TLon’Ga (Osage )—
CvISlOWMOfs on asst slcmeims wena asia 40, 41, 61, 64
OMSHIN PYOUP => wcinwinte wine esitienrce (e 58, 60, 61, 62, 63
Ilon’GA SUBGENS—
connection with sacred corn 262

wathon’ appointed by ........-...----..- ” 276
T1o%’GASHENU DIVISION—

place in tribal organization... 40,

VEN ya (el ER coe RS ee BOB ee 208

represented by Sacred Tent............. 154
See also Earth people and names of
gentes.
Ho»’GASHMGA, gems (Kansa)................ 67
Ho*’GATO"GA—
PENS (Kansa yee. Son stasar as aos oa ee 40, 67
PTOUD (GUA) bam et ts aaeeee dts ces seis 40, 68
Ilon/GA UTANATSI—
pens (Mansa) iiss on see uowk = osorase es 40
kinship group (Osage)... ... 40, 58-59, 62, 63,199
TLo»’Gaxtl, division of Washa’beto» subgens
(205.459) [peenc a eae seee oa penne 147-148, 155, 159
Ho0’GAZHMGA, group (Quapaw)............. 68

See also Small Hor’ga.
Hon’HEWACHI SOCIETY—

BOING ON gece see eet sees 211, 212, 378
AMONG OF baa ee ac canes cree ocecc nese rscline 5OL
feast of the Hon’hewachi............... 500-509
general description............ 493-495, 507-508

one hundred wathi»’ethe, the. 495-497

part in authorizing war party. - 416
punishment inflicted by... --. 583-584
Teferences............... «+. 253,285
rites..... Seep es aome aa alnla edd dank i Sica es 596

660 INDEX
Ho»’HEWACHI socreTy—Continued. Page Page
song 502-503, 508 | IserHo»’UsHKO®, Osage name for Hethu'shka
Watha'wast sear sete eos 497-500 S0CIeLy ~ 2 2. sce Bea ee ee eee 459
HOP VINE, medicinal use. ...-----2....-..4-. 584 | IsGrHu’ ITHAETHE SOCIETY, description.... 490-493
HORSES— See also Thunder society.
as gifts...-..----------22-+----- 7-22 eeeee I*KE’CABE GENS—
decoration. < soo e-sesreenea==—ssa= == connection with sacred corn....--......- 262.
GISCOVEDV =~ ase nese a ee custodian of Sacred Tribal Pipes.. 196, 207, 209
IDWOERSDI Doe eee sae sere eee general: account. -<-2 acc ce ace ee 146-151
strangled in funeral ceremonie: namesdny 22225505: seco ee gee Lee eee 147
HoucGu, Dr. WALTER, work of...-....-.---- on annual buffalo hunt................ 271,277

THrpucKa, Dr. ALES, work of..
HusrnHo’, Ponca village..-.-...-....-------

Hupson Bay Company, reference... ...---- 81
Hu‘INIKASHIBA, group (Quapaw).-----.-.--- 68
HUMAN Bopy as known to Omaha. ...- -.. 107-109
HUMULUS LUPULUS, medicinal use........-- 584
Hu»’Ga—

plessingofs. = =. Aan. aoe eee ane) ere 400

painting of......-. Bae BOP ac 397

significance of name... 379-380, 384, 389-390, 393
HuUNTING—

affected by trade conditions. -........- 614-615

DUtCHerIn es ooo cee ese a ce ees ciate 307

Indian attitudelin: ---. ~~. cs <2ecense nn 309

relation to religious rites.........-......- 155

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Full text of "Annual report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution"

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